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The Project Gutenberg EBook of All About Coffee, by William H. Ukers

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Title: All About Coffee

Author: William H. Ukers

Release Date: April 4, 2009 [EBook #28500]

Language: English

Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1

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Transcriber's Note

The punctuation and spelling from the original text have been faithfully

preserved. Only obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

_All About

Coffee_

[Illustration]

ALL ABOUT COFFEE

[Illustration: COFFEE BRANCHES, FLOWERS, AND FRUIT

SHOWING THE BERRY IN ITS VARIOUS RIPENING STAGES FROM FLOWER TO CHERRY

(Inset: 1, green bean; 2, silver skin; 3, parchment; 4, fruit pulp.)

Painted from life by Blendon Campbell]

_ALL ABOUT

COFFEE_

_By_

_WILLIAM H. UKERS, M.A._

_Editor_

THE TEA AND COFFEE TRADE JOURNAL

[Illustration]

NEW YORK

THE TEA AND COFFEE TRADE JOURNAL COMPANY

1922

COPYRIGHT 1922

BY

THE TEA AND COFFEE TRADE JOURNAL COMPANY

NEW YORK

_International Copyright Secured_

_All Rights Reserved in U.S.A. and

Foreign Countries_

PRINTED IN U.S.A.

_To My Wife_

_HELEN DE GRAFF UKERS_

PREFACE

Seventeen years ago the author of this work made his first trip abroad

to gather material for a book on coffee. Subsequently he spent a year in

travel among the coffee-producing countries. After the initial surveys,

correspondents were appointed to make researches in the principal

European libraries and museums; and this phase of the work continued

until April, 1922. Simultaneous researches were conducted in American

libraries and historical museums up to the time of the return of the

final proofs to the printer in June, 1922.

Ten years ago the sorting and classification of the material was begun.

The actual writing of the manuscript has extended over four years.

Among the unique features of the book are the Coffee Thesaurus; the

Coffee Chronology, containing 492 dates of historical importance; the

Complete Reference Table of the Principal Kinds of Coffee Grown in the

World; and the Coffee Bibliography, containing 1,380 references.

The most authoritative works on this subject have been Robinson's _The

Early History of Coffee Houses in England_, published in London in 1893;

and Jardin's _Le Café_, published in Paris in 1895. The author wishes to

acknowledge his indebtedness to both for inspiration and guidance. Other

works, Arabian, French, English, German, and Italian, dealing with

particular phases of the subject, have been laid under contribution; and

where this has been done, credit is given by footnote reference. In all

cases where it has been possible to do so, however, statements of

historical facts have been verified by independent research. Not a few

items have required months of tracing to confirm or to disprove.

There has been no serious American work on coffee since Hewitt's

_Coffee: Its History, Cultivation and Uses_, published in 1872; and

Thurber's _Coffee from Plantation to Cup_, published in 1881. Both of

these are now out of print, as is also Walsh's _Coffee: Its History,

Classification and Description_, published in 1893.

The chapters on The Chemistry of Coffee and The Pharmacology of Coffee

have been prepared under the author's direction by Charles W. Trigg,

industrial fellow of the Mellon Institute of Industrial Research.

The author wishes to acknowledge, with thanks, valuable assistance and

numerous courtesies by the officials of the following institutions:

British Museum, and Guildhall Museum, London; Bibliothéque Nationale,

Paris; Congressional Library, Washington; New York Public Library,

Metropolitan Museum of Art, and New York Historical Society, New York;

Boston Public Library, and Boston Museum of Fine Arts; Smithsonian

Institution, Washington; State Historical Museum, Madison, Wis.; Maine

Historical Society, Portland; Chicago Historical Society; New Jersey

Historical Society, Newark; Harvard University Library; Essex Institute,

Salem, Mass.; Peabody Institute, Baltimore.

Thanks and appreciation are due also to:

Charles James Jackson, London, for permission to quote from his

_Illustrated History of English Plate_;

Francis Hill Bigelow, author; and The Macmillan Company, publishers, for

permission to reproduce illustrations from _Historic Silver of the

Colonies_;

H.G. Dwight, author; and Charles Scribner's Sons, publishers, for

permission to quote from _Constantinople, Old and New_, and from the

article on "Turkish Coffee Houses" in _Scribner's Magazine_;

Walter G. Peter, Washington, D.C., for permission to photograph and

reproduce pictures of articles in the Peter collection at the United

States National Museum;

Mary P. Hamlin and George Arliss, authors, and George C. Tyler,

producer, for permission to reproduce the Exchange coffee-house setting

of the first act of _Hamilton_;

Judge A.T. Clearwater, Kingston N.Y.; R.T. Haines Halsey, and Francis P.

Garvan, New York, for permission to publish pictures of historic silver

coffee pots in their several collections;

The secretaries of the American Chambers of Commerce in London, Paris,

and Berlin;

Charles Cooper, London, for his splendid co-operation and for his

special contribution to chapter XXXV;

Alonzo H. De Graff, London, for his invaluable aid and unflagging zeal

in directing the London researches;

To the Coffee Trade Association, London, for assistance rendered;

To G.J. Lethem, London, for his translations from the Arabic;

Geoffrey Sephton, Vienna, for his nice co-operation;

L.P. de Bussy of the Koloniaal Institute, Amsterdam, Holland, for

assistance rendered;

Burton Holmes and Blendon R. Campbell, New York, for courtesies;

John Cotton Dana, Newark, N.J., for assistance rendered;

Charles H. Barnes, Medford, Mass., for permission to publish the

photograph of Peregrine White's Mayflower mortar and pestle;

Andrew L. Winton, Ph.D., Wilton, Conn., for permission to quote from his

_The Microscopy of Vegetable Foods_ in the chapter on The Microscopy of

Coffee and to reprint Prof. J. Moeller's and Tschirch and Oesterle's

drawings;

F. Hulton Frankel, Ph.D., Edward M. Frankel, Ph.D., and Arno Viehoever,

for their assistance in preparing the chapters on The Botany of Coffee

and The Microscopy of Coffee;

A.L. Burns, New York, for his assistance in the correction and revision

of chapters XXV, XXVI, XXVII, and XXXIV, and for much historical

information supplied in connection with chapters XXX and XXXI;

Edward Aborn, New York, for his help in the revision of chapter XXXVI;

George W. Lawrence, former president, and T.S.B. Nielsen, president, of

the New York Coffee and Sugar Exchange, for their assistance in the

revision of chapter XXXI;

Helio Lobo, Brazilian consul general, New York; Sebastião Sampaio,

commercial attaché of the Brazilian Embassy, Washington; and Th.

Langgaard de Menezes, American representative of the Sociedade Promotora

da Defeza do Café;

Felix Coste, secretary and manager, the National Coffee Roasters

Association; and C.B. Stroud, superintendent, the New York Coffee and

Sugar Exchange, for information supplied and assistance rendered in the

revision of several chapters;

F.T. Holmes, New York, for his help in the compilation of chronological

and descriptive data on coffee-roasting machinery;

Walter Chester, New York, for critical comments on chapter XXVIII.

The author is especially indebted to the following, who in many ways

have contributed to the successful compilation of the Complete Reference

Table in chapter XXIV, and of those chapters having to do with the early

history and development of the green coffee and the wholesale

coffee-roasting trades in the United States:

George S. Wright, Boston; A.E. Forbes, William Fisher, Gwynne Evans,

Jerome J. Schotten, and the late Julius J. Schotten, St. Louis; James H.

Taylor, William Bayne, Jr., A.J. Dannemiller, B.A. Livierato, S.A.

Schonbrunn, Herbert Wilde, A.C. Fitzpatrick, Charles Meehan, Clarence

Creighton, Abram Wakeman, A.H. Davies, Joshua Walker, Fred P. Gordon,

Alex. H. Purcell, George W. Vanderhoef, Col. William P. Roome, W. Lee

Simmonds, Herman Simmonds, W.H. Aborn, B. Lahey, John C. Loudon, J.R.

Westfal, Abraham Reamer, R.C. Wilhelm, C.H. Stewart, and the late August

Haeussler, New York; John D. Warfield, Ezra J. Warner, S.O. Blair, and

George D. McLaughlin, Chicago; W.H. Harrison, James Heekin, and Charles

Lewis, Cincinnati; Albro Blodgett and A.M. Woolson, Toledo; R.V.

Engelhard and Lee G. Zinsmeister, Louisville; E.A. Kahl, San Francisco;

S. Jackson, New Orleans; Lewis Sherman, Milwaukee; Howard F. Boardman,

Hartford; A.H. Devers, Portland, Ore.; W. James Mahood, Pittsburgh;

William B. Harris, East Orange, N.J.

New York, June 17, 1922.

[Illustration]

FOREWORD

_Some introductory remarks on the lure of coffee, its place in a

rational dietary, its universal psychological appeal, its use and

abuse_

Civilization in its onward march has produced only three important

non-alcoholic beverages--the extract of the tea plant, the extract of

the cocoa bean, and the extract of the coffee bean.

Leaves and beans--these are the vegetable sources of the world's

favorite non-alcoholic table-beverages. Of the two, the tea leaves lead

in total amount consumed; the coffee beans are second; and the cocoa

beans are a distant third, although advancing steadily. But in

international commerce the coffee beans occupy a far more important

position than either of the others, being imported into non-producing

countries to twice the extent of the tea leaves. All three enjoy a

world-wide consumption, although not to the same extent in every nation;

but where either the coffee bean or the tea leaf has established itself

in a given country, the other gets comparatively little attention, and

usually has great difficulty in making any advance. The cocoa bean, on

the other hand, has not risen to the position of popular favorite in any

important consuming country, and so has not aroused the serious

opposition of its two rivals.

Coffee is universal in its appeal. All nations do it homage. It has

become recognized as a human necessity. It is no longer a luxury or an

indulgence; it is a corollary of human energy and human efficiency.

People love coffee because of its two-fold effect--the pleasurable

sensation and the increased efficiency it produces.

Coffee has an important place in the rational dietary of all the

civilized peoples of earth. It is a democratic beverage. Not only is it

the drink of fashionable society, but it is also a favorite beverage of

the men and women who do the world's work, whether they toil with brain

or brawn. It has been acclaimed "the most grateful lubricant known to

the human machine," and "the most delightful taste in all nature."

No "food drink" has ever encountered so much opposition as coffee. Given

to the world by the church and dignified by the medical profession,

nevertheless it has had to suffer from religious superstition and

medical prejudice. During the thousand years of its development it has

experienced fierce political opposition, stupid fiscal restrictions,

unjust taxes, irksome duties; but, surviving all of these, it has

triumphantly moved on to a foremost place in the catalog of popular

beverages.

But coffee is something more than a beverage. It is one of the world's

greatest adjuvant foods. There are other auxiliary foods, but none that

excels it for palatability and comforting effects, the psychology of

which is to be found in its unique flavor and aroma.

Men and women drink coffee because it adds to their sense of well-being.

It not only smells good and tastes good to all mankind, heathen or

civilized, but all respond to its wonderful stimulating properties. The

chief factors in coffee goodness are the caffein content and the

caffeol. Caffein supplies the principal stimulant. It increases the

capacity for muscular and mental work without harmful reaction. The

caffeol supplies the flavor and the aroma--that indescribable Oriental

fragrance that wooes us through the nostrils, forming one of the

principal elements that make up the lure of coffee. There are several

other constituents, including certain innocuous so-called caffetannic

acids, that, in combination with the caffeol, give the beverage its rare

gustatory appeal.

The year 1919 awarded coffee one of its brightest honors. An American

general said that coffee shared with bread and bacon the distinction of

being one of the three nutritive essentials that helped win the World

War for the Allies. So this symbol of human brotherhood has played a not

inconspicuous part in "making the world safe for democracy." The new

age, ushered in by the Peace of Versailles and the Washington

Conference, has for its hand-maidens temperance and self-control. It is

to be a world democracy of right-living and clear thinking; and among

its most precious adjuncts are coffee, tea, and cocoa--because these

beverages must always be associated with rational living, with greater

comfort, and with better cheer.

Like all good things in life, the drinking of coffee may be abused.

Indeed, those having an idiosyncratic susceptibility to alkaloids should

be temperate in the use of tea, coffee, or cocoa. In every

high-tensioned country there is likely to be a small number of people

who, because of certain individual characteristics, can not drink coffee

at all. These belong to the abnormal minority of the human family. Some

people can not eat strawberries; but that would not be a valid reason

for a general condemnation of strawberries. One may be poisoned, says

Thomas A. Edison, from too much food. Horace Fletcher was certain that

over-feeding causes all our ills. Over-indulgence in meat is likely to

spell trouble for the strongest of us. Coffee is, perhaps, less often

abused than wrongly accused. It all depends. A little more tolerance!

Trading upon the credulity of the hypochondriac and the

caffein-sensitive, in recent years there has appeared in America and

abroad a curious collection of so-called coffee substitutes. They are

"neither fish nor flesh, nor good red herring." Most of them have been

shown by official government analyses to be sadly deficient in food

value--their only alleged virtue. One of our contemporary attackers of

the national beverage bewails the fact that no palatable hot drink has

been found to take the place of coffee. The reason is not hard to find.

There can be no substitute for coffee. Dr. Harvey W. Wiley has ably

summed up the matter by saying, "A substitute should be able to perform

the functions of its principal. A substitute to a war must be able to

fight. A bounty-jumper is not a substitute."

It has been the aim of the author to tell the whole coffee story for the

general reader, yet with the technical accuracy that will make it

valuable to the trade. The book is designed to be a work of useful

reference covering all the salient points of coffee's origin,

cultivation, preparation, and development, its place in the world's

commerce and in a rational dietary.

Good coffee, carefully roasted and properly brewed, produces a natural

beverage that, for tonic effect, can not be surpassed, even by its

rivals, tea and cocoa. Here is a drink that ninety-seven percent of

individuals find harmless and wholesome, and without which life would be

drab indeed--a pure, safe, and helpful stimulant compounded in nature's

own laboratory, and one of the chief joys of life!

CONTENTS

A COFFEE THESAURUS

Encomiums and descriptive phrases applied to the plant, the berry, and the

beverage Page XXVII

THE EVOLUTION OF A CUP OF COFFEE

Showing the various steps through which the bean passes from plantation to

cup Page XXIX

CHAPTER I

DEALLING WITH THE ETYMOLOGY OF COFFEE

Origin and translation of the word from the Arabian into various

languages--Views of many writers Page 1

CHAPTER II

HISTORY OF COFFEE PROPAGATION

A brief account of the cultivation of the coffee plant in the Old World,

and of its introduction into the New--A romantic coffee adventure

Page 5

CHAPTER III

EARLY HISTORY OF COFFEE DRINKING

Coffee in the Near East in the early centuries--Stories of its

origin--Discovery by physicians and adoption by the Church--Its spread

through Arabia, Persia, and Turkey--Persecutions and

Intolerances--Early coffee manners and customs Page 11

CHAPTER IV

INTRODUCTION OF COFFEE INTO WESTERN EUROPE

When the three great temperance beverages, cocoa, tea, and coffee, came

to Europe--Coffee first mentioned by Rauwolf in 1582--Early days of

coffee in Italy--How Pope Clement VIII baptized it and made it a truly

Christian beverage--The first European coffee house, in Venice,

1645--The famous Caffè Florian--Other celebrated Venetian coffee houses

of the eighteenth century--The romantic story of Pedrocchi, the poor

lemonade-vender, who built the most beautiful coffee house in the world

Page 25

CHAPTER V

THE BEGINNINGS OF COFFEE IN FRANCE

What French travelers did for coffee--the introduction of coffee by P.

de la Roque into Marseilles in 1644--The first commercial importation of

coffee from Egypt--The first French coffee house--Failure of the attempt

by physicians of Marseilles to discredit coffee--Soliman Aga introduces

coffee into Paris--Cabarets à caffè--Celebrated works on coffee by

French writers Page 31

CHAPTER VI

THE INTRODUCTION OF COFFEE INTO ENGLAND

The first printed reference to coffee in English--Early mention of

coffee by noted English travelers and writers--The Lacedæmonian "black

broth" controversy--How Conopios introduced coffee drinking at

Oxford--The first English coffee house in Oxford--Two English botanists

on coffee Page 35

CHAPTER VII

THE INTRODUCTION OF COFFEE INTO HOLLAND

How the enterprising Dutch traders captured the first world's market for

coffee--Activities of the Netherlands East India Company--The first

coffee house at the Hague--The first public auction at Amsterdam in

1711, when Java coffee brought forty-seven cents a pound, green

Page 43

CHAPTER VIII

THE INTRODUCTION OF COFFEE INTO GERMANY

The contributions made by German travelers and writers to the literature

of the early history of coffee--The first coffee house in Hamburg opened

by an English merchant--Famous coffee houses of old Berlin--The first

coffee periodical and the first kaffee-klatsch--Frederick the Great's

coffee roasting monopoly--Coffee persecutions--"Coffee-smellers"--The

first coffee king Page 45

CHAPTER IX

TELLING HOW COFFEE CAME TO VIENNA

The romantic adventure of Franz George Kolschitzky, who carried "a

message to Garcia" through the enemy's lines and won for himself the

honor of being the first to teach the Viennese the art of making coffee,

to say nothing of falling heir to the supplies of the green beans left

behind by the Turks; also the gift of a house from a grateful

municipality, and a statue after death--Affectionate regard in which

"Brother-heart" Kolschitzky is held as the patron saint of the Vienna

_Kaffee-sieder_--Life in the early Vienna café's Page 49

CHAPTER X

THE COFFEE HOUSES OF OLD LONDON

One of the most picturesque chapters in the history of coffee--The first

coffee house in London--The first coffee handbill, and the first

newspaper advertisement for coffee--Strange coffee mixtures--Fantastic

coffee claims--Coffee prices and coffee licenses--Coffee club of the

Rota--Early coffee-house manners and customs--Coffee-house keepers'

tokens--Opposition to the coffee house--"Penny universities"--Weird

coffee substitutes--The proposed coffee-house newspaper

monopoly--Evolution of the club--Decline and fall of the coffee

house--Pen pictures of coffee-house life--Famous coffee houses of the

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries--Some Old World pleasure

gardens--Locating the notable coffee houses Page 53

CHAPTER XI

HISTORY OF THE EARLY PARISIAN COFFEE HOUSES

The introduction of coffee into Paris by Thévenot in 1657--How Soliman

Aga established the custom of coffee drinking at the court of Louis

XIV--Opening of the first coffee houses--How the French adaptation of

the Oriental coffee house first appeared in the real French café of

François Procope--Important part played by the coffee houses in the

development of French literature and the stage--Their association with

the Revolution and the founding of the Republic--Quaint customs and

patrons--Historic Parisian café's Page 91

CHAPTER XII

INTRODUCTION OF COFFEE INTO NORTH AMERICA

Captain John Smith, founder of the Colony of Virginia, is the first to

bring to North America a knowledge of coffee in 1607--The coffee grinder

on the Mayflower--Coffee drinking in 1668--William Penn's coffee

purchase in 1683--Coffee in colonial New England--The psychology of the

Boston "tea party," and why the United States became a nation of coffee

drinkers instead of tea drinkers, like England--The first coffee license

to Dorothy Jones in 1670--The first coffee house in New England--Notable

coffee houses of old Boston--A skyscraper coffee-house Page 105

CHAPTER XIII

HISTORY OF COFFEE IN OLD NEW YORK

The burghers of New Amsterdam begin to substitute coffee for "must," or

beer, for breakfast in 1668--William Penn makes his first purchase of

coffee in the green bean from New York merchants in 1683--The King's

Arms, the first coffee house--The historic Merchants, sometimes called

the "Birthplace of our Union"--The coffee house as a civic forum--The

Exchange, Whitehall, Burns, Tontine, and other celebrated coffee

houses--The Vauxhall and Ranelagh pleasure gardens Page 115

CHAPTER XIV

COFFEE HOUSES OF OLD PHILADELPHIA

Ye Coffee House, Philadelphia's first coffee house, opened about

1700--The two London coffee houses--The City tavern, or Merchants coffee

house--How these, and other celebrated resorts, dominated the social,

political, and business life of the Quaker City in the eighteenth

century Page 125

CHAPTER XV

THE BOTANY OF THE COFFEE PLANT

Its complete classification by class, sub-class, order, family, genus,

and species--How the Coffea arabica grows, flowers, and bears--Other

species and hybrids described--Natural caffein-free coffee--Fungoid

diseases of coffee Page 131

CHAPTER XVI

THE MICROSCOPY OF THE COFFEE FRUIT

How the beans may be examined under the microscope, and what is

revealed--Structure of the berry, the green, and the roasted beans--The

coffee-leaf disease under the microscope--Value of microscopic analysis

in detecting adulteration Page 149

CHAPTER XVII

THE CHEMISTRY OF THE COFFEE BEAN

_By Charles W. Trigg._

Chemistry of the preparation and treatment of the green bean--Artificial

aging--Renovating damaged coffees--Extracts--"Caffetannic

acid"--Caffein, caffein-free coffee--Caffeol--Fats and

oils--Carbohydrates--Roasting--Scientific aspects of grinding and

packaging--The coffee brew--Soluble coffee--Adulterants and

substitutes--Official methods of analysis Page 155

CHAPTER XVIII

PHARMACOLOGY OF THE COFFEE DRINK

_By Charles W. Trigg_

General physiological action--Effect on children--Effect on

longevity--Behavior in the alimentary régime--Place in dietary--Action

on bacteria--Use in medicine--Physiological action of "caffetannic

acid"--Of caffeol--Of caffein--Effect of caffein on mental and motor

efficiency--Conclusions Page 174

CHAPTER XIX

THE COMMERCIAL COFFEES OF THE WORLD

The geographical distribution of the coffees grown in North America,

Central America, South America, the West India Islands, Asia, Africa,

the Pacific Islands, and the East Indies--A statistical study of the

distribution of the principal kinds--A commercial coffee chart of the

world's leading growths, with market names and general trade

characteristics Page 189

CHAPTER XX

CULTIVATION OF THE COFFEE PLANT

The early days of coffee culture in Abyssinia and Arabia--Coffee

cultivation in general--Soil, climate, rainfall, altitude, propagation,

preparing the plantation, shade, wind breaks, fertilizing, pruning,

catch crops, pests, and diseases--How coffee is grown around the

world--Cultivation in all the principal producing countries

Page 197

CHAPTER XXI

PREPARING GREEN COFFEE FOR MARKET

Early Arabian methods of preparation--How primitive devices were

replaced by modern methods--A chronological story of the development of

scientific plantation machinery, and the part played by English and

American inventors--The marvelous coffee package, one of the most

ingenious in all nature--How coffee is harvested--Picking--Preparation

by the dry and the wet methods--Pulping--Fermentation and

washing--Drying--Hulling, or peeling, and polishing--Sizing, or

grading--Preparation methods of different countries Page 245

CHAPTER XXII

THE PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION OF COFFEE

A statistical study of world production of coffee by countries--Per

capita figures of the leading consuming countries--Coffee-consumption

figures compared with tea-consumption figures in the United States and

the United Kingdom--Three centuries of coffee trading--Coffee drinking

in the United States, past and present--Reviewing the 1921 trade in the

United States Page 273

CHAPTER XXIII

HOW GREEN COFFEES ARE BOUGHT AND SOLD

Buying coffee in the producing countries--Transporting coffee to the

consuming markets--Some record coffee cargoes shipped to the United

States--Transport over seas--Java coffee "ex-sailing vessels"--Handling

coffee at New York, New Orleans, and San Francisco--The coffee exchanges

of Europe and the United States--Commission men and brokers--Trade and

exchange contracts for delivery--Important rulings affecting coffee

trading--Some well-known green coffee marks Page 303

CHAPTER XXIV

GREEN AND ROASTED COFFEE CHARACTERISTICS

The trade values, bean characteristics, and cup merits of the leading

coffees of commerce, with a "Complete Reference Table of the Principal

Kinds of Coffee Grown in the World"--Appearance, aroma, and flavor in

cup-testing--How experts test coffee--A typical sample-roasting and

cup-testing outfit Page 341

CHAPTER XXV

FACTORY PREPARATION OF ROASTED COFFEE

Coffee roasting as a business--Wholesale coffee-roasting

machinery--Separating, milling, and mixing or blending green coffee, and

roasting by coal, coke, gas, and electricity--Facts about coffee

roasting--Cost of roasting--Green-coffee shrinkage table--"Dry" and

"wet" roasts--On roasting coffee efficiently--A typical coal

roaster--Cooling and stoning--Finishing or glazing--Blending roasted

coffees--Blends for restaurants--Grinding and packaging--Coffee

additions and fillers--Treated coffees, and dry extracts Page 379

CHAPTER XXVI

WHOLESALE MERCHANDISING OF COFFEE

How coffees are sold at wholesale--The wholesale salesman's place in

merchandising--Some coffee costs analyzed--Handy coffee-selling

chart--Terms and credits--About package coffees--Various types of coffee

containers--Coffee package labels--Coffee package economies--Practical

grocer helps--Coffee sampling--Premium method of sales promotion

Page 407

CHAPTER XXVII

RETAIL MERCHANDISING OF ROASTED COFFEE

How coffees are sold at retail--The place of the grocer, the tea and

coffee dealer, the chain store, and the wagon-route distributer in the

scheme of distribution--Starting in the retail coffee business--Small

roasters for retail dealers--Model coffee departments--Creating a coffee

trade--Meeting competition--Splitting nickels--Figuring costs and

profits--A credit policy for retailers--Premiums Page 415

CHAPTER XXVIII

A SHORT HISTORY OF COFFEE ADVERTISING

Early coffee advertising--The first coffee advertisement in 1587 was

frank propaganda for the legitimate use of coffee--The first printed

advertisement in English--The first newspaper advertisement--Early

advertisements in colonial America--Evolution of advertising--Package

coffee advertising--Advertising to the trade--Advertising by means of

newspapers, magazines, billboards, electric signs, motion pictures,

demonstrations, and by samples--Advertising for retailers--Advertising

by government propaganda--The Joint Coffee Trade publicity campaign in

the United States--Coffee advertising efficiency Page 431

CHAPTER XXIX

THE COFFEE TRADE IN THE UNITED STATES

The coffee business started by Dorothy Jones of Boston--Some early

sales--Taxes imposed by Congress in war and peace--The first

coffee-plantation-machine, coffee-roaster, coffee-grinder, and

coffee-pot patents--Early trade marks for coffee--Beginnings of the

coffee urn, the coffee container, and the soluble-coffee

business--Chronological record of the most important events in the

history of the trade from the eighteenth century to the twentieth

Page 467

CHAPTER XXX

DEVELOPMENT OF THE GREEN AND ROASTED COFFEE

BUSINESS IN THE UNITED STATES

A brief history of the growth of coffee trading--Notable firms and

personalities that have played important parts in green coffee in the

principal coffee centers--Green coffee trade organizations--Growth of

the wholesale coffee-roasting trade, and names of those who have made

history in it--The National Coffee Roasters Association--Statistics of

distribution of coffee-roasting establishments in the United States

Page 475

CHAPTER XXXI

SOME BIG MEN AND NOTABLE ACHIEVEMENTS

B.G. Arnold, the first, and Hermann Sielcken, the last of the American

"coffee kings"--John Arbuckle, the original package-coffee man--Jabez

Burns, the man who revolutionized the roasted-coffee business by his

contributions as inventor, manufacturer, and writer--Coffee trade booms

and panics--Brazil's first valorization enterprise--War-time government

control of coffee--The story of soluble coffee Page 517

CHAPTER XXXII

A HISTORY OF COFFEE IN LITERATURE

The romance of coffee, and its influence on the discourse, poetry,

history, drama, philosophic writing, and fiction of the seventeenth and

eighteenth centuries and on the writers of today--Coffee quips and

anecdotes Page 541

CHAPTER XXXIII

COFFEE IN RELATION TO THE FINE ARTS

How coffee and coffee drinking have been celebrated in painting,

engraving, sculpture, caricature, lithography, and music--Epics,

rhapsodies, and cantatas in praise of coffee--Beautiful specimens of the

art of the potter and the silversmith as shown in the coffee service of

various periods in the world's history--Some historical relics

Page 587

CHAPTER XXXIV

THE EVOLUTION OF COFFEE APPARATUS

Showing the development of coffee-roasting, coffee-grinding,

coffee-making, and coffee-serving devices from the earliest time to the

present day--The original coffee grinder, the first coffee roaster, and

the first coffee pot--The original French drip pot, the De Belloy

percolator--Count Rumford's improvement--How the commercial coffee

roaster was developed--The evolution of filtration devices--The old

Carter "pull-out" roaster--Trade customs in New York and St. Louis in

the sixties and seventies--The story of the evolution of the Burns

roaster--How the gas roaster was developed in France, Great Britain, and

the United States Page 615

CHAPTER XXXV

WORLD'S COFFEE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS

How coffee is roasted, prepared, and served in all the leading civilized

countries--The Arabian coffee ceremony--The present-day coffee houses of

Turkey--Twentieth century improvements in Europe and the United States

Page 655

CHAPTER XXXVI

PREPARATION OF THE UNIVERSAL BEVERAGE

The evolution of grinding and brewing methods--Coffee was first a food,

then a wine, a medicine, a devotional refreshment, a confection, and

finally a beverage--Brewing by boiling, infusion, percolation, and

filtration--Coffee making in Europe in the nineteenth century--Early

coffee making in the United States--Latest developments in better coffee

making--Various aspects of scientific coffee brewing--Advice to coffee

lovers on how to buy coffee, and how to make it in perfection

Page 693

A COFFEE CHRONOLOGY

Giving dates and events of historical interest in legend, travel,

literature, cultivation, plantation treatment, trading, and in the

preparation and use of coffee from the earliest time to the present

Page 725

A COFFEE BIBLIOGRAPHY

A list of references gathered from the principal general and scientific

libraries--Arranged in alphabetic order of topics Page 738

INDEX

Page 769

[Illustration]

ILLUSTRATIONS

_Color Plates_

_Facing page_

Coffee branches, flowers, and fruit (painted

by Blendon Campbell) _Frontispiece_ v

_Coffea arabica_; leaves, flowers, and fruit

(painted by M.E. Eaton) 1

The coffee tree bears fruit, leaf, and blossom

at the same time 16

A close-up of ripe coffee berries 32

Coffee under the Stars and Stripes 144

Coffee scenes in British India 160

Picking and sacking coffee in Brazil 176

Mild-coffee culture and preparation 192

Coffee scenes in Java 200

Coffee scenes in Sumatra 216

Coffee preparation in Central and South

America 248

Typical coffee scenes in Costa Rica 336

Principal varieties of green-coffee beans,

natural size and color 352

Coal-roasting plant, New York 408

Coffee scenes in the Near and Far East 544

Primitive transportation methods, Arabia 640

Hulling coffee in Aden, Arabia 656

_Black and White Illustrations_

_Page_

Coffee tree in flower 4

De Clieu and his coffee plant 7

Legendary discovery of coffee drink 10

Title page of Dufour's book 13

Frontispiece from Dufour's book 15

Turkish coffee house, 17th century 21

Serving coffee to a guest, Arabia 23

First printed reference to coffee 24

An 18th-century Italian coffee house 26

Nobility in an early Venetian café 27

Goldoni in a Venetian coffee house 28

Florian's famous coffee house 29

Title page of La Roque's work 32

Coffee tree as pictured by La Roque 32

Coffee branch in La Roque's work 33

First printed reference in English 37

Reference in Sherley's travels 39

References in Biddulph's travels 40

Mol's coffee house at Exeter 41

Reference in Sandys' travels 42

Richter's coffee house, Leipsic 46

Coffee house, Germany, 17th century 47

Kolschitzky in his Blue Bottle coffee house 48

First coffee house in Leopoldstadt 50

Statue of Kolschitzky 51

First advertisement for coffee 55

First newspaper advertisement 57

Coffee house, time of Charles II 60

London coffee house, 17th century 61

Coffee house, Queen Anne's time 62

Coffee-house keepers' tokens (plate 1) 63

A broadside of 1663 64

Coffee-house keepers' tokens (plate 2) 65

A broadside of 1667 68

A broadside of 1670 70

A broadside of 1672 70

A broadside of 1674 71

White's and Brooke's coffee houses 78

London coffee-house politicians 78

Great Fair on the frozen Thames 79

Lion's head at Button's 80

Trio of notables at Button's 81

Vauxhall Gardens on a gala night 82

Rotunda in Ranelagh Gardens 83

Garraway's coffee house 84

Button's coffee house 84

Slaughter's coffee house 85

Tom's coffee house 85

Lloyd's coffee house 86

Dick's coffee house 87

Grecian coffee house 87

Don Saltero's coffee house 88

British coffee house 88

French coffee house in London 89

Ramponaux' Royal Drummer café 90

La Foire St.-Germain 92

Street coffee vender of Paris 92

Armenian decorations in Paris café 93

Corner of historic Café de Procope 93

Café de Procope, Paris 95

Cashier's desk in coffee house, Paris 96

Café Foy 97

Café des Mille Colonnes 99

Café de Paris 101

Interior of a typical Parisian café 103

Chess at the Café de la Régence 104

Types of colonial coffee roasters 106

Early family coffee roaster 106

Historic relics, early New England 107

Mayflower "coffee grinder" 108

Crown coffee house, Boston 108

Coffee devices, Massachusetts colony 109

Coffee devices of western pioneers 110

Coffee pots of colonial days 110

Green Dragon tavern, Boston 111

Metal coffee pots, New York colony 112

Exchange coffee house, Boston 113

President-elect Washington's official welcome

at Merchants Coffee House 114

King's Arms coffee house, New York 116

Burns coffee house 117

Merchants coffee house 119

Tontine coffee house 121

Tontine building of 1850 122

Niblo's Garden 122

Coffee relics, Dutch New York 122

New York's Vauxhall Garden of 1803 123

Tavern and grocers' signs, old New York 124

Second London coffee house, Philadelphia 127

Selling slaves, old London coffee house 128

City tavern, Philadelphia 129

Coffee-house scene in "Hamilton" 130

Coffee tree, flowers and fruit 132

Germination of the coffee plant 133

Brazil coffee plantation in flower 134

_Coffea arabica_, Porto Rico 135

_Coffea arabica_, flower and fruit, Costa Rica 135

Young _Coffea arabica_, Kona, Hawaii 136

Survivors of first Liberian trees in Java 136

_Coffea arabica_ in flower, Java 137

Liberian coffee tree, Lamoa, P.I. 138

_Coffea congensis_, 2-1/2 years old 138

Flowering of 5-year-old _Coffea excelsa_ 139

Branches of _Coffea excelsa_ 140

_Coffea stenophylla_ 140

Near view of _Coffea arabica_ berries 141

Wild caffein-free coffee tree 142

Coffee bean characteristics 142

_Coffea arabica_ berries 143

_Robusta_ coffee in flower 144

One-year-old _robusta_ estate 145

_Coffea Quillou_ flowers 146

_Quillou_ coffee tree in blossom 147

_Coffea Ugandæ_ 148

_Coffea arabica_ under the microscope 149

Cross-section of coffee bean 150

Cross-section of hull and bean 150

Epicarp and pericarp under microscope 151

Endocarp and endosperm under microscope 152

Spermoderm under microscope 152

Tissues of embryo under microscope 152

Coffee-leaf disease under microscope 153

Green and roasted coffee under microscope 153

Green and roasted Bogota under microscope 154

Cross-section of endosperm 156

Portion of the investing membrane 157

Structure of the green bean 157

Ground coffee under microscope 167

Coffee tree in bearing, Lamoa, P.I. 196

Early coffee implements 198

Cross-section of mountain slope, Yemen 198

First steps in coffee-growing 199

Coffee nursery, Guatemala 200

Coffee under shade, Porto Rico 201

Boekit Gompong estate, Sumatra 202

Estate in Antioquia, Colombia 203

Weeding and harrowing, São Paulo 204

Fazenda Dumont, São Paulo 205

Fazenda Guatapara, São Paulo 206

Picking coffee, São Paulo 207

Intensive cultivation, São Paulo 207

Private railroad, São Paulo 208

Coffee culture in São Paulo 209

Heavily laden coffee tree, Bogota 210

Picking coffee, Bogota 211

Altamira Hacienda, Venezuela 212

Carmen Hacienda, Venezuela 213

Heavy fruiting, _Coffea robusta_, Java 214

Road through coffee estate, Java 215

Native picking coffee, Sumatra 216

Administrator's bungalow, Java 216

Administrator's bungalow, Sumatra 217

Coffee culture in Guatemala 218

Indians picking coffee, Guatemala 219

Bungalow, coffee estate, Guatemala 220

Thirty-year-old coffee trees, Mexico 221

Mexican coffee picker 222

Receiving coffee, Mexico 223

Heavily laden coffee tree, Porto Rico 224

Coffee cultivation, Costa Rica 225

Picking Costa Rica coffee 226

Mountain coffee estate, Costa Rica 226

Mysore coffee estate 227

Coffee growing under shade, India 228

Coffee estate at Harar 229

Wild coffee near Adis Abeba 231

Mocha coffee growing on terraces 232

Picking Blue Mountain berries, Jamaica 233

Coffee pickers, Guadeloupe 234

Coffee in blossom, Panama 235

_Robusta_ coffee, Cochin-China 237

Bourbon trees, French Indo-China 238

Picking coffee in Queensland 239

Coffee in bloom, Kona, Hawaii 240

Coffee at Hamakua, Hawaii 241

Coffee trees, South Kona, Hawaii 242

Plantation near Sagada, P.I. 243

Coffee preparation, São Paulo 244

Walker's original disk pulper 246

Early English coffee peeler 246

Group of English cylinder pulpers 247

Copper covers for pulper cylinders 248

Granada unpulped coffee separator 249

Hand-power double-disk pulper 249

Tandem coffee pulper 250

Horizontal coffee washer 251

Vertical coffee washer 251

Cobán pulper, Venezuela 252

Niagara power coffee huller 252

British and American coffee driers 253

American Guardiola drier 254

Smout peeler and polisher 254

Smout peeler and polisher, exposed 255

O'Krassa's coffee drier 255

Six well-known hullers and separators 256

El Monarca coffee classifier 257

Hydro-electric installation, Guatemala 258

Preparing Brazil coffee for market 259

Working coffee on the drying flats 260

Fermenting and washing tanks, São Paulo 260

Drying grounds, Fazenda Schmidt 261

Preparing Colombian coffee for market 262

Old-fashioned ox-power huller 263

Street-car coffee transport, Orizaba 264

Coffee on drying floors, Porto Rico 264

Sun-drying coffee 265

Drying patio, Costa Rica 266

Early Guardiola steam drier 266

Indian women cleaning Mocha coffee 267

Cleaning-and-grading machinery, Aden 268

Drying coffee at Harar 269

Preparing Java coffee for market 270

Coffee transport in Java 271

Meeting of Amsterdam coffee brokers, 1820 291

Bill of public sale of coffee, 1790 292

Last sample before export, Santos 304

Stamping bags for export 304

Preparing Brazil coffee for export 305

Grading coffee at Santos 306

The test by the cups, Santos 306

New York importers' warehouse, Santos 307

Pack-mule transport in Venezuela 308

Coffee-carrying cart, Guatemala 308

Pack-oxen fording stream, Colombia 308

Coffee transport, Mexico and South America 309

Donkey coffee-transport at Harar 310

Coffee camels at Harar 310

Selling coffee by tapping hands, Aden 310

Packing and transporting coffee, Aden 311

Coffee camel train at Hodeida 312

Methods of loading coffee, Santos 313

Coffee freighter, Cauca River, Colombia 314

Coffee steamers on the Magdalena 314

Loading heavy cargo on Santa Cecilia 315

Unloading Java coffee from sailing vessel 317

Receiving piers for coffee, New York 318

Unloading coffee, covered pier, New York 319

Receiving and storing coffee, New York 320

Tester at work, Bush Terminal, New York 321

Loading lighters, Bush Docks, Brooklyn 321

New Terminal system on Staten Island 322

Motor tractor, Bush piers 322

Unloading with modern conveyor 323

Coffee handling, New Orleans piers 324

Coffee in steel-covered sheds, New Orleans 325

Unloading and storing coffee, San Francisco 326

Modern device for handling green coffee 327

Handling green coffee at European ports 328

New York Coffee and Sugar Exchange 329

Coffee section, Coffee and Sugar Exchange 330

Blackboards, Coffee Exchange 331

"Coffee afloat" blackboard 332

Well known green-coffee marks 339

Bourbon-Santos beans, roasted 343

Flat and Bourbon-Santos beans, roasted 343

Rio beans, roasted 343

Mexican beans, roasted 347

Guatemala beans, roasted 347

Bogota (Colombia) beans, roasted 348

Maracaibo beans, roasted 349

Mocha beans, roasted 351

Washed Java beans, roasted 353

Sample-roasting and cup-testing outfit 357

Modern gas coffee-roasting plant 380

Sixteen-cylinder coal roasting plant 382

Green-coffee separating and milling machines 384

English gas coffee-roasting plant 385

German gas coffee-roasting plant 386

French gas coffee-roasting plant 387

Jumbo coffee roaster, Arbuckle plant 388

Roasting plant of Reid, Murdoch & Co. 389

Complete gas coffee-plant installation 390

Burns Jubilee gas roaster 391

Burns coal roaster 392

Open perforated cylinder with flexible back head 392

Trying the roast 394

Monitor gas roaster 394

A group of roasting-room accessories 394

Dumping the roast 395

A four-bag coffee finisher 396

Burns sample-coffee roaster 396

Lambert coal coffee-roasting outfit 397

Coles No. 22 grinding mill 398

Monitor coffee-granulating machine 398

Challenge pulverizer 398

Burns No. 12 grinding mill 399

Monitor steel-cut grinder, separator, etc 399

Johnson carton-filling, weighing, and sealing machine 400

Ideal steel-cut mill 400

Smyser package-making and filling machine 401

Automatic coffee-packing machine 402

Complete coffee-cartoning outfit 403

Automatic coffee-weighing machines 404

Units in manufacture of soluble coffee 405

Types of coffee containers 411

Fresh-roasted-coffee idea in retailing 414

Premium tea and coffee dealer's display 416

Chain-store interior 417

Familiar A & P store front 418

Specialist idea in coffee merchandising 419

Monitor gas roaster, cooler, and stoner 420

Royal gas coffee roaster for retailers 420

Burns half-bag roaster, cooler, and stoner 421

Lambert Jr. roasting outfit for retailers 421

Faulder and Simplex gas roasters 422

Coffee roasters used in Paris shops 423

Small German roasters 424

Popular French retail roaster 424

Uno cabinet gas roaster and cooler 424

Educational window exhibit 425

Better-class American grocery, interior 426

Prize-winning window display 427

Americanized English grocer's shop 429

Famous package coffees 430

First coffee advertisement in U.S. 433

Coffee advertisement of 1790 434

First colored handbill for package coffee 435

Reverse side of colored handbill 435

St. Louis handbill of 1854 436

Advertising-card copy, 1873 437

Handbill copy of the seventies 437

Box-end sticker, 1833 438

Chase & Sanborn advertisement, 1888 438

A Goldberg cartoon, 1910 439

Copy used by Chase & Sanborn, 1900 439

An effective cut-out 442

How coffee is advertised to the trade 443

Joint Coffee Trade Publicity Committee 447

Magazine and newspaper copy, 1919 449

Copy that stressed helpfulness of coffee, 1919-20 450

Joint Committee's house organ 451

Introductory medical-journal copy 451

Telling the doctors the truth, 1920 452

Joint Committee's attractive booklets 453

More medical journal copy, 1920 454

Magazine and newspaper copy, 1921 455

Educating the doctor, 1922 456

Magazine and newspaper copy, 1922 457

Specimen of early Yuban copy 459

Historical association in advertising 459

Package coffee advertising in 1922 460

The social distinction argument 461

Drawing upon history for atmosphere 461

An impressive electric sign, Chicago 462

How coffee is advertised outdoors 463

Attractive car cards, spring of 1922 464

Effective iced-coffee copy 465

European advertising novelty, New York 465

Coenties Slip, in days of sailing vessels 466

First U.S. coffee-grinder patent 469

Carter's Pull-out roaster patent 469

First registered trade mark for coffee 470

Original Arbuckle coffee packages 471

Merchants coffee house tablet 473

Departed dominant figures in New York green coffee trade 476

"Their association with New York green coffee trade

dates back nearly fifty years" 477

Green coffee trade-builders who have passed on 478

"Their race is run, their course is done" 479

112 Front Street, New York, 1879 480

At 87 Wall Street, New York, years ago 480

Wall and Front Streets, New York, 1922 481

Front Street, New York, 1922 483

In the New Orleans coffee district 486

Green coffee district, New Orleans 487

California Street, San Francisco 488

San Francisco's coffee district 489

Pioneer coffee roasters, New York City 493

Oldtime New York coffee roasters 495

Pioneer coffee roasters of the North and East, U.S. 500

Pioneer coffee roasters of the South and West, U.S. 504

Ground coffee price list of 1862 507

Organization convention, N.C.R.A., 1911 510

Former presidents, N.C.R.A. 512

Earliest coffee manuscript 540

Song from "The Coffee House" 555

Dr. Johnson's seat, the Cheshire Cheese 567

Original coffee room, old Cock Tavern 568

Morning gossip in the coffee room 569

"His Warmest Welcome at an Inn" 571

Alexander Pope at Button's, 1730 577

Dutch coffee house, 1650 (by Van Ostade) 586

White's coffee house, 1733 (by Hogarth) 588

Tom King's, 1738 (by Hogarth) 589

Petit Déjeuner (by Boucher) 590

Coffee service in the home of Madame de Pompadour

(by Van Loo) 590

Madame Du Barry (by Decreuse) 591

Coffee house at Cairo (by Gérôme) 592

Kaffeebesuch (by Philippi) 593

Coffee comes to the aid of the Muse (by Ruffio) 593

Mad dog in a coffee house (by Rowlandson) 594

Napoleon and the Curé (by Charlet) 595

Coffee, a chanson (music by Colet) 596

Statue of Kolschitzky 597

Betty's Aria, Bach's coffee cantata 598

Café Pedrocchi, Padua 599

Coffee grinder set with jewels 600

Italian wrought-iron coffee roaster 600

Seventeenth-century tea and coffee pots 601

Lantern coffee pot, 1692 602

Folkingham pot, 1715-16 602

Wastell pot, 1720-21 603

Dish of coffee-boy design, 1692 603

Chinese porcelain coffee pot 604

Silver coffee pots, early 18th century 604

Silver coffee pots, 18th century 605

Pottery and porcelain pots 606

Silver coffee pots, late 18th century 607

Porcelain pots, Metropolitan Museum 608

Vienna coffee pot, 1830 609

Spanish coffee pot, 18th century 609

Silver coffee pots in American collections 610

Coffee pot by Win. Shaw and Wm. Priest 611

Pot of Sheffield plate, 18th century 611

Pot by Ephraim Brasher 611

French silver coffee pot 612

Green Dragon tavern coffee urn 612

Coffee pots by American silversmiths 613

Twentieth-century American coffee service 613

Turkish coffee set, Peter collection 614

Oldest coffee grinder 616

Grain mill used by Greeks and Romans 616

First coffee roaster 616

First cylinder roaster, 1650 616

Historical relics, U.S. National Museum 617

Turkish coffee mill 618

Early French wall and table grinders 618

Bronze and brass mortars, 17th century 619

Early American coffee roasters 619

Roaster with three-sided hood 620

Roasting, making, and serving devices, 17th century 620

English and French coffee grinders 621

Eighteenth-century roaster 621

Original French drip pot 621

Belgian, Russian, and French pewter pots 622

17th and 18th century pewter pots 623

Count Rumford's percolator 623

Drawings of early French coffee makers 624

Early French filtration devices 624

Early American coffee-maker patents 625

French coffee makers, 19th century 625

First English commercial roaster patent 626

Early French coffee-roasting machines 627

Battery of Carter pull-out machines 628

Early English and American roasters 630

Early Foreign and American coffee-making devices 632

Dakin roasting machine of 1848 633

Globe stove roaster of 1860 634

Hyde's combined roaster and stove 634

Original Burns roaster, 1864 635

Burns granulating mill, 1872-74 636

Napier's vacuum machine 637

German gas and coal roasting machines 638

Other German coffee roasters 639

Original Enterprise mill 640

Max Thurmer's quick gas roaster 640

An English gas coffee-roasting plant 641

French globular roaster 642

Sirocco machine (French) 642

English roasting and grinding equipment 643

Magic gas machine (French) 644

Burns Jubilee gas machine 644

Double gas roasting outfit (French) 645

Lambert's Victory gas machine 646

One of the first electric mills 647

English electric-fuel roaster 648

Ben Franklin electric coffee roaster 648

Enterprise hand store mill 649

Latest types electric store mills 650

Italian rapid coffee-making machines 651

Working of Italian rapid machines 652

La Victoria Arduino Mignonne 652

N.C.R.A. Home coffee mill 653

Manthey-Zorn rapid infuser and dispenser 653

Tricolette, single-cup filter device 654

Moorish coffee house in Algiers 656

Coffee house in Cairo 656

Coffee service in Cairo barber shop 657

Coffee-laden camels, Arabia 658

Arabian coffee house 658

Mahommedan brewing coffee for guest 659

Native café, Harar 661

Early coffee, tea, and chocolate service 661

Nubian slave girl with coffee service 662

Persian coffee service, 1737 663

In a Turkish coffee house 664

Roasting coffee outside a Turkish café 664

Turkish caffinet, early 19th century 665

Coffee-making in Turkey 666

Street coffee vender in the Levant 666

A coffee house in Syria 667

Cafetan--garb of oriental café-keeper 668

Street coffee service in Constantinople 668

Riverside café in Damascus 669

Coffee _al fresco_ in Jerusalem 671

Café Schrangl, Vienna 672

Favorite English way of making coffee 673

A café of Ye Mecca Company, London 673

Groom's coffee house, London 674

Café Monico, Piccadilly Circus, London 674

Gatti's, The Strand, London 675

Tea lounge, Hotel Savoy, London 675

Two popular places for coffee in London 676

Temple Bar restaurant, London 677

Tea balcony, Hotel Cecil, London 677

One of Slater's chain-shops, London 677

St. James's restaurant, Picadilly, London 678

An A.B.C. shop, London 678

Halt of caravaners at a serai, Bulgaria 678

Café de la Paix, Paris 679

Sidewalk annex, Café de la Paix 680

Café de la Régence, Paris 681

Café de la Régence in 1922 682

One of the Biard cafés, Paris 683

Restaurant Procope, 1922 683

Morning coffee at a Boulevard café 684

Café Bauer, Unter den Linden, Berlin 684

Café Bauer, exterior 685

Kranzler's Unter den Linden, Berlin 685

Swedish coffee boilers 687

Sidewalk café, Lisbon 687

Coffee rooms replacing hotel bars, U.S. 688

Britannia coffee pot--a Lincoln relic 690

Coffee service, Hotel Astor, New York 691

Early coffee-making in Persia 694

Napier vacuum coffee maker 700

Napier-List steam coffee machine 700

Finley Acker's filter-paper coffee pot 700

Kin-Hee pot in operation 701

Tricolator in operation 701

King percolator 701

Three American coffee-making machines in operation 702

How the Tru-Bru pot operates 702

Coffee-making devices used in U.S. 703

English hotel coffee-making machines 706

Well-known makes of large coffee urns 707

Popular German drip pot 708

Section of roasted bean, magnified 719

Cross-section of roasted bean, magnified 720

Coarse grind under the microscope 720

Medium grind under the microscope 721

Fine-meal grind under the microscope 721

_Portraits_

Ach, F.J. 447, 512

Akers, Fred 495

Ames, Allan P. 447

Arbuckle, John 523

Arnold, Benjamin Greene 476, 517

Arnold, F.B. 476

Bayne, William 479

Bayne, William, Jr. 447

Beard, Eli 493

Beard, Samuel 493

Bennett, William H. 479

Bickford, C.E. 478

Boardman, Thomas J. 500

Boardman, William 500

Brand, Carl W. 512

Brandenstein, M.J. 504

Burns, Jabez 527

Canby, Edward 500

Casanas, Ben C. 512

Cauchois. F.A. 493

Chase, Caleb 500

Cheek, J.O. 504, 515

Closset, Joseph 504

Coste, Felix 447

Crossman, Geo. W. 479

Devers, A.H. 504

Dwinell, James F. 500

Eppens, Fred 495

Eppens, Julius A. 495, 497

Eppens, W.H. 493, 495

Evans, David G. 504

Fischer, Benedickt 493

Flint, J.G. 500

Folger, J.A., Jr. 504

Folger, J.A., Sr. 504

Forbes, A.E. 504

Forbes, Jas. H. 504

Geiger, Frank J. 500

Gillies, Jas. W. 493

Gillies, Wright 493

Grossman, William 500

Harrison, D.Y. 500

Harrison, W.H. 500

Haulenbeek, Peter 493

Hayward, Martin 500

Heekin, James 500

Jones, W.T. 504

Kimball, O.G. 478

Kinsella, W.J. 504

Kirkland, Alexander 495

Kolschitzky, Franz George 50

McLaughlin, W.F. 500

Mahood, Samuel 500

Mayo, Henry 495

Meehan, P.C. 477

Menezes, Th. Langgaard de 446

Meyer, Robert 511

Peck, Edwin H. 477

Phyfe, Jas. W. 478

Pierce, O.W., Sr. 500

Pupke, John F. 495

Purcell, Joseph 476

Reid, Fred 495

Reid, Thomas 493, 495

Roome, Col. William P. 499

Russell, James C. 478

Sanborn, James S. 500

Schilling, A. 504

Schotten, Julius J. 504, 512

Schotten, William 504

Seelye, Frank R. 512

Sielcken, Hermann 476, 519

Simmonds, H. 477

Sinnot, J.B. 504

Smith, L.B. 493

Smith, M.E. 504

Sprague, Albert A. 500

Stephens, Henry A. 500

Stoffregen, Charles 504

Stoffregen, C.H. 447

Taylor, James H. 477

Thomson, A.M. 500

Van Loan, Thomas 498

Weir, Ross W. 447, 512

Westfeldt, George 479

Widlar, Francis 500

Wilde, Samuel 493

Withington, Elijah 493

Woolson, Alvin M. 500

Wright, George C. 500

Wright, George S. 447

Young, Samuel 500

Zinsmeister, J. 504

_Maps, Charts, and Diagrams_

Map of London coffee-house district, 1748 76

Formula for Caffein 160

Commercial coffee chart 191

Eiffel and Woolworth towers in coffee 272

World's coffee cup and largest ship 275

Coffee exports, 1850-1920 277

Coffee exports, 1916-1920 277

Brazil coffee exports, 1850-1920 278

World's coffee consumption, 1850 286

Coffee imports, 1916-1920 286

World trend of consumption of tea and coffee, 1860-1920 288

Coffee map of World (folded insert) _facing_ 288

Pre-war annual average production of coffee by continents 294

Pre-war annual average production of coffee by countries 294

Pre-war average annual imports of coffee into U.S. by continents 295

Pre-war average annual imports of coffee into U.S. by countries 295

Pre-war coffee-imports chart 297

Pre-war consumption and price chart 297

Coffee map, Brazil 342

Coffee map, São Paulo, Minãs, and Rio 344

Mild-coffee map, 1 346

Coffee map, Africa and Arabia 352

Mild-coffee map, 2 354

Complete reference table (21 pp.) 358

Plan of milling-machine connections 381

Plan of green-coffee-mixer connections 383

Layout for coffee and tea department 418

Chart, advertising of coffee and coffee substitutes, 1911-20 440

Charts, per capita consumption of coffee, and coffee and substitute

advertising 441

Chart, plan of advertising campaign 448

Chart, private-brand advertising, 1921 458

A COFFEE THESAURUS

_Encomiums and descriptive phrases applied to the plant, the berry, and

the beverage_

_The Plant_

The precious plant

This friendly plant

Mocha's happy tree

The gift of Heaven

The plant with the jessamine-like flowers

The most exquisite perfume of Araby the blest

Given to the human race by the gift of the Gods

_The Berry_

The magic bean

The divine fruit

Fragrant berries

Rich, royal berry

Voluptuous berry

The precious berry

The healthful bean

The Heavenly berry

The marvelous berry

This all-healing berry

Yemen's fragrant berry

The little aromatic berry

Little brown Arabian berry

Thought-inspiring bean of Arabia

The smoking, ardent beans Aleppo sends

That wild fruit which gives so beloved a drink

_The Beverage_

Nepenthe

Festive cup

Juice divine

Nectar divine

Ruddy mocha

A man's drink

Lovable liquor

Delicious mocha

The magic drink

This rich cordial

Its stream divine

The family drink

The festive drink

Coffee is our gold

Nectar of all men

The golden mocha

This sweet nectar

Celestial ambrosia

The friendly drink

The cheerful drink

The essential drink

The sweet draught

The divine draught

The grateful liquor

The universal drink

The American drink

The amber beverage

The convivial drink

The universal thrill

King of all perfumes

The cup of happiness

The soothing draught

Ambrosia of the Gods

The intellectual drink

The aromatic draught

The salutary beverage

The good-fellow drink

The drink of democracy

The drink ever glorious

Wakeful and civil drink

The beverage of sobriety

A psychological necessity

The fighting man's drink

Loved and favored drink

The symbol of hospitality

This rare Arabian cordial

Inspirer of men of letters

The revolutionary beverage

Triumphant stream of sable

Grave and wholesome liquor

The drink of the intellectuals

A restorative of sparkling wit

Its color is the seal of its purity

The sober and wholesome drink

Lovelier than a thousand kisses

This honest and cheering beverage

A wine which no sorrow can resist

The symbol of human brotherhood

At once a pleasure and a medicine

The beverage of the friends of God

The fire which consumes our griefs

Gentle panacea of domestic troubles

The autocrat of the breakfast table

The beverage of the children of God

King of the American breakfast table

Soothes you softly out of dull sobriety

The cup that cheers but not inebriates[1]

Coffee, which makes the politician wise

Its aroma is the pleasantest in all nature

The sovereign drink of pleasure and health[2]

The indispensable beverage of strong nations

The stream in which we wash away our sorrows

The enchanting perfume that a zephyr has brought

Favored liquid which fills all my soul with delight

The delicious libation we pour on the altar of friendship

This invigorating drink which drives sad care from the heart

EVOLUTION OF A CUP OF COFFEE

_Showing the various steps through which the bean passes from plantation

to cup_

1 Planting the seed in nursery

2 Transplanting into rows

3 Cultivating and pruning

4 Picking the cherries

5 Pulping

6 Fermenting

7 Washing

8 Drying in the parchment

9 Hulling

10 Polishing

11 Grading

12 Transporting to the seaport

13 Buying and selling for export

14 Transhipment overseas

15 Buying and selling at wholesale

16 Shipment to the point of manufacture

17 Separating

18 Milling

19 Mixing or blending

20 Roasting

21 Cooling and stoning

22 Buying and selling at retail

23 Grinding

24 Making the beverage

[Illustration: COFFEE ARABICA; LEAVES, FLOWERS AND FRUIT

Painted from nature by M.E. Eaton--Detail sketches show anther, pistil,

and section of corolla]

CHAPTER I

DEALING WITH THE ETYMOLOGY OF COFFEE

_Origin and translation of the word from the Arabian into various

languages--Views of many writers_

The history of the word coffee involves several phonetic difficulties.

The European languages got the name of the beverage about 1600 from the

original Arabic [Arabic] _qahwah_, not directly, but through its

Turkish form, _kahveh_. This was the name, not of the plant, but the

beverage made from its infusion, being originally one of the names

employed for wine in Arabic.

Sir James Murray, in the _New English Dictionary_, says that some have

conjectured that the word is a foreign, perhaps African, word disguised,

and have thought it connected with the name Kaffa, a town in Shoa,

southwest Abyssinia, reputed native place of the coffee plant, but that

of this there is no evidence, and the name _qahwah_ is not given to the

berry or plant, which is called [Arabic] _bunn_, the native name in

Shoa being _bun_.

Contributing to a symposium on the etymology of the word coffee in

_Notes and Queries_, 1909, James Platt, Jr., said:

The Turkish form might have been written _kahvé_, as its final _h_

was never sounded at any time. Sir James Murray draws attention to

the existence of two European types, one like the French _café_,

Italian _caffè_, the other like the English _coffee_, Dutch

_koffie_. He explains the vowel _o_ in the second series as

apparently representing _au_, from Turkish _ahv_. This seems

unsupported by evidence, and the _v_ is already represented by the

_ff_, so on Sir James's assumption _coffee_ must stand for

_kahv-ve_, which is unlikely. The change from _a_ to _o_, in my

opinion, is better accounted for as an imperfect appreciation. The

exact sound of a in Arabic and other Oriental languages is that

of the English short U, as in "cuff." This sound, so easy to us, is

a great stumbling-block to other nations. I judge that Dutch

_koffie_ and kindred forms are imperfect attempts at the notation

of a vowel which the writers could not grasp. It is clear that the

French type is more correct. The Germans have corrected their

_koffee_, which they may have got from the Dutch, into _kaffee_.

The Scandinavian languages have adopted the French form. Many must

wonder how the _hv_ of the original so persistently becomes _ff_ in

the European equivalents. Sir James Murray makes no attempt to

solve this problem.

Virendranath Chattopádhyáya, who also contributed to the _Notes and

Queries_ symposium, argued that the _hw_ of the Arabic _qahwah_ becomes

sometimes _ff_ and sometimes only _f_ or _v_ in European translations

because some languages, such as English, have strong syllabic accents

(stresses), while others, as French, have none. Again, he points out

that the surd aspirate _h_ is heard in some languages, but is hardly

audible in others. Most Europeans tend to leave it out altogether.

Col. W.F. Prideaux, another contributor, argued that the European

languages got one form of the word coffee directly from the Arabic

_qahwah_, and quoted from Hobson-Jobson in support of this:

_Chaoua_ in 1598, _Cahoa_ in 1610, _Cahue_ in 1615; while Sir

Thomas Herbert (1638) expressly states that "they drink (in Persia)

... above all the rest, _Coho_ or _Copha_: by Turk and Arab called

_Caphe_ and _Cahua_." Here the Persian, Turkish, and Arabic

pronunciations are clearly differentiated.

Col. Prideaux then calls, as a witness to the Anglo-Arabic

pronunciation, one whose evidence was not available when the _New

English Dictionary_ and Hobson-Jobson articles were written. This is

John Jourdain, a Dorsetshire seaman, whose _Diary_ was printed by the

Hakluyt Society in 1905. On May 28, 1609, he records that "in the

afternoone wee departed out of Hatch (Al-Hauta, the capital of the Lahej

district near Aden), and travelled untill three in the morninge, and

then wee rested in the plaine fields untill three the next daie, neere

unto a cohoo howse in the desert." On June 5 the party, traveling from

Hippa (Ibb), "laye in the mountaynes, our camells being wearie, and our

selves little better. This mountain is called Nasmarde (Nakil

Sumara), where all the cohoo grows." Farther on was "a little

village, where there is sold cohoo and fruite. The seeds of this cohoo

is a greate marchandize, for it is carried to grand Cairo and all other

places of Turkey, and to the Indias." Prideaux, however, mentions that

another sailor, William Revett, in his journal (1609) says, referring to

Mocha, that "Shaomer Shadli (Shaikh 'Ali bin 'Omar esh-Shadil) was

the fyrst inventour for drynking of coffe, and therefor had in

esteemation." This rather looks to Prideaux as if on the coast of

Arabia, and in the mercantile towns, the Persian pronunciation was in

vogue; whilst in the interior, where Jourdain traveled, the Englishman

reproduced the Arabic.

Mr. Chattopádhyáya, discussing Col. Prideaux's views as expressed above,

said:

Col. Prideaux may doubt "if the worthy mariner, in entering the

word in his log, was influenced by the abstruse principles of

phonetics enunciated" by me, but he will admit that the change from

_kahvah_ to _coffee_ is a phonetic change, and must be due to the

operation of some phonetic principle. The average man, when he

endeavours to write a foreign word in his own tongue, is

handicapped considerably by his inherited and acquired phonetic

capacity. And, in fact, if we take the quotations made in

"Hobson-Jobson," and classify the various forms of the word

_coffee_ according to the nationality of the writer, we obtain very

interesting results.

Let us take Englishmen and Dutchmen first. In Danvers's _Letters_

(1611) we have both "_coho_ pots" and "_coffao_ pots"; Sir T. Roe

(1615) and Terry (1616) have _cohu_; Sir T. Herbert (1638) has

_coho_ and _copha_; Evelyn (1637), _coffee_; Fryer (1673) _coho_;

Ovington (1690), _coffee_; and Valentijn (1726), _coffi_. And from

the two examples given by Col. Prideaux, we see that Jourdain

(1609) has _cohoo_, and Revett (1609) has _coffe_.

To the above should be added the following by English writers, given in

Foster's _English Factories in India_ (1618-21, 1622-23, 1624-29): cowha

(1619), cowhe, couha (1621), coffa (1628).

Let us now see what foreigners (chiefly French and Italian) write. The

earliest European mention is by Rauwolf, who knew it in Aleppo in 1573.

He has the form _chaube_. Prospero Alpini (1580) has _caova_; Paludanus

(1598) _chaoua_; Pyrard de Laval (1610) _cahoa_; P. Della Valle (1615)

_cahue_; Jac. Bontius (1631) _caveah_; and the _Journal d'Antoine

Galland_ (1673) _cave_. That is, Englishmen use forms of a certain

distinct type, _viz._, cohu, coho, coffao, coffe, copha, coffee, which

differ from the more correct transliteration of foreigners.

In 1610 the Portuguese Jew, Pedro Teixeira (in the Hakluyt Society's

edition of his _Travels_) used the word _kavàh_.

The inferences from these transitional forms seem to be: 1. The word

found its way into the languages of Europe both from the Turkish and

from the Arabic. 2. The English forms (which have strong stress on the

first syllable) have _o_ instead of _a_, and _f_ instead of _h_.

3. The foreign forms are unstressed and have no _h_. The original _v_ or

_w_ (or labialized _u_) is retained or changed into _f_.

It may be stated, accordingly, that the chief reason for the existence

of two distinct types of spelling is the omission of _h_ in unstressed

languages, and the conversion of _h_ into _f_ under strong stress in

stressed languages. Such conversion often takes place in Turkish; for

example, _silah dar_ in Persian (which is a highly stressed language)

becomes _zilif dar_ in Turkish. In the languages of India, on the other

hand, in spite of the fact that the aspirate is usually very clearly

sounded, the word _qahvah_ is pronounced _kaiva_ by the less

educated classes, owing to the syllables being equally stressed.

Now for the French viewpoint. Jardin[3] opines that, as regards the

etymology of the word coffee, scholars are not agreed and perhaps never

will be. Dufour[4] says the word is derived from _caouhe_, a name given

by the Turks to the beverage prepared from the seed. Chevalier

d'Arvieux, French consul at Alet, Savary, and Trevoux, in his

dictionary, think that coffee comes from the Arabic, but from the word

_cahoueh_ or _quaweh_, meaning to give vigor or strength, because, says

d'Arvieux, its most general effect is to fortify and strengthen.

Tavernier combats this opinion. Moseley attributes the origin of the

word coffee to Kaffa. Sylvestre de Sacy, in his _Chréstomathie Arabe_,

published in 1806, thinks that the word _kahwa_, synonymous with

_makli_, roasted in a stove, might very well be the etymology of the

word coffee. D'Alembert in his encyclopedic dictionary, writes the word

_caffé_. Jardin concludes that whatever there may be in these various

etymologies, it remains a fact that the word coffee comes from an

Arabian word, whether it be _kahua_, _kahoueh_, _kaffa_ or _kahwa_, and

that the peoples who have adopted the drink have all modified the

Arabian word to suit their pronunciation. This is shown by giving the

word as written in various modern languages:

French, _café_; Breton, _kafe_; German, _kaffee_ (coffee tree,

_kaffeebaum_); Dutch, _koffie_ (coffee tree, _koffieboonen_); Danish,

_kaffe_; Finnish, _kahvi_; Hungarian, _kavé_; Bohemian, _kava_; Polish,

_kawa_; Roumanian, _cafea_; Croatian, _kafa_; Servian, _kava_; Russian,

_kophe_; Swedish, _kaffe_; Spanish, _café_; Basque, _kaffia_; Italian,

_caffè_; Portuguese, _café_; Latin (scientific), _coffea_; Turkish,

_kahué_; Greek, _kaféo_; Arabic, _qahwah_ (coffee berry, _bun_);

Persian, _qéhvé_ (coffee berry, _bun_[5]); Annamite, _ca-phé_;

Cambodian, _kafé_; Dukni[6], _bunbund_[7]; Teluyan[8], _kapri-vittulu_;

Tamil[9], _kapi-kottai_ or _kopi_; Canareze[10], _kapi-bija_; Chinese,

_kia-fey_, _teoutsé_; Japanese, _kéhi_; Malayan, _kawa_, _koppi_;

Abyssinian, _bonn_[11]; Foulak, _legal café_[12]; Sousou, _houri

caff_[13]; Marquesan, _kapi_; Chinook[14], _kaufee_; Volapuk, _kaf_;

Esperanto, _kafva_.

[Illustration: THE FAIRY BEAUTY OF A COFFEE TREE IN FLOWER]

CHAPTER II

HISTORY OF COFFEE PROPAGATION

_A brief account of the cultivation of the coffee plant in the Old

World and its introduction into the New--A romantic coffee

adventure_

The history of the propagation of the coffee plant is closely interwoven

with that of the early history of coffee drinking, but for the purposes

of this chapter we shall consider only the story of the inception and

growth of the cultivation of the coffee tree, or shrub, bearing the

seeds, or berries, from which the drink, coffee, is made.

Careful research discloses that most authorities agree that the coffee

plant is indigenous to Abyssinia, and probably Arabia, whence its

cultivation spread throughout the tropics. The first reliable mention of

the properties and uses of the plant is by an Arabian physician toward

the close of the ninth century A.D., and it is reasonable to suppose

that before that time the plant was found growing wild in Abyssinia and

perhaps in Arabia. If it be true, as Ludolphus writes,[15] that the

Abyssinians came out of Arabia into Ethiopia in the early ages, it is

possible that they may have brought the coffee tree with them; but the

Arabians must still be given the credit for discovering and promoting

the use of the beverage, and also for promoting the propagation of the

plant, even if they found it in Abyssinia and brought it to Yemen.

Some authorities believe that the first cultivation of coffee in Yemen

dates back to 575 A.D., when the Persian invasion put an end to the

Ethiopian rule of the negus Caleb, who conquered the country in 525.

Certainly the discovery of the beverage resulted in the cultivation of

the plant in Abyssinia and in Arabia; but its progress was slow until

the 15th and 16th centuries, when it appears as intensively carried on

in the Yemen district of Arabia. The Arabians were jealous of their new

found and lucrative industry, and for a time successfully prevented its

spread to other countries by not permitting any of the precious berries

to leave the country unless they had first been steeped in boiling water

or parched, so as to destroy their powers of germination. It may be that

many of the early failures successfully to introduce the cultivation of

the coffee plant into other lands was also due to the fact, discovered

later, that the seeds soon lose their germinating power.

However, it was not possible to watch every avenue of transport, with

thousands of pilgrims journeying to and from Mecca every year; and so

there would appear to be some reason to credit the Indian tradition

concerning the introduction of coffee cultivation into southern India by

Baba Budan, a Moslem pilgrim, as early as 1600, although a better

authority gives the date as 1695. Indian tradition relates that Baba

Budan planted his seeds near the hut he built for himself at Chickmaglur

in the mountains of Mysore, where, only a few years since, the writer

found the descendants of these first plants growing under the shade of

the centuries-old original jungle trees. The greater part of the plants

cultivated by the natives of Kurg and Mysore appear to have come from

the Baba Budan importation. It was not until 1840 that the English began

the cultivation of coffee in India. The plantations extend now from the

extreme north of Mysore to Tuticorin.

_Early Cultivation by the Dutch_

In the latter part of the 16th century, German, Italian, and Dutch

botanists and travelers brought back from the Levant considerable

information regarding the new plant and the beverage. In 1614

enterprising Dutch traders began to examine into the possibilities of

coffee cultivation and coffee trading. In 1616 a coffee plant was

successfully transported from Mocha to Holland. In 1658 the Dutch

started the cultivation of coffee in Ceylon, although the Arabs are said

to have brought the plant to the island prior to 1505. In 1670 an

attempt was made to cultivate coffee on European soil at Dijon, France,

but the result was a failure.

In 1696, at the instigation of Nicolaas Witsen, then burgomaster of

Amsterdam, Adrian Van Ommen, commander at Malabar, India, caused to be

shipped from Kananur, Malabar, to Java, the first coffee plants

introduced into that island. They were grown from seed of the _Coffea

arabica_ brought to Malabar from Arabia. They were planted by

Governor-General Willem Van Outshoorn on the Kedawoeng estate near

Batavia, but were subsequently lost by earthquake and flood. In 1699

Henricus Zwaardecroon imported some slips, or cuttings, of coffee trees

from Malabar into Java. These were more successful, and became the

progenitors of all the coffees of the Dutch East Indies. The Dutch were

then taking the lead in the propagation of the coffee plant.

In 1706 the first samples of Java coffee, and a coffee plant grown in

Java, were received at the Amsterdam botanical gardens. Many plants were

afterward propagated from the seeds produced in the Amsterdam gardens,

and these were distributed to some of the best known botanical gardens

and private conservatories in Europe.

While the Dutch were extending the cultivation of the plant to Sumatra,

the Celebes, Timor, Bali, and other islands of the Netherlands Indies,

the French were seeking to introduce coffee cultivation into their

colonies. Several attempts were made to transfer young plants from the

Amsterdam botanical gardens to the botanical gardens at Paris; but all

were failures.

In 1714, however, as a result of negotiations entered into between the

French government and the municipality of Amsterdam, a young and

vigorous plant about five feet tall was sent to Louis XIV at the chateau

of Marly by the burgomaster of Amsterdam. The day following, it was

transferred to the Jardin des Plantes at Paris, where it was received

with appropriate ceremonies by Antoine de Jussieu, professor of botany

in charge. This tree was destined to be the progenitor of most of the

coffees of the French colonies, as well as of those of South America,

Central America, and Mexico.

_The Romance of Captain Gabriel de Clieu_

Two unsuccessful attempts were made to transport to the Antilles plants

grown from the seed of the tree presented to Louis XIV; but the honor of

eventual success was won by a young Norman gentleman, Gabriel Mathieu de

Clieu, a naval officer, serving at the time as captain of infantry at

Martinique. The story of de Clieu's achievement is the most romantic

chapter in the history of the propagation of the coffee plant.

His personal affairs calling him to France, de Clieu conceived the idea

of utilizing the return voyage to introduce coffee cultivation into

Martinique. His first difficulty lay in obtaining several of the plants

then being cultivated in Paris, a difficulty at last overcome through

the instrumentality of M. de Chirac, royal physician, or, according to a

letter written by de Clieu himself, through the kindly offices of a lady

of quality to whom de Chirac could give no refusal. The plants selected

were kept at Rochefort by M. Bégon, commissary of the department, until

the departure of de Clieu for Martinique. Concerning the exact date of

de Clieu's arrival at Martinique with the coffee plant, or plants, there

is much conflict of opinion. Some authorities give the date as 1720,

others 1723. Jardin[16] suggests that the discrepancy in dates may arise

from de Clieu, with praiseworthy perseverance, having made the voyage

twice. The first time, according to Jardin, the plants perished; but the

second time de Clieu had planted the seeds when leaving France and these

survived, "due, they say, to his having given of his scanty ration of

water to moisten them." No reference to a preceding voyage, however, is

made by de Clieu in his own account, given in a letter written to the

_Année Littéraire_[17] in 1774. There is also a difference of opinion as

to whether de Clieu arrived with one or three plants. He himself says

"one" in the letter referred to.

According to the most trustworthy data, de Clieu embarked at Nantes,

1723.[18] He had installed his precious plant in a box covered with a

glass frame in order to absorb the rays of the sun and thus better to

retain the stored-up heat for cloudy days. Among the passengers one man,

envious of the young officer, did all in his power to wrest from him the

glory of success. Fortunately his dastardly attempt failed of its

intended effect.

"It is useless," writes de Clieu in his letter to the _Année

Littéraire_, "to recount in detail the infinite care that I was obliged

to bestow upon this delicate plant during a long voyage, and the

difficulties I had in saving it from the hands of a man who, basely

jealous of the joy I was about to taste through being of service to my

country, and being unable to get this coffee plant away from me, tore

off a branch."

[Illustration: CAPTAIN DE CLIEU SHARES HIS DRINKING WATER WITH THE

COFFEE PLANT HE IS CARRYING TO MARTINIQUE]

The vessel carrying de Clieu was a merchantman, and many were the trials

that beset passengers and crew. Narrowly escaping capture by a corsair

of Tunis, menaced by a violent tempest that threatened to annihilate

them, they finally encountered a calm that proved more appalling than

either. The supply of drinking water was well nigh exhausted, and what

was left was rationed for the remainder of the voyage.

"Water was lacking to such an extent," says de Clieu, "that for more

than a month I was obliged to share the scanty ration of it assigned to

me with this my coffee plant upon which my happiest hopes were founded

and which was the source of my delight. It needed such succor the more

in that it was extremely backward, being no larger than the slip of a

pink." Many stories have been written and verses sung recording and

glorifying this generous sacrifice that has given luster to the name of

de Clieu.

Arrived in Martinique, de Clieu planted his precious slip on his estate

in Prêcheur, one of the cantons of the island; where, says Raynal, "it

multiplied with extraordinary rapidity and success." From the seedlings

of this plant came most of the coffee trees of the Antilles. The first

harvest was gathered in 1726.

De Clieu himself describes his arrival as follows:

Arriving at home, my first care was to set out my plant with great

attention in the part of my garden most favorable to its growth.

Although keeping it in view, I feared many times that it would be

taken from me; and I was at last obliged to surround it with thorn

bushes and to establish a guard about it until it arrived at

maturity ... this precious plant which had become still more dear

to me for the dangers it had run and the cares it had cost me.

Thus the little stranger thrived in a distant land, guarded day and

night by faithful slaves. So tiny a plant to produce in the end all the

rich estates of the West India islands and the regions bordering on the

Gulf of Mexico! What luxuries, what future comforts and delights,

resulted from this one small talent confided to the care of a man of

rare vision and fine intellectual sympathy, fired by the spirit of real

love for his fellows! There is no instance in the history of the French

people of a good deed done by stealth being of greater service to

humanity.

De Clieu thus describes the events that followed fast upon the

introduction of coffee into Martinique, with particular reference to

the earthquake of 1727:

Success exceeded my hopes. I gathered about two pounds of seed

which I distributed among all those whom I thought most capable of

giving the plants the care necessary to their prosperity.

The first harvest was very abundant; with the second it was

possible to extend the cultivation prodigiously, but what favored

multiplication, most singularly, was the fact that two years

afterward all the cocoa trees of the country, which were the

resource and occupation of the people, were uprooted and totally

destroyed by horrible tempests accompanied by an inundation which

submerged all the land where these trees were planted, land which

was at once made into coffee plantations by the natives. These did

marvelously and enabled us to send plants to Santo Domingo,

Guadeloupe, and other adjacent islands, where since that time they

have been cultivated with the greatest success.

By 1777 there were 18,791,680 coffee trees in Martinique.

De Clieu was born in Angléqueville-sur-Saane, Seine-Inférieure

(Normandy), in 1686 or 1688.[19] In 1705 he was a ship's ensign; in 1718

he became a chevalier of St. Louis; in 1720 he was made a captain of

infantry; in 1726, a major of infantry; in 1733 he was a ship's

lieutenant; in 1737 he became governor of Guadeloupe; in 1746 he was a

ship's captain; in 1750 he was made honorary commander of the order of

St. Louis; in 1752 he retired with a pension of 6000 francs; in 1753 he

re-entered the naval service; in 1760 he again retired with a pension of

2000 francs.

In 1746 de Clieu, having returned to France, was presented to Louis XV

by the minister of marine, Rouillé de Jour, as "a distinguished officer

to whom the colonies, as well as France itself, and commerce generally,

are indebted for the cultivation of coffee."

Reports to the king in 1752 and 1759 recall his having carried the first

coffee plant to Martinique, and that he had ever been distinguished for

his zeal and disinterestedness. In the _Mercure de France_, December,

1774, was the following death notice:

Gabriel d'Erchigny de Clieu, former Ship's Captain and Honorary

Commander of the Royal and Military Order of Saint Louis, died in

Paris on the 30th of November in the 88th year of his age.

A notice of his death appeared also in the _Gazette de France_ for

December 5, 1774, a rare honor in both cases; and it has been said that

at this time his praise was again on every lip.

One French historian, Sidney Daney,[20] records that de Clieu died in

poverty at St. Pierre at the age of 97; but this must be an error,

although it does not anywhere appear that at his death he was possessed

of much, if any, means. Daney says:

This generous man received as his sole recompense for a noble deed

the satisfaction of seeing this plant for whose preservation he had

shown such devotion, prosper throughout the Antilles. The

illustrious de Clieu is among those to whom Martinique owes a

brilliant reparation.

Daney tells also that in 1804 there was a movement in Martinique to

erect a monument upon the spot where de Clieu planted his first coffee

plant, but that the undertaking came to naught.

Pardon, in his _La Martinique_ says:

Honor to this brave man! He has deserved it from the people of two

hemispheres. His name is worthy of a place beside that of

Parmentier who carried to France the potato of Canada. These two

men have rendered immense service to humanity, and their memory

should never be forgotten--yet alas! Are they even remembered?

Tussac, in his _Flora de las Antillas_, writing of de Clieu, says,

"Though no monument be erected to this beneficent traveler, yet his name

should remain engraved in the heart of every colonist."

In 1774 the _Année Littéraire_ published a long poem in de Clieu's

honor. In the feuilleton of the _Gazette de France_, April 12, 1816, we

read that M. Donns, a wealthy Hollander, and a coffee connoisseur,

sought to honor de Clieu by having painted upon a porcelain service all

the details of his voyage and its happy results. "I have seen the cups,"

says the writer, who gives many details and the Latin inscription.

That singer of navigation, Esménard, has pictured de Clieu's devotion in

the following lines:

Forget not how de Clieu with his light vessel's sail,

Brought distant Moka's gift--that timid plant and frail.

The waves fell suddenly, young zephyrs breathed no more,

Beneath fierce Cancer's fires behold the fountain store,

Exhausted, fails; while now inexorable need

Makes her unpitying law--with measured dole obeyed.

Now each soul fears to prove Tantalus torment first.

De Clieu alone defies: While still that fatal thirst,

Fierce, stifling, day by day his noble strength devours,

And still a heaven of brass inflames the burning hours.

With that refreshing draught his life he will not cheer;

But drop by drop revives the plant he holds more dear.

Already as in dreams, he sees great branches grow,

One look at his dear plant assuages all his woe.

The only memorial to de Clieu in Martinique is the botanical garden at

Fort de France, which was opened in 1918 and dedicated to de Clieu,

"whose memory has been too long left in oblivion.[21]"

In 1715 coffee cultivation was first introduced into Haiti and Santo

Domingo. Later came hardier plants from Martinique. In 1715-17 the

French Company of the Indies introduced the cultivation of the plant

into the Isle of Bourbon (now Réunion) by a ship captain named

Dufougeret-Grenier from St. Malo. It did so well that nine years later

the island began to export coffee.

The Dutch brought the cultivation of coffee to Surinam in 1718. The

first coffee plantation in Brazil was started at Pará in 1723 with

plants brought from French Guiana, but it was not a success. The English

brought the plant to Jamaica in 1730. In 1740 Spanish missionaries

introduced coffee cultivation into the Philippines from Java. In 1748

Don José Antonio Gelabert introduced coffee into Cuba, bringing the seed

from Santo Domingo. In 1750 the Dutch extended the cultivation of the

plant to the Celebes. Coffee was introduced into Guatemala about

1750-60. The intensive cultivation in Brazil dates from the efforts

begun in the Portuguese colonies in Pará and Amazonas in 1752. Porto

Rico began the cultivation of coffee about 1755. In 1760 João Alberto

Castello Branco brought to Rio de Janeiro a coffee tree from Goa,

Portuguese India. The news spread that the soil and climate of Brazil

were particularly adapted to the cultivation of coffee. Molke, a Belgian

monk, presented some seeds to the Capuchin monastery at Rio in 1774.

Later, the bishop of Rio, Joachim Bruno, became a patron of the plant

and encouraged its propagation in Rio, Minãs, Espirito Santo, and São

Paulo. The Spanish voyager, Don Francisco Xavier Navarro, is credited

with the introduction of coffee into Costa Rica from Cuba in 1779. In

Venezuela the industry was started near Caracas by a priest, José

Antonio Mohedano, with seed brought from Martinique in 1784.

Coffee cultivation in Mexico began in 1790, the seed being brought from

the West Indies. In 1817 Don Juan Antonio Gomez instituted intensive

cultivation in the State of Vera Cruz. In 1825 the cultivation of the

plant was begun in the Hawaiian Islands with seeds from Rio de Janeiro.

As previously noted, the English began to cultivate coffee in India in

1840. In 1852 coffee cultivation was begun in Salvador with plants

brought from Cuba. In 1878 the English began the propagation of coffee

in British Central Africa, but it was not until 1901 that coffee

cultivation was introduced into British East Africa from Réunion. In

1887 the French introduced the plant into Tonkin, Indo-China. Coffee

growing in Queensland, introduced in 1896, has been successful in a

small way.

In recent years several attempts have been made to propagate the coffee

plant in the southern United States, but without success. It is

believed, however, that the topographic and climatic conditions in

southern California are favorable for its cultivation.

[Illustration]

[Illustration: OMAR AND THE MARVELOUS COFFEE BIRD]

[Illustration: KALDI AND HIS DANCING GOATS]

[Illustration: THE LEGENDARY DISCOVERY OF THE COFFEE DRINK

From drawings by a modern French artist]

CHAPTER III

EARLY HISTORY OF COFFEE DRINKING

_Coffee in the Near East in the early centuries--Stories of its

origin--Discovery by physicians and adoption by the Church--Its

spread through Arabia, Persia and Turkey--Persecutions and

intolerances--Early coffee manners and customs_

The coffee drink had its rise in the classical period of Arabian

medicine, which dates from Rhazes (Abu Bakr Muhammad ibn Zakariya El

Razi) who followed the doctrines of Galen and sat at the feet of

Hippocrates. Rhazes (850-922) was the first to treat medicine in an

encyclopedic manner, and, according to some authorities, the first

writer to mention coffee. He assumed the poetical name of Razi because

he was a native of the city of Raj in Persian Irak. He was a great

philosopher and astronomer, and at one time was superintendent of the

hospital at Bagdad. He wrote many learned books on medicine and surgery,

but his principal work is _Al-Haiwi_, or _The Continent_, a collection

of everything relating to the cure of disease from Galen to his own

time.

Philippe Sylvestre Dufour (1622-87)[22], a French coffee merchant,

philosopher, and writer, in an accurate and finished treatise on coffee,

tells us (see the early edition of the work translated from the Latin)

that the first writer to mention the properties of the coffee bean under

the name of _bunchum_ was this same Rhazes, "in the ninth century after

the birth of our Saviour"; from which (if true) it would appear that

coffee has been known for upwards of 1000 years. Robinson[23], however,

is of the opinion that _bunchum_ meant something else and had nothing to

do with coffee. Dufour, himself, in a later edition of his _Traitez

Nouveaux et Curieux du Café_ (the Hague, 1693) is inclined to admit that

_bunchum_ may have been a root and not coffee, after all; however, he is

careful to add that there is no doubt that the Arabs knew coffee as far

back as the year 800. Other, more modern authorities, place it as early

as the sixth century.

_Wiji Kawih_ is mentioned in a Kavi (Javan) inscription A.D. 856; and it

is thought that the "bean broth" in David Tapperi's list of Javanese

beverages (1667-82) may have been coffee[24].

While the true origin of coffee drinking may be forever hidden among the

mysteries of the purple East, shrouded as it is in legend and fable,

scholars have marshaled sufficient facts to prove that the beverage was

known in Ethiopia "from time immemorial," and there is much to add

verisimilitude to Dufour's narrative. This first coffee merchant-prince,

skilled in languages and polite learning, considered that his character

as a merchant was not inconsistent with that of an author; and he even

went so far as to say there were some things (for instance, coffee) on

which a merchant could be better informed than a philosopher.

Granting that by _bunchum_ Rhazes meant coffee, the plant and the drink

must have been known to his immediate followers; and this, indeed, seems

to be indicated by similar references in the writings of Avicenna (Ibn

Sina), the Mohammedan physician and philosopher, who lived from 980 to

1037 A.D.

Rhazes, in the quaint language of Dufour, assures us that "_bunchum_

(coffee) is hot and dry and very good for the stomach." Avicenna

explains the medicinal properties and uses of the coffee bean (_bon_ or

_bunn_), which he, also, calls _bunchum_, after this fashion:

As to the choice thereof, that of a lemon color, light, and of a

good smell, is the best; the white and the heavy is naught. It is

hot and dry in the first degree, and, according to others, cold in

the first degree. It fortifies the members, it cleans the skin, and

dries up the humidities that are under it, and gives an excellent

smell to all the body.

The early Arabians called the bean and the tree that bore it, _bunn_;

the drink, _bunchum_. A. Galland[25] (1646-1715), the French Orientalist

who first analyzed and translated from the Arabic the Abd-al-Kâdir

manuscript[26], the oldest document extant telling of the origin of

coffee, observes that Avicenna speaks of the _bunn_, or coffee; as do

also Prospero Alpini and Veslingius (Vesling). Bengiazlah, another great

physician, contemporary with Avicenna, likewise mentions coffee; by

which, says Galland, one may see that we are indebted to physicians for

the discovery of coffee, as well as of sugar, tea, and chocolate.

Rauwolf[27] (d. 1596), German physician and botanist, and the first

European to mention coffee, who became acquainted with the beverage in

Aleppo in 1573, telling how the drink was prepared by the Turks, says:

In this same water they take a fruit called _Bunnu_, which in its

bigness, shape, and color is almost like unto a bayberry, with two

thin shells surrounded, which, as they informed me, are brought

from the _Indies_; but as these in themselves are, and have within

them, two yellowish grains in two distinct cells, and besides,

being they agree in their virtue, figure, looks, and name with the

_Bunchum_ of Avicenna and _Bunco_, of _Rasis ad Almans_ exactly:

therefore I take them to be the same.

In Dr. Edward Pocoke's translation (Oxford, 1659) of _The Nature of the

Drink Kauhi, or Coffee, and the Berry of which it is Made, Described by

an Arabian Phisitian_, we read:

_Bun_ is a plant in _Yaman_ [Yemen], which is planted in _Adar_,

and groweth up and is gathered in _Ab_. It is about a cubit high,

on a stalk about the thickness of one's thumb. It flowers white,

leaving a berry like a small nut, but that sometimes it is broad

like a bean; and when it is peeled, parteth in two. The best of it

is that which is weighty and yellow; the worst, that which is

black. It is hot in the first degree, dry in the second: it is

usually reported to be cold and dry, but it is not so; for it is

bitter, and whatsoever is bitter is hot. It may be that the scorce

is hot, and the Bun it selfe either of equall temperature, or cold

in the first degree.

That which makes for its coldnesse is its stipticknesse. In summer

it is by experience found to conduce to the drying of rheumes, and

flegmatick coughes and distillations, and the opening of

obstructions, and the provocation of urin. It is now known by the

name of _Kohwah_. When it is dried and thoroughly boyled, it

allayes the ebullition of the blood, is good against the small poxe

and measles, the bloudy pimples; yet causeth vertiginous headheach,

and maketh lean much, occasioneth waking, and the Emrods, and

asswageth lust, and sometimes breeds melancholly.

He that would drink it for livelinesse sake, and to discusse

slothfulnesse, and the other properties that we have mentioned, let

him use much sweat meates with it, and oyle of pistaccioes, and

butter. Some drink it with milk, but it is an error, and such as

may bring in danger of the leprosy.

Dufour concludes that the coffee beans of commerce are the same as the

_bunchum_ (_bunn_) described by Avicenna and the _bunca_ (_bunchum_) of

Rhazes. In this he agrees, almost word for word, with Rauwolf,

indicating no change in opinion among the learned in a hundred years.

Christopher Campen thinks Hippocrates, father of medicine, knew and

administered coffee.

Robinson, commenting upon the early adoption of coffee into materia

medica, charges that it was a mistake on the part of the Arab

physicians, and that it originated the prejudice that caused coffee to

be regarded as a powerful drug instead of as a simple and refreshing

beverage.

_Homer, the Bible, and Coffee_

In early Grecian and Roman writings no mention is made of either the

coffee plant or the beverage made from the berries. Pierre (Pietro)

Delia Valle[28] (1586-1652), however, maintains that the _nepenthe_,

which Homer says Helen brought with her out of Egypt, and which she

employed as surcease for sorrow, was nothing else but coffee mixed with

wine.[29] This is disputed by M. Petit, a well known physician of Paris,

who died in 1687. Several later British authors, among them, Sandys,

the poet; Burton; and Sir Henry Blount, have suggested the probability

of coffee being the "black broth" of the Lacedæmonians.

George Paschius, in his Latin treatise of the _New Discoveries Made

since the Time of the Ancients_, printed at Leipsic in 1700, says he

believes that coffee was meant by the five measures of parched corn

included among the presents Abigail made to David to appease his wrath,

as recorded in the _Bible_, 1 Samuel, xxv, 18. The _Vulgate_ translates

the Hebrew words _sein kali_ into _sata polentea_, which signify wheat,

roasted, or dried by fire.

[Illustration: TITLE PAGE OF DUFOUR'S BOOK, EDITION OF 1693]

Pierre Étienne Louis Dumant, the Swiss Protestant minister and author,

is of the opinion that coffee (and not lentils, as others have supposed)

was the red pottage for which Esau sold his birthright; also that the

parched grain that Boaz ordered to be given Ruth was undoubtedly roasted

coffee berries.

Dufour mentions as a possible objection against coffee that "the use and

eating of beans were heretofore forbidden by Pythagoras," but intimates

that the coffee bean of Arabia is something different.

Scheuzer,[30] in his _Physique Sacrée_, says "the Turks and the Arabs

make with the coffee bean a beverage which bears the same name, and many

persons use as a substitute the flour of roasted barley." From this we

learn that the coffee substitute is almost as old as coffee itself.

_Some Early Legends_

After medicine, the church. There are several Mohammedan traditions that

have persisted through the centuries, claiming for "the faithful" the

honor and glory of the first use of coffee as a beverage. One of these

relates how, about 1258 A.D., Sheik Omar, a disciple of Sheik Abou'l

hasan Schadheli, patron saint and legendary founder of Mocha, by chance

discovered the coffee drink at Ousab in Arabia, whither he had been

exiled for a certain moral remissness.

Facing starvation, he and his followers were forced to feed upon the

berries growing around them. And then, in the words of the faithful Arab

chronicle in the Bibliothéque Nationale at Paris, "having nothing to eat

except coffee, they took of it and boiled it in a saucepan and drank of

the decoction." Former patients in Mocha who sought out the good

doctor-priest in his Ousab retreat, for physic with which to cure their

ills, were given some of this decoction, with beneficial effect. As a

result of the stories of its magical properties, carried back to the

city, Sheik Omar was invited to return in triumph to Mocha where the

governor caused to be built a monastery for him and his companions.

Another version of this Oriental legend gives it as follows:

The dervish Hadji Omar was driven by his enemies out of Mocha into

the desert, where they expected he would die of starvation. This

undoubtedly would have occurred if he had not plucked up courage to

taste some strange berries which he found growing on a shrub. While

they seemed to be edible, they were very bitter; and he tried to

improve the taste by roasting them. He found, however, that they

had become very hard, so he attempted to soften them with water.

The berries seemed to remain as hard as before, but the liquid

turned brown, and Omar drank it on the chance that it contained

some of the nourishment from the berries. He was amazed at how it

refreshed him, enlivened his sluggishness, and raised his drooping

spirits. Later, when he returned to Mocha, his salvation was

considered a miracle. The beverage to which it was due sprang into

high favor, and Omar himself was made a saint.

A popular and much-quoted version of Omar's discovery of coffee, also

based upon the Abd-al-Kâdir manuscript, is the following:

In the year of the Hegira 656, the mollah Schadheli went on a

pilgrimage to Mecca. Arriving at the mountain of the Emeralds

(Ousab), he turned to his disciple Omar and said: "I shall die in

this place. When my soul has gone forth, a veiled person will

appear to you. Do not fail to execute the command which he will

give you."

The venerable Schadheli being dead, Omar saw in the middle of the

night a gigantic specter covered by a white veil.

"Who are you?" he asked.

The phantom drew back his veil, and Omar saw with surprise

Schadheli himself, grown ten cubits since his death. The mollah dug

in the ground, and water miraculously appeared. The spirit of his

teacher bade Omar fill a bowl with the water and to proceed on his

way and not to stop till he reached the spot where the water would

stop moving.

"It is there," he added, "that a great destiny awaits you."

Omar started his journey. Arriving at Mocha in Yemen, he noticed

that the water was immovable. It was here that he must stop.

The beautiful village of Mocha was then ravaged by the plague. Omar

began to pray for the sick and, as the saintly man was close to

Mahomet, many found themselves cured by his prayers.

The plague meanwhile progressing, the daughter of the King of Mocha

fell ill and her father had her carried to the home of the dervish

who cured her. But as this young princess was of rare beauty, after

having cured her, the good dervish tried to carry her off. The king

did not fancy this new kind of reward. Omar was driven from the

city and exiled on the mountain of Ousab, with herbs for food and a

cave for a home.

"Oh, Schadheli, my dear master," cried the unfortunate dervish one

day; "if the things which happened to me at Mocha were destined,

was it worth the trouble to give me a bowl to come here?"

To these just complaints, there was heard immediately a song of

incomparable harmony, and a bird of marvelous plumage came to rest

in a tree. Omar sprang forward quickly toward the little bird which

sang so well, but then he saw on the branches of the tree only

flowers and fruit. Omar laid hands on the fruit, and found it

delicious. Then he filled his great pockets with it and went back

to his cave. As he was preparing to boil a few herbs for his

dinner, the idea came to him of substituting for this sad soup,

some of his harvested fruit. From it he obtained a savory and

perfumed drink; it was coffee.

The Italian _Journal of the Savants_ for the year 1760 says that two

monks, Scialdi and Ayduis, were the first to discover the properties of

coffee, and for this reason became the object of special prayers. "Was

not this Scialdi identical with the Sheik Schadheli?" asks Jardin.[31]

The most popular legend ascribes the discovery of the drink to an

Arabian herdsman in upper Egypt, or Abyssinia, who complained to the

abbot of a neighboring monastery that the goats confided to his care

became unusually frolicsome after eating the berries of certain shrubs

found near their feeding grounds. The abbot, having observed the fact,

determined to try the virtues of the berries on himself. He, too,

responded with a new exhilaration. Accordingly, he directed that some be

boiled, and the decoction drunk by his monks, who thereafter found no

difficulty in keeping awake during the religious services of the night.

The abbé Massieu in his poem, _Carmen Caffaeum_, thus celebrates the

event:

The monks each in turn, as the evening draws near,

Drink 'round the great cauldron--a circle of cheer!

And the dawn in amaze, revisiting that shore,

On idle beds of ease surprised them nevermore!

According to the legend, the news of the "wakeful monastery" spread

rapidly, and the magical berry soon "came to be in request throughout

the whole kingdom; and in progress of time other nations and provinces

of the East fell into the use of it."

The French have preserved the following picturesque version of this

legend:

A young goatherd named Kaldi noticed one day that his goats, whose

deportment up to that time had been irreproachable, were abandoning

themselves to the most extravagant prancings. The venerable buck,

ordinarily so dignified and solemn, bounded about like a young kid.

Kaldi attributed this foolish gaiety to certain fruits of which the

goats had been eating with delight.

The story goes that the poor fellow had a heavy heart; and in the

hope of cheering himself up a little, he thought he would pick and

eat of the fruit. The experiment succeeded marvelously. He forgot

his troubles and became the happiest herder in happy Arabia. When

the goats danced, he gaily made himself one of the party, and

entered into their fun with admirable spirit.

One day, a monk chanced to pass by and stopped in surprise to find

a ball going on. A score of goats were executing lively pirouettes

like a ladies' chain, while the buck solemnly _balancé-ed_, and the

herder went through the figures of an eccentric pastoral dance.

The astonished monk inquired the cause of this saltatorial madness;

and Kaldi told him of his precious discovery.

Now, this poor monk had a great sorrow; he always went to sleep in

the middle of his prayers; and he reasoned that Mohammed without

doubt was revealing this marvelous fruit to him to overcome his

sleepiness.

[Illustration: ARAB DRINKING COFFEE; CHINAMAN, TEA; AND INDIAN,

CHOCOLATE

Frontispiece from Dufour's work]

Piety does not exclude gastronomic instincts. Those of our good

monk were more than ordinary; because he thought of drying and

boiling the fruit of the herder. This ingenious concoction gave us

coffee. Immediately all the monks of the realm made use of the

drink, because it encouraged them to pray and, perhaps, also

because it was not disagreeable.

In those early days it appears that the drink was prepared in two ways;

one in which the decoction was made from the hull and the pulp

surrounding the bean, and the other from the bean itself. The roasting

process came later and is an improvement generally credited to the

Persians. There is evidence that the early Mohammedan churchmen were

seeking a substitute for the wine forbidden to them by the Koran, when

they discovered coffee. The word for coffee in Arabic, _qahwah_, is the

same as one of those used for wine; and later on, when coffee drinking

grew so popular as to threaten the very life of the church itself, this

similarity was seized upon by the church-leaders to support their

contention that the prohibition against wine applied also to coffee.

La Roque,[32] writing in 1715, says that the Arabian word _cahouah_

signified at first only wine; but later was turned into a generic term

applied to all kinds of drink. "So there were really three sorts of

coffee; namely, wine, including all intoxicating liquors; the drink made

with the shells, or cods, of the coffee bean; and that made from the

bean itself."

Originally, then, the coffee drink may have been a kind of wine made

from the coffee fruit. In the coffee countries even today the natives

are very fond, and eat freely, of the ripe coffee cherries, voiding the

seeds. The pulp surrounding the coffee seeds (beans) is pleasant to

taste, has a sweetish, aromatic flavor, and quickly ferments when

allowed to stand.

Still another tradition (was the wish father to the thought?) tells how

the coffee drink was revealed to Mohammed himself by the Angel Gabriel.

Coffee's partisans found satisfaction in a passage in the _Koran_ which,

they said, foretold its adoption by the followers of the Prophet:

They shall be given to drink an excellent wine, sealed; its seal is

that of the musk.

The most diligent research does not carry a knowledge of coffee back

beyond the time of Rhazes, two hundred years after Mohammed; so there is

little more than speculation or conjecture to support the theory that it

was known to the ancients, in Bible times or in the days of The Praised

One. Our knowledge of tea, on the other hand, antedates the Christian

era. We know also that tea was intensively cultivated and taxed under

the Tang dynasty in China, A.D. 793, and that Arab traders knew of it in

the following century.

_The First Reliable Coffee Date_

About 1454 Sheik Gemaleddin Abou Muhammad Bensaid, mufti of Aden,

surnamed Aldhabani, from Dhabhan, a small town where he was born, became

acquainted with the virtues of coffee on a journey into Abyssinia.[33]

Upon his return to Aden, his health became impaired; and remembering the

coffee he had seen his countrymen drinking in Abyssinia, he sent for

some in the hope of finding relief. He not only recovered from his

illness; but, because of its sleep-dispelling qualities, he sanctioned

the use of the drink among the dervishes "that they might spend the

night in prayers or other religious exercises with more attention and

presence of mind.[34]"

It is altogether probable that the coffee drink was known in Aden before

the time of Sheik Gemaleddin; but the endorsement of the very learned

imam, whom science and religion had already made famous, was sufficient

to start a vogue for the beverage that spread throughout Yemen, and

thence to the far corners of the world. We read in the Arabian

manuscript at the Bibliothéque Nationale that lawyers, students, as well

as travelers who journeyed at night, artisans, and others, who worked at

night, to escape the heat of the day, took to drinking coffee; and even

left off another drink, then becoming popular, made from the leaves of a

plant called _khat_ or _cat_ (_catha edulis_).

Sheik Gemaleddin was assisted in his work of spreading the gospel of

this the first propaganda for coffee by one Muhammed Alhadrami, a

physician of great reputation, born in Hadramaut, Arabia Felix.

A recently unearthed and little known version of coffee's origin shows

how features of both the Omar tradition and the Gemaleddin story may be

combined by a professional Occidental tale-writer[35]:

Toward the middle of the fifteenth century, a poor Arab was

traveling in Abyssinia. Finding himself weak and weary, he stopped

near a grove. For fuel wherewith to cook his rice, he cut down a

tree that happened to be covered with dried berries. His meal being

cooked and eaten, the traveler discovered that these half-burnt

berries were fragrant. He collected a number of them and, on

crushing them with a stone, found that the aroma was increased to a

great extent. While wondering at this, he accidentally let the

substance fall into an earthen vessel that contained his scanty

supply of water.

A miracle! The almost putrid water was purified. He brought it to

his lips; it was fresh and agreeable; and after a short rest the

traveler so far recovered his strength and energy as to be able to

resume his journey. The lucky Arab gathered as many berries as he

could, and having arrived at Aden, informed the mufti of his

discovery. That worthy was an inveterate opium-smoker, who had been

suffering for years from the influence of the poisonous drug. He

tried an infusion of the roasted berries, and was so delighted at

the recovery of his former vigor that in gratitude to the tree he

called it _cahuha_ which in Arabic signifies "force".

Galland, in his analysis of the Arabian manuscript, already referred to,

that has furnished us with the most trustworthy account of the origin of

coffee, criticizes Antoine Faustus Nairon, Maronite professor of

Oriental languages at Rome, who was the author of the first printed

treatise on coffee only,[36] for accepting the legends relating to Omar

and the Abyssinian goatherd. He says they are unworthy of belief as

facts of history, although he is careful to add that there is _some_

truth in the story of the discovery of coffee by the Abyssinian goats

and the abbot who prescribed the use of the berries for his monks, "the

Eastern Christians being willing to have the honor of the invention of

coffee, for the abbot, or prior, of the convent and his companions are

only the mufti Gemaleddin and Muhammid Alhadrami, and the monks are the

dervishes."

Amid all these details, Jardin reaches the conclusion that it is to

chance we must attribute the knowledge of the properties of coffee, and

that the coffee tree was transported from its native land to Yemen, as

far as Mecca, and possibly into Persia, before being carried into Egypt.

Coffee, being thus favorably introduced into Aden, it has continued

there ever since, without interruption. By degrees the cultivation of

the plant and the use of the beverage passed into many neighboring

places. Toward the close of the fifteenth century (1470-1500) it reached

Mecca and Medina, where it was introduced, as at Aden, by the dervishes,

and for the same religious purpose. About 1510 it reached Grand Cairo in

Egypt, where the dervishes from Yemen, living in a district by

themselves, drank coffee on the nights they intended to spend in

religious devotion. They kept it in a large red earthen vessel--each in

turn receiving it, respectfully, from their superior, in a small bowl,

which he dipped into the jar--in the meantime chanting their prayers,

the burden of which was always: "There is no God but one God, the true

King, whose power is not to be disputed."

[Illustration: A BOUQUET OF RIPE FRUIT]

[Illustration: FLOWERS, FRUIT, AND LEAVES]

[Illustration: THE COFFEE TREE BEARS FRUIT, LEAF, AND BLOSSOM AT THE

SAME TIME]

After the dervishes, the bowl was passed to lay members of the

congregation. In this way coffee came to be so associated with the act

of worship that "they never performed a religious ceremony in public and

never observed any solemn festival without taking coffee."

Meanwhile, the inhabitants of Mecca became so fond of the beverage that,

disregarding its religious associations, they made of it a secular drink

to be sipped publicly in _kaveh kanes_, the first coffee houses. Here

the idle congregated to drink coffee, to play chess and other games, to

discuss the news of the day, and to amuse themselves with singing,

dancing, and music, contrary to the manners of the rigid Mahommedans,

who were very properly scandalized by such performances. In Medina and

in Cairo, too, coffee became as common a drink as in Mecca and Aden.

_The First Coffee Persecution_

At length the pious Mahommedans began to disapprove of the use of coffee

among the people. For one thing, it made common one of the best

psychology-adjuncts of their religion; also, the joy of life, that it

helped to liberate among those who frequented the coffee houses,

precipitated social, political, and religious arguments; and these

frequently developed into disturbances. Dissensions arose even among the

churchmen themselves. They divided into camps for and against coffee.

The law of the Prophet on the subject of wine was variously construed as

applying to coffee.

About this time (1511) Kair Bey was governor of Mecca for the sultan of

Egypt. He appears to have been a strict disciplinarian, but lamentably

ignorant of the actual conditions obtaining among his people. As he was

leaving the mosque one evening after prayers, he was offended by seeing

in a corner a company of coffee drinkers who were preparing to pass the

night in prayer. His first thought was that they were drinking wine; and

great was his astonishment when he learned what the liquor really was

and how common was its use throughout the city. Further investigation

convinced him that indulgence in this exhilarating drink must incline

men and women to extravagances prohibited by law, and so he determined

to suppress it. First he drove the coffee drinkers out of the mosque.

The next day, he called a council of officers of justice, lawyers,

physicians, priests, and leading citizens, to whom he declared what he

had seen the evening before at the mosque; and, "being resolved to put a

stop to the coffee-house abuses, he sought their advice upon the

subject." The chief count in the indictment was that "in these places

men and women met and played tambourines, violins, and other musical

instruments. There were also people who played chess, mankala, and other

similar games, for money; and there were many other things done contrary

to our sacred law--may God keep it from all corruption until the day

when we shall all appear before him![37]"

The lawyers agreed that the coffee houses needed reforming; but as to

the drink itself, inquiry should be made as to whether it was in any way

harmful to mind or body; for if not, it might not be sufficient to close

the places that sold it. It was suggested that the opinion of the

physicians be sought.

Two brothers, Persian physicians named Hakimani, and reputed the best in

Mecca, were summoned, although we are told they knew more about logic

than they did about physic. One of them came into the council fully

prejudiced, as he had already written a book against coffee, and filled

with concern for his profession, being fearful lest the common use of

the new drink would make serious inroads on the practise of medicine.

His brother joined with him in assuring the assembly that the plant

_bunn_, from which coffee was made, was "cold and dry" and so

unwholesome. When another physician present reminded them that

Bengiazlah, the ancient and respected contemporary of Avicenna, taught

that it was "hot and dry," they made arbitrary answer that Bengiazlah

had in mind another plant of the same name, and that anyhow, it was not

material; for, if the coffee drink disposed people to things forbidden

by religion, the safest course for Mahommedans was to look upon it as

unlawful.

The friends of coffee were covered with confusion. Only the mufti spoke

out in the meeting in its favor. Others, carried away by prejudice or

misguided zeal, affirmed that coffee clouded their senses. One man arose

and said it intoxicated like wine; which made every one laugh, since he

could hardly have been a judge of this if he had not drunk wine, which

is forbidden by the Mohammedan religion. Upon being asked whether he had

ever drunk any, he was so imprudent as to admit that he had, thereby

condemning himself out of his own mouth to the bastinado.

The mufti of Aden, being both an officer of the court and a divine,

undertook, with some heat, a defense of coffee; but he was clearly in an

unpopular minority. He was rewarded with the reproaches and affronts of

the religious zealots.

So the governor had his way, and coffee was solemnly condemned as thing

forbidden by the law; and a presentment was drawn up, signed by a

majority of those present, and dispatched post-haste by the governor to

his royal master, the sultan, at Cairo. At the same time, the governor

published an edict forbidding the sale of coffee in public or private.

The officers of justice caused all the coffee houses in Mecca to be

shut, and ordered all the coffee found there, or in the merchants'

warehouses, to be burned.

Naturally enough, being an unpopular edict, there were many evasions,

and much coffee drinking took place behind closed doors. Some of the

friends of coffee were outspoken in their opposition to the order, being

convinced that the assembly had rendered a judgment not in accordance

with the facts, and above all, contrary to the opinion of the mufti who,

in every Arab community, is looked up to as the interpreter, or

expounder, of the law. One man, caught in the act of disobedience,

besides being severely punished, was also led through the most public

streets of the city seated on an ass.

However, the triumph of the enemies of coffee was short-lived; for not

only did the sultan of Cairo disapprove the "indiscreet zeal" of the

governor of Mecca, and order the edict revoked; but he read him a severe

lesson on the subject. How dared he condemn a thing approved at Cairo,

the capital of his kingdom, where there were physicians whose opinions

carried more weight than those of Mecca, and who had found nothing

against the law in the use of coffee? The best things might be abused,

added the sultan, even the sacred waters of Zamzam, but this was no

reason for an absolute prohibition. The fountain, or well, of Zamzam,

according to the Mohammedan teaching, is the same which God caused to

spring up in the desert to comfort Hagar and Ishmael when Abraham

banished them. It is in the enclosure of the temple at Mecca; and the

Mohammedans drink of it with much show of devotion, ascribing great

virtues to it.

It is not recorded whether the misguided governor was shocked at this

seeming profanity; but it is known that he hastened to obey the orders

of his lord and master. The prohibition was recalled, and thereafter he

employed his authority only to preserve order in the coffee houses. The

friends of coffee, and the lovers of poetic justice, found satisfaction

in the governor's subsequent fate. He was exposed as "an extortioner and

a public robber," and "tortured to death," his brother killing himself

to avoid the same fate. The two Persian physicians who had played so

mean a part in the first coffee persecution, likewise came to an unhappy

end. Being discredited in Mecca they fled to Cairo, where, in an

unguarded moment, having cursed the person of Selim I, emperor of the

Turks, who had conquered Egypt, they were executed by his order.

Coffee, being thus re-established at Mecca, met with no opposition until

1524, when, because of renewed disorders, the kadi of the town closed

the coffee houses, but did not seek to interfere with coffee drinking at

home and in private. His successor, however, re-licensed them; and,

continuing on their good behavior since then, they have not been

disturbed.

In 1542 a ripple was caused by an order issued by Soliman the Great,

forbidding the use of coffee; but no one took it seriously, especially

as it soon became known that the order had been obtained "by surprise"

and at the desire of only one of the court ladies "a little too nice in

this point."

One of the most interesting facts in the history of the coffee drink is

that wherever it has been introduced it has spelled revolution. It has

been the world's most radical drink in that its function has always been

to make people think. And when the people began to think, they became

dangerous to tyrants and to foes of liberty of thought and action.

Sometimes the people became intoxicated with their new found ideas; and,

mistaking liberty for license, they ran amok, and called down upon their

heads persecutions and many petty intolerances. So history repeated

itself in Cairo, twenty-three years after the first Mecca persecution.

_Coffee's Second Religious Persecution_

Selim I, after conquering Egypt, had brought coffee to Constantinople in

1517. The drink continued its progress through Syria, and was received

in Damascus (about 1530), and in Aleppo (about 1532), without

opposition. Several coffee houses of Damascus attained wide fame, among

them the Café of the Roses, and the Café of the Gate of Salvation.

Its increasing popularity and, perhaps, the realization that the

continued spread of the beverage might lessen the demand for his

services, caused a physician of Cairo to propound (about 1523) to his

fellows this question:

What is your opinion concerning the liquor called coffee which is

drank in company, as being reckoned in the number of those we have

free leave to make use of, notwithstanding it is the cause of no

small disorders, that it flies up into the head and is very

pernicious to health? Is it permitted or forbidden?

At the end he was careful to add, as his own opinion (and without

prejudice?), that coffee was unlawful. To the credit of the physicians

of Cairo as a class, it should be recorded that they looked with

unsympathetic eyes upon this attempt on the part of one of their number

to stir up trouble for a valuable adjunct to their materia medica, and

so the effort died a-borning.

If the physicians were disposed to do nothing to stop coffee's progress,

not so the preachers. As places of resort, the coffee houses exercised

an appeal that proved stronger to the popular mind than that of the

temples of worship. This to men of sound religious training was

intolerable. The feeling against coffee smouldered for a time; but in

1534 it broke out afresh. In that year a fiery preacher in one of

Cairo's mosques so played upon the emotions of his congregation with a

preachment against coffee, claiming that it was against the law and that

those who drank it were not true Mohammedans, that upon leaving the

building a large number of his hearers, enraged, threw themselves into

the first coffee house they found in their way, burned the coffee pots

and dishes, and maltreated all the persons they found there.

Public opinion was immediately aroused; and the city was divided into

two parties; one maintaining that coffee was against the law of

Mohammed, and the other taking the contrary view. And then arose a

Solomon in the person of the chief justice, who summoned into his

presence the learned physicians for consultation. Again the medical

profession stood by its guns. The medical men pointed out to the chief

justice that the question had already been decided by their predecessors

on the side of coffee, and that the time had come to put some check "on

the furious zeal of the bigots" and the "indiscretions of ignorant

preachers." Whereupon, the wise judge caused coffee to be served to the

whole company and drank some himself. By this act he "re-united the

contending parties, and brought coffee into greater esteem than ever."

_Coffee in Constantinople_

The story of the introduction of coffee into Constantinople shows that

it experienced much the same vicissitudes that marked its advent at

Mecca and Cairo. There were the same disturbances, the same unreasoning

religious superstition, the same political hatreds, the same stupid

interference by the civil authorities; and yet, in spite of it all,

coffee attained new honors and new fame. The Oriental coffee house

reached its supreme development in Constantinople.

Although coffee had been known in Constantinople since 1517, it was not

until 1554 that the inhabitants became acquainted with that great

institution of early eastern democracy--the coffee house. In that year,

under the reign of Soliman the Great, son of Selim I, one Schemsi of

Damascus and one Hekem of Aleppo opened the first two coffee houses in

the quarter called Taktacalah. They were wonderful institutions for

those days, remarkable alike for their furnishings and their comforts,

as well as for the opportunity they afforded for social intercourse and

free discussion. Schemsi and Hekem received their guests on "very neat

couches or sofas," and the admission was the price of a dish of

coffee--about one cent.

Turks, high and low, took up the idea with avidity. Coffee houses

increased in number. The demand outstripped the supply. In the seraglio

itself special officers (_kahvedjibachi_) were commissioned to prepare

the coffee drink for the sultan. Coffee was in favor with all classes.

The Turks gave to the coffee houses the name _kahveh kanes_

(_diversoria_, Cotovicus called them); and as they grew in popularity,

they became more and more luxurious. There were lounges, richly

carpeted; and in addition to coffee, many other means of entertainment.

To these "schools of the wise" came the "young men ready to enter upon

offices of judicature; kadis from the provinces, seeking re-instatement

or new appointments; muderys, or professors; officers of the seraglio;

bashaws; and the principal lords of the port," not to mention merchants

and travelers from all parts of the then known world.

_Coffee House Persecutions_

About 1570, just when coffee seemed settled for all time in the social

scheme, the imams and dervishes raised a loud wail against it, saying

the mosques were almost empty, while the coffee houses were always full.

Then the preachers joined in the clamor, affirming it to be a greater

sin to go to a coffee house than to enter a tavern. The authorities

began an examination; and the same old debate was on. This time,

however, appeared a mufti who was unfriendly to coffee. The religious

fanatics argued that Mohammed had not even known of coffee, and so could

not have used the drink, and, therefore, it must be an abomination for

his followers to do so. Further, coffee was burned and ground to

charcoal before making a drink of it; and the _Koran_ distinctly forbade

the use of charcoal, including it among the unsanitary foods. The mufti

decided the question in favor of the zealots, and coffee was forbidden

by law.

The prohibition proved to be more honored in the breach than in the

observance. Coffee drinking continued in secret, instead of in the open.

And when, about 1580, Amurath III, at the further solicitation of the

churchmen, declared in an edict that coffee should be classed with wine,

and so prohibited in accordance with the law of the Prophet, the people

only smiled, and persisted in their secret disobedience. Already they

were beginning to think for themselves on religious as well as political

matters. The civil officers, finding it useless to try to suppress the

custom, winked at violations of the law; and, for a consideration,

permitted the sale of coffee privately, so that many Ottoman

"speak-easies" sprung up--places where coffee might be had behind shut

doors; shops where it was sold in back-rooms.

This was enough to re-establish the coffee houses by degrees. Then came

a mufti less scrupulous or more knowing than his predecessor, who

declared that coffee was not to be looked upon as coal, and that the

drink made from it was not forbidden by the law. There was a general

renewal of coffee drinking; religious devotees, preachers, lawyers, and

the mufti himself indulging in it, their example being followed by the

whole court and the city.

After this, the coffee houses provided a handsome source of revenue to

each succeeding grand vizier; and there was no further interference with

the beverage until the reign of Amurath IV, when Grand Vizier Kuprili,

during the war with Candia, decided that for political reasons, the

coffee houses should be closed. His argument was much the same as that

advanced more than a hundred years later by Charles II of England,

namely, that they were hotbeds of sedition. Kuprili was a military

dictator, with nothing of Charles's vacillating nature; and although,

like Charles, he later rescinded his edict, he enforced it, while it was

effective, in no uncertain fashion. Kuprili was no petty tyrant. For a

first violation of the order, cudgeling was the punishment; for a second

offense, the victim was sewn in a leather bag and thrown into the

Bosporus. Strangely enough, while he suppressed the coffee houses, he

permitted the taverns, that sold wine forbidden by the _Koran_, to

remain open. Perhaps he found the latter produced a less dangerous kind

of mental stimulation than that produced by coffee. Coffee, says Virey,

was too intellectual a drink for the fierce and senseless administration

of the pashas.

Even in those days it was not possible to make people good by law.

Paraphrasing the copy-book, suppressed desires will arise, though all

the world o'erwhelm them, to men's eyes. An unjust law was no more

enforceable in those centuries than it is in the twentieth century. Men

are humans first, although they may become brutish when bereft of

reason. But coffee does not steal away their reason; rather, it sharpens

their reasoning faculties. As Galland has truly said: "Coffee joins men,

born for society, in a more perfect union; protestations are more

sincere in being made at a time when the mind is not clouded with fumes

and vapors, and therefore not easily forgotten, which too frequently

happens when made over a bottle."

[Illustration: CHARACTERISTIC SCENE IN A TURKISH COFFEE HOUSE OF THE

SEVENTEENTH CENTURY]

Despite the severe penalties staring them in the face, violations of the

law were plentiful among the people of Constantinople. Venders of the

beverage appeared in the market-places with "large copper vessels with

fire under them; and those who had a mind to drink were invited to step

into any neighboring shop where every one was welcome on such an

account."

Later, Kuprili, having assured himself that the coffee houses were no

longer a menace to his policies, permitted the free use of the beverage

that he had previously forbidden.

_Coffee and Coffee Houses in Persia_

Some writers claim for Persia the discovery of the coffee drink; but

there is no evidence to support the claim. There are, however,

sufficient facts to justify a belief that here, as in Ethiopia, coffee

has been known from time immemorial--which is a very convenient phrase.

At an early date the coffee house became an established institution in

the chief towns. The Persians appear to have used far more intelligence

than the Turks in handling the political phase of the coffee-house

question, and so it never became necessary to order them suppressed in

Persia.

The wife of Shah Abbas, observing that great numbers of people were wont

to gather and to talk politics in the leading coffee house of Ispahan,

appointed a mollah--an ecclesiastical teacher and expounder of the

law--to sit there daily to entertain the frequenters of the place with

nicely turned points of history, law, and poetry. Being a man of wisdom

and great tact, he avoided controversial questions of state; and so

politics were kept in the background. He proved a welcome visitor, and

was made much of by the guests. This example was generally followed, and

as a result disturbances were rare in the coffee houses of Ispahan.

Adam Olearius[38] (1599-1671), who was secretary to the German Embassy

that traveled in Turkey in 1633-36, tells of the great diversions made

in Persian coffee houses "by their poets and historians, who are seated

in a high chair from whence they make speeches and tell satirical

stories, playing in the meantime with a little stick and using the same

gestures as our jugglers and legerdemain men do in England."

At court conferences conspicuous among the shah's retinue were always to

be seen the "kahvedjibachi," or "coffee-pourers."

_Early Coffee Manners and Customs_

Karstens Niebuhr[39] (1733-1815), the Hanoverian traveler, furnishes the

following description of the early Arabian, Syrian, and Egyptian coffee

houses:

They are commonly large halls, having their floors spread with

mats, and illuminated at night by a multitude of lamps. Being the

only theaters for the exercise of profane eloquence, poor scholars

attend here to amuse the people. Select portions are read, _e.g._

the adventures of Rustan Sal, a Persian hero. Some aspire to the

praise of invention, and compose tales and fables. They walk up and

down as they recite, or assuming oratorial consequence, harangue

upon subjects chosen by themselves.

In one coffee house at Damascus an orator was regularly hired to

tell his stories at a fixed hour; in other cases he was more

directly dependant upon the taste of his hearers, as at the

conclusion of his discourse, whether it had consisted of literary

topics or of loose and idle tales, he looked to the audience for a

voluntary contribution.

At Aleppo, again, there was a man with a soul above the common,

who, being a person of distinction, and one that studied merely for

his own pleasure, had yet gone the round of all the coffee houses

in the city to pronounce moral harangues.

In some coffee houses there were singers and dancers, as before, and

many came to listen to the marvelous tales, of the _Thousand and One

Nights_.

In Oriental countries it was once the custom to offer a cup of "bad

coffee," i.e., coffee containing poison, to those functionaries or other

persons who had proven themselves embarrassing to the authorities.

While coffee drinking started as a private religious function, it was

not long after its introduction by the coffee houses that it became

secularized still more in the homes of the people, although for

centuries it retained a certain religious significance. Galland says

that in Constantinople, at the time of his visit to the city, there was

no house, rich or poor, Turk or Jew, Greek or Armenian, where it was not

drunk at least twice a day, and many drank it oftener, for it became a

custom in every house to offer it to all visitors; and it was considered

an incivility to refuse it. Twenty dishes a day, per person, was not an

uncommon average.

Galland observes that "as much money must be spent in the private

families of Constantinople for coffee as for wine at Paris," and relates

that it is as common for beggars to ask for money to buy coffee, as it

is in Europe to ask for money to buy wine or beer.

At this time to refuse or to neglect to give coffee to their wives was a

legitimate cause for divorce among the Turks. The men made promise when

marrying never to let their wives be without coffee. "That," says

Fulbert de Monteith, "is perhaps more prudent than to swear fidelity."

Another Arabic manuscript by Bichivili in the Bibliothéque Nationale at

Paris furnishes us with this pen picture of the coffee ceremony as

practised in Constantinople in the sixteenth century:

In all the great men's houses, there are servants whose business it

is only to take care of the coffee; and the head officer among

them, or he who has the inspection over all the rest, has an

apartment allowed him near the hall which is destined for the

reception of visitors. The Turks call this officer _Kavveghi_, that

is, Overseer or Steward of the Coffee. In the harem or ladies'

apartment in the seraglio, there are a great many such officers,

each having forty or fifty _Baltagis_ under them, who, after they

have served a certain time in these coffee-houses, are sure to be

well provided for, either by an advantageous post, or a sufficient

quantity of land. In the houses of persons of quality likewise,

there are pages, called _Itchoglans_, who receive the coffee from

the stewards, and present it to the company with surprising

dexterity and address, as soon as the master of the family makes a

sign for that purpose, which is all the language they ever speak to

them.... The coffee is served on salvers without feet, made

commonly of painted or varnished wood, and sometimes of silver.

They hold from 15 to 20 china dishes each; and such as can afford

it have these dishes half set in silver ... the dish may be easily

held with the thumb below and two fingers on the upper edge.

[Illustration: SERVING COFFEE TO A GUEST.--AFTER A DRAWING IN AN EARLY

EDITION OF "ARABIAN NIGHTS"]

In his _Relation of a Journey to Constantinople in 1657_, Nicholas

Rolamb, the Swedish traveler and envoy to the Ottoman Porte, gives us

this early glimpse of coffee in the home life of the Turks:[40]

This [coffee] is a kind of pea that grows in _Egypt_, which the

_Turks_ pound and boil in water, and take it for pleasure instead

of brandy, sipping it through the lips boiling hot, persuading

themselves that it consumes catarrhs, and prevents the rising of

vapours out of the stomach into the head. The drinking of this

coffee and smoking tobacco (for tho' the use of tobacco is

forbidden on pain of death, yet it is used in _Constantinople_ more

than any where by men as well as women, tho' secretly) makes up all

the pastime among the _Turks_, and is the only thing they treat one

another with; for which reason all people of distinction have a

particular room next their own, built on purpose for it, where

there stands a jar of coffee continually boiling.

It is curious to note that among several misconceptions that were held

by some of the peoples of the Levant was one that coffee was a promoter

of impotence, although a Persian version of the Angel Gabriel legend

says that Gabriel invented it to restore the Prophet's failing

metabolism. Often in Turkish and Arabian literature, however, we meet

with the suggestion that coffee drinking makes for sterility and

barrenness, a notion that modern medicine has exploded; for now we know

that coffee stimulates the racial instinct, for which tobacco is a

sedative.

[Illustration: THE FIRST PRINTED REFERENCE TO COFFEE, AS IT APPEARS IN

RAUWOLF'S WORK, 1582]

CHAPTER IV

INTRODUCTION OF COFFEE INTO WESTERN EUROPE

_When the three great temperance beverages, cocoa, tea, and coffee,

came to Europe--Coffee first mentioned by Rauwolf in 1582--Early

days of coffee in Italy--How Pope Clement VIII baptized it and made

it a truly Christian beverage--The first European coffee house, in

Venice, 1645--The famous Caffè Florian--Other celebrated Venetian

coffee houses of the eighteenth century--The romantic story of

Pedrocchi, the poor lemonade-vender, who built the most beautiful

coffee house in the world_

Of the world's three great temperance beverages, cocoa, tea, and coffee,

cocoa was the first to be introduced into Europe, in 1528, by the

Spanish. It was nearly a century later, in 1610, that the Dutch brought

tea to Europe. Venetian traders introduced coffee into Europe in 1615.

Europe's first knowledge of coffee was brought by travelers returning

from the Far East and the Levant. Leonhard Rauwolf started on his famous

journey into the Eastern countries from Marseilles in September, 1573,

having left his home in Augsburg, the 18th of the preceding May. He

reached Aleppo in November, 1573; and returned to Augsburg, February 12,

1576. He was the first European to mention coffee; and to him also

belongs the honor of being the first to refer to the beverage in print.

Rauwolf was not only a doctor of medicine and a botanist of great

renown, but also official physician to the town of Augsburg. When he

spoke, it was as one having authority. The first printed reference to

coffee appears as _chaube_ in chapter viii of _Rauwolf's Travels_, which

deals with the manners and customs of the city of Aleppo. The exact

passage is reproduced herewith as it appears in the original German

edition of Rauwolf published at Frankfort and Lauingen in 1582-83. The

translation is as follows:

If you have a mind to eat something or to drink other liquors,

there is commonly an open shop near it, where you sit down upon the

ground or carpets and drink together. Among the rest they have a

very good drink, by them called _Chaube_ [coffee] that is almost as

black as ink, and very good in illness, chiefly that of the

stomach; of this they drink in the morning early in open places

before everybody, without any fear or regard, out of _China_ cups,

as hot as they can; they put it often to their lips but drink but

little at a time, and let it go round as they sit.

In this same water they take a fruit called _Bunnu_ which in its

bigness, shape and color is almost like unto a bayberry, with two

thin shells surrounded, which, as they informed me, are brought

from the _Indies_; but as these in themselves are, and have within

them, two yellowish grains in two distinct cells, and besides,

being they agree in their virtue, figure, looks, and name with the

_Bunchum_ of _Avicenna_, and _Bunca_, of _Rasis ad Almans_ exactly;

therefore I take them to be the same, until I am better informed by

the learned. This liquor is very common among them, wherefore there

are a great many of them that sell it, and others that sell the

berries, everywhere in their _Batzars_.

_The Early Days of Coffee in Italy_

It is not easy to determine just when the use of coffee spread from

Constantinople to the western parts of Europe; but it is more than

likely that the Venetians, because of their close proximity to, and

their great trade with, the Levant, were the first acquainted with it.

Prospero Alpini (Alpinus; 1553-1617), a learned physician and botanist

of Padua, journeyed to Egypt in 1580, and brought back news of coffee.

He was the first to print a description of the coffee plant and drink in

his treatise _The Plants of Egypt_, written in Latin, and published in

Venice, 1592. He says:

I have seen this tree at Cairo, it being the same tree that

produces the fruit, so common in Egypt, to which they give the name

_bon_ or _ban_. The Arabians and the Egyptians make a sort of

decoction of it, which they drink instead of wine; and it is sold

in all their public houses, as wine is with us. They call this

drink _caova_. The fruit of which they make it comes from "Arabia

the Happy," and the tree that I saw looks like a spindle tree, but

the leaves are thicker, tougher, and greener. The tree is never

without leaves.

Alpini makes note of the medicinal qualities attributed to the drink by

dwellers in the Orient, and many of these were soon incorporated into

Europe's materia medica.

Johann Vesling (Veslingius; 1598-1649), a German botanist and traveler,

settled in Venice, where he became known as a learned Italian physician.

He edited (1640) a new edition of Alpini's work; but earlier (1638)

published some comments on Alpini's findings, in the course of which he

distinguished certain qualities found in a drink made from the husks

(skins) of the coffee berries from those found in the liquor made from

the beans themselves, which he calls the stones of the coffee fruit. He

says:

Not only in Egypt is coffee in much request, but in almost all the

other provinces of the Turkish Empire. Whence it comes to pass that

it is dear even in the Levant and scarce among the Europeans, who

by that means are deprived of a very wholesome liquor.

From this we may conclude that coffee was not wholly unknown in Europe

at that time. Vesling adds that when he visited Cairo, he found there

two or three thousand coffee houses, and that "some did begin to put

sugar in their coffee to correct the bitterness of it, and others made

sugar-plums of the berries."

_Coffee Baptized by the Pope_

Shortly after coffee reached Rome, according to a much quoted legend, it

was again threatened with religious fanaticism, which almost caused its

excommunication from Christendom. It is related that certain priests

appealed to Pope Clement VIII (1535-1605) to have its use forbidden

among Christians, denouncing it as an invention of Satan. They claimed

that the Evil One, having forbidden his followers, the infidel Moslems,

the use of wine--no doubt because it was sanctified by Christ and used

in the Holy Communion--had given them as a substitute this hellish black

brew of his which they called coffee. For Christians to drink it was to

risk falling into a trap set by Satan for their souls.

[Illustration: AN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY ITALIAN COFFEE HOUSE

After Goldoni, by Zatta]

It is further related that the pope, made curious, desired to inspect

this Devil's drink, and had some brought to him. The aroma of it was so

pleasant and inviting that the pope was tempted to try a cupful. After

drinking it, he exclaimed, "Why, this Satan's drink is so delicious that

it would be a pity to let the infidels have exclusive use of it. We

shall fool Satan by baptizing it, and making it a truly Christian

beverage."

Thus, whatever harmfulness its opponents try to attribute to coffee, the

fact remains (if we are to credit the story) that it has been baptized

and proclaimed unharmful, and a "truly Christian beverage," by his

holiness the pope.

The Venetians had further knowledge of coffee in 1585, when

Gianfrancesco Morosini, city magistrate at Constantinople, reported to

the Senate that the Turks "drink a black water as hot as they can suffer

it, which is the infusion of a bean called _cavee_, which is said to

possess the virtue of stimulating mankind."

Dr. A. Couguet, in an Italian review, asserts that Europe's first cup of

coffee was sipped in Venice, toward the close of the sixteenth century.

He is of the opinion that the first berries were imported by Mocengio,

who was called the _pevere_, because he made a huge fortune trading in

spices and other specialties of the Orient.

In 1615 Pierre (Pietro) Delia Valle (1586-1652), the well known Italian

traveler and author of _Travels in India and Persia_, wrote a letter

from Constantinople to his friend Mario Schipano at Venice:

The Turks have a drink of black color, which during the summer is

very cooling, whereas in the winter it heats and warms the body,

remaining always the same beverage and not changing its substance.

They swallow it hot as it comes from the fire and they drink it in

long draughts, not at dinner time, but as a kind of dainty and

sipped slowly while talking with one's friends. One cannot find any

meetings among them where they drink it not.... With this drink,

which they call _cahue_, they divert themselves in their

conversations.... It is made with the grain or fruit of a certain

tree called _cahue_.... When I return I will bring some with me and

I will impart the knowledge to the Italians.

[Illustration: NOBILITY IN AN EARLY VENETIAN CAFFÈ

From the Grevembroch collection in the Museo Civico]

Della Valle's countrymen, however, were in a fair way to become well

acquainted with the beverage, for already (1615) it had been introduced

into Venice. At first it was used largely for medicinal purposes; and

high prices were charged for it. Vesling says of its use in Europe as a

medicine, "the first step it made from the cabinets of the curious, as

an exotic seed, being into the apothecaries' shops as a drug."

The first coffee house in Italy is said to have been opened in 1645, but

convincing confirmation is lacking. In the beginning, the beverage was

sold with other drinks by lemonade-venders. The Italian word

_aquacedratajo_ means one who sells lemonade and similar refreshments;

also one who sells coffee, chocolate, liquor, etc. Jardin says the

beverage was in general use throughout Italy in 1645. It is certain,

however, that a coffee shop was opened in Venice in 1683 under the

_Procuratie Nuove_. The famous Caffè Florian was opened in Venice by

Floriono Francesconi in 1720.

The first authoritative treatise devoted to coffee only appeared in

1671. It was written in Latin by Antoine Faustus Nairon (1635-1707),

Maronite professor of the Chaldean and Syrian languages in the College

of Rome.

During the latter part of the seventeenth century and the first half of

the eighteenth, the coffee house made great progress in Italy. It is

interesting to note that this first European adaptation of the Oriental

coffee house was known as a _caffè_. The double _f_ is retained by the

Italians to this day, and by some writers is thought to have been taken

from _coffea_, without the double _f_ being lost, as in the case of the

French and some other Continental forms.

To Italy, then, belongs the honor of having given to the Western world

the real coffee house, although the French and Austrians greatly

improved upon it. It was not long after its beginning that nearly every

shop on the Piazza di San Marco in Venice was a _caffè_[41]. Near the

Piazza was the Caffè della Ponte dell' Angelo, where in 1792 died the

dog Tabacchio, celebrated by Vincenzo Formaleoni in a satirical eulogy

that is a parody of the oration of Ubaldo Bregolini upon the death of

Angelo Emo.

In the Caffè della Spaderia, kept by Marco Ancilloto, some radicals

proposed to open a reading-room to encourage the spread of liberal

ideas. The inquisitors sent a foot-soldier to notify the proprietor that

he should inform the first person entering the room that he was to

present himself before their tribunal. The idea was thereupon abandoned.

[Illustration: GOLDONI IN A VENETIAN CAFFÈ

From a painting by P. Longhi]

Among other celebrated coffee houses was the one called Menegazzo, from

the name of the rotund proprietor, Menico. This place was much

frequented by men of letters; and heated discussions were common there

between Angelo Maria Barbaro, Lorenzo da Ponte, and others of their

time.

The coffee house gradually became the common resort of all classes. In

the mornings came the merchants, lawyers, physicians, brokers, workers,

and wandering venders; in the afternoons, and until the late hours of

the nights, the leisure classes, including the ladies.

For the most part, the rooms of the first Italian _caffè_ were low,

simple, unadorned, without windows, and only poorly illuminated by

tremulous and uncertain lights. Within them, however, joyous throngs

passed to and fro, clad in varicolored garments, men and women chatting

in groups here and there, and always above the buzz there were to be

heard such choice bits of scandal as made worthwhile a visit to the

coffee house. Smaller rooms were devoted to gaming.

In the "little square" described by Goldoni[42] in his comedy _The

Coffee House_, where the combined barber-shop and gambling house was

located, Don Marzio, that marvelous type of slanderous old romancer, is

shown as one typical of the period, for Goldoni was a satirist. The

other characters of the play were also drawn from the types then to be

seen every day in the coffee houses on the Piazza.

In the square of St. Mark's, in the eighteenth century, under the

_Procuratie Vecchie_, were the _caffè_ Re di Francia, Abbondanza, Pitt,

l'eroe, Regina d'Ungheria, Orfeo, Redentore, Coraggio-Speranza, Arco

Celeste, and Quadri. The last-named was opened in 1775 by Giorgio Quadri

of Corfu, who served genuine Turkish coffee for the first time in

Venice.

Under the _Procuratie Nuove_ were to be found the _caffè_ Angelo

Custode, Duca di Toscana, Buon genio-Doge, Imperatore Imperatrice della

Russia, Tamerlano, Fontane di Diana, Dame Venete, Aurora Piante d'oro,

Arabo-Piastrelle, Pace, Venezia trionfante, and Florian.

Probably no coffee house in Europe has acquired so world-wide a

celebrity as that kept by Florian, the friend of Canova the sculptor,

and the trusted agent and acquaintance of hundreds of persons in and out

of the city, who found him a mine of social information and a convenient

city directory. Persons leaving Venice left their cards and itineraries

with him; and new-comers inquired at Florian's for tidings of those whom

they wished to see. "He long concentrated in himself a knowledge more

varied and multifarious than that possessed by any individual before or

since," says Hazlitt[43], who has given us this delightful pen picture

of _caffè_ life in Venice in the eighteenth century:

Venetian coffee was said to surpass all others, and the article

placed before his visitors by Florian was the best in Venice. Of

some of the establishments as they then existed, Molmenti has

supplied us with illustrations, in one of which Goldoni the

dramatist is represented as a visitor, and a female mendicant is

soliciting alms.

So cordial was the esteem of the great sculptor Canova for him,

that when Florian was overtaken by gout, he made a model of his

leg, that the poor fellow might be spared the anguish of fitting

himself with boots. The friendship had begun when Canova was

entering on his career, and he never forgot the substantial

services which had been rendered to him in the hour of need.

In later days, the Caffè Florian was under the superintendence of a

female chef, and the waitresses used, in the case of certain

visitors, to fasten a flower in the button-hole, perhaps allusively

to the name. In the Piazza itself girls would do the same thing. A

good deal of hospitality is, and has ever been, dispensed at Venice

in the cafés and restaurants, which do service for the domestic

hearth.

There were many other establishments devoted, more especially in

the latest period of Venetian independence, to the requirements of

those who desired such resorts for purposes of conversation and

gossip. These houses were frequented by various classes of

patrons--the patrician, the politician, the soldier, the artist,

the old and the young--all had their special haunts where the

company and the tariff were in accordance with the guests. The

upper circles of male society--all above the actually

poor--gravitated hither to a man.

For the Venetian of all ranks the coffee house was almost the last

place visited on departure from the city, and the first visited on

his return. His domicile was the residence of his wife and the

repository of his possessions; but only on exceptional occasions

was it the scene of domestic hospitality, and rare were the

instances when the husband and wife might be seen abroad together,

and when the former would invite the lady to enter a café or a

confectioner's shop to partake of an ice.

[Illustration: FLORIAN'S FAMOUS CAFFÈ IN THE PIAZZA DI SAN MARCO,

VENICE, NINETEENTH CENTURY]

The Caffè Florian has undergone many changes, but it still survives as

one of the favorite _caffè_ in the Piazza San Marco.

By 1775 coffee-house history had begun to repeat itself in Venice.

Charges of immorality, vice, and corruption, were preferred against the

_caffè_; and the Council of Ten in 1775, and again in 1776, directed the

Inquisitors of State to eradicate these "social cankers." However, they

survived all attempts of the reformers to suppress them.

The Caffè Pedrocchi in Padua was another of the early Italian coffee

houses that became famous. Antonio Pedrocchi (1776-1852) was a

lemonade-vender who, in the hope of attracting the gay youth, the

students of his time, bought an old house with the idea of converting

the ground floor into a series of attractive rooms. He put all his ready

money and all he could borrow into the venture, only to find there were

no cellars, indispensable for making ices and beverages on the premises,

and that the walls and floors were so old that they crumbled when

repairs were started.

He was in despair; but, nothing daunted, he decided to have a cellar

dug. What was his surprise to find the house was built over the vault

of an old church, and that the vault contained considerable treasure.

The lucky proprietor found himself free to continue his trade of

lemonade-vender and coffee-seller, or to live a life of ease. Being a

wise man, he adhered to his original plan; and soon his luxurious rooms

became the favorite rendezvous for the smart set of his day. In this

period lemonade and coffee frequently went together. The Caffè Pedrocchi

is considered one of the finest pieces of architecture erected in Italy

in the nineteenth century. It was begun in 1816, opened in 1831, and

completed in 1842.

Coffee houses were early established in other Italian cities,

particularly in Rome, Florence, and Genoa.

In 1764, _Il Caffè_, a purely philosophical and literary periodical,

made its appearance in Milan, being founded by Count Pietro Verri

(1728-97). Its chief editor was Cesare Beccaria. Its object was to

counteract the influence and superficiality of the Arcadians. It

acquired its title from the fact that Count Verri and his friends were

wont to meet at a coffee house in Milan kept by a Greek named Demetrio.

It lived only two years.

Other periodicals of the same name appeared at later periods.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER V

THE BEGINNINGS OF COFFEE IN FRANCE

_What French travelers did for coffee--The introduction of coffee

by P. de la Roque into Marseilles in 1644--The first commercial

importation of coffee from Egypt--The first French coffee

house--Failure of the attempt by physicians of Marseilles to

discredit coffee--Soliman Aga introduces coffee into

Paris--Cabarets à caffè--Celebrated works on coffee by French

writers_

We are indebted to three great French travelers for much valuable

knowledge about coffee; and these gallant gentlemen first fired the

imagination of the French people in regard to the beverage that was

destined to play so important a part in the French revolution. They are

Tavernier (1605-89), Thévenot (1633-67), and Bernier (1625-88).

Then there is Jean La Roque (1661-1745), who made a famous "Voyage to

Arabia the Happy" (_Voyage de l'Arabie Heureuse_) in 1708-13 and to

whose father, P. de la Roque, is due the honor of having brought the

first coffee into France in 1644. Also, there is Antoine Galland

(1646-1715), the French Orientalist, first translator of the _Arabian

Nights_ and antiquary to the king, who, in 1699, published an analysis

and translation from the Arabic of the Abd-al-Kâdir manuscript (1587),

giving the first authentic account of the origin of coffee.

Probably the earliest reference to coffee in France is to be found in

the simple statement that Onorio Belli (Bellus), the Italian botanist

and author, in 1596 sent to Charles de l'Écluse (1526-1609), a French

physician, botanist and traveler, "seeds used by the Egyptians to make a

liquid they call _cave_.[44]"

P. de la Roque accompanied M. de la Haye, the French ambassador, to

Constantinople; and afterward traveled into the Levant. Upon his return

to Marseilles in 1644, he brought with him not only some coffee, but

"all the little implements used about it in Turkey, which were then

looked upon as great curiosities in France." There were included in the

coffee service some findjans, or china dishes, and small pieces of

muslin embroidered with gold, silver, and silk, which the Turks used as

napkins.

Jean La Roque gives credit to Jean de Thévenot for introducing coffee

privately into Paris in 1657, and for teaching the French how to use

coffee.

De Thévenot writes in this entertaining fashion concerning the use of

the drink in Turkey in the middle of the seventeenth century:

They have another drink in ordinary use. They call it _cahve_ and

take it all hours of the day. This drink is made from a berry

roasted in a pan or other utensil over the fire. They pound it into

a very fine powder.

When they wish to drink it, they take a boiler made expressly for

the purpose, which they call an _ibrik_; and having filled it with

water, they let it boil. When it boils, they add to about three

cups of water a heaping spoonful of the powder; and when it boils,

they remove it quickly from the fire, or sometimes they stir it,

otherwise it would boil over, as it rises very quickly. When it has

boiled up thus ten or twelve times, they pour it into porcelain

cups, which they place upon a platter of painted wood and bring it

to you thus boiling.

One must drink it hot, but in several instalments, otherwise it is

not good. One takes it in little swallows[45] for fear of burning

one's self--in such fashion that in a _cavekane_ (so they call the

places where it is sold ready prepared), one hears a pleasant

little musical sucking sound.... There are some who mix with it a

small quantity of cloves and cardamom seeds; others add sugar.

[Illustration: TITLE PAGE OF LA ROQUE'S WORK, 1716]

It was really out of curiosity that the people of France took to coffee,

says Jardin; "they wanted to know this Oriental beverage, so much

vaunted, although its blackness at first sight was far from attractive."

About the year 1660 several merchants of Marseilles, who had lived for a

time in the Levant and felt they were not able to do without coffee,

brought some coffee beans home with them; and later, a group of

apothecaries and other merchants brought in the first commercial

importation of coffee in bales from Egypt. The Lyons merchants soon

followed suit, and the use of coffee became general in those parts. In

1671 certain private persons opened a coffee house in Marseilles, near

the Exchange, which at once became popular with merchants and travelers.

Others started up, and all were crowded. The people did not, however,

drink any the less at home. "In fine," says La Roque, "the use of the

beverage increased so amazingly that, as was inevitable, the physicians

became alarmed, thinking it would not agree with the inhabitants of a

country hot and extremely dry."

[Illustration: THE COFFEE TREE AS PICTURED BY LA ROQUE IN HIS "VOYAGE DE

L'ARABIE HEUREUSE"]

The age-old controversy was on. Some sided with the physicians, others

opposed them, as at Mecca, Cairo, and Constantinople; only here the

argument turned mainly on the medicinal question, the Church this time

having no part in the dispute. "The lovers of coffee used the physicians

very ill when they met together, and the physicians on their side

threatened the coffee drinkers with all sorts of diseases."

[Illustration: A CLOSE-UP OF RIPE COFFEE BERRIES]

Matters came to a head in 1679, when an ingenious attempt by the

physicians of Marseilles to discredit coffee took the form of having a

young student, about to be admitted to the College of Physicians,

dispute before the magistrate in the town hall, a question proposed by

two physicians of the Faculty of Aix, as to whether coffee was or was

not prejudicial to the inhabitants of Marseilles.

The thesis recited that coffee had won the approval of all nations, had

almost wholly put down the use of wine, although it was not to be

compared even with the lees of that excellent beverage; that it was a

vile and worthless foreign novelty; that its claim to be a remedy

against distempers was ridiculous, because it was not a bean but the

fruit of a tree discovered by goats and camels; that it was hot and not

cold, as alleged; that it burned up the blood, and so induced palsies,

impotence, and leanness; "from all of which we must necessarily conclude

that coffee is hurtful to the greater part of the inhabitants of

Marseilles."

Thus did the good doctors of the Faculty of Aix set forth their

prejudices, and this was their final decision upon coffee. Many thought

they overreached themselves in their misguided zeal. They were handled

somewhat roughly in the disputation, which disclosed many false

reasonings, to say nothing of blunders as to matters of fact. The world

had already advanced too far to have another decision against coffee

count for much, and this latest effort to stop its onward march was of

even less force than the diatribes of the Mohammedan priests. The coffee

houses continued to be as much frequented as before, and the people

drank no less coffee in their homes. Indeed, the indictment proved a

boomerang, for consumption received such an impetus that the merchants

of Lyons and Marseilles, for the first time in history, began to import

green coffee from the Levant by the ship-load in order to meet the

increased demand.

Meanwhile, in 1669, Soliman Aga, the Turkish ambassador from Mohammed IV

to the court of Louis XIV, had arrived in Paris. He brought with him a

considerable quantity of coffee, and introduced the coffee drink, made

in Turkish style, to the French capital.

[Illustration: A COFFEE BRANCH WITH FLOWERS AND FRUIT AS ILLUSTRATED IN

LA ROQUE'S "VOYAGE DE L'ARABIE HEUREUSE"]

The ambassador remained in Paris only from July, 1669, to May, 1670, but

long enough firmly to establish the custom he had introduced. Two years

later, Pascal, an Armenian, opened his coffee-drinking booth at the fair

of St.-Germain, and this event marked the beginning of the Parisian

coffee houses. The story is told in detail in chapter XI.

The custom of drinking coffee having become general in the capital, as

well as in Marseilles and Lyons, the example was followed in all the

provinces. Every city soon had its coffee houses, and the beverage was

largely consumed in private homes. La Roque writes: "None, from the

meanest citizen to the persons of the highest quality, failed to use it

every morning or at least soon after dinner, it being the custom

likewise to offer it in all visits."

"The persons of highest quality" encouraged the fashion of having

_cabaréts à caffé_; and soon it was said that there could be seen in

France all that the East could furnish of magnificence in coffee houses,

"the china jars and other Indian furniture being richer and more

valuable than the gold and silver with which they were lavishly

adorned."

In 1671 there appeared in Lyons a book entitled _The Most Excellent

Virtues of the Mulberry, Called Coffee_, showing the need for an

authoritative work on the subject--a need that was ably filled that same

year and in Lyons by the publication of Philippe Sylvestre Dufour's

admirable treatise, _Concerning the Use of Coffee, Tea, and Chocolate_.

Again at Lyons, Dufour published (1684) his more complete work on _The

Manner of Making Coffee, Tea, and Chocolate_. This was followed (1715)

by the publication in Paris of Jean La Roque's _Voyage de l'Arabie

Heureuse_, containing the story of the author's journey to the court of

the king of Yemen in 1711, a description of the coffee tree and its

fruit, and a critical and historical treatise on its first use and

introduction to France.

La Roque's description of his visit to the king's gardens is interesting

because it shows the Arabs still held to the belief that coffee grew

only in Arabia. Here it is:

There was nothing remarkable in the King's Gardens, except the

great pains taken to furnish it with all the kinds of trees that

are common in the country; amongst which there were the coffee

trees, the finest that could be had. When the deputies represented

to the King how much that was contrary to the custom of the Princes

of Europe (who endeavor to stock their gardens chiefly with the

rarest and most uncommon plants that can be found) the King

returned them this answer: That he valued himself as much upon his

good taste and generosity as any Prince in Europe; the coffee tree,

he told them, was indeed common in his country, but it was not the

less dear to him upon that account; the perpetual verdure of it

pleased him extremely; and also the thoughts of its producing a

fruit which was nowhere else to be met with; and when he made a

present of that that came from his own Gardens, it was a great

satisfaction to him to be able to say that he had planted the trees

that produced it with his own hands.

The first merchant licensed to sell coffee in France was one Damame

François, a bourgeois of Paris, who secured the privilege through an

edict of 1692. He was given the sole right for ten years to sell coffees

and teas in all the provinces and towns of the kingdom, and in all

territories under the sovereignty of the king, and received also

authority to maintain a warehouse.

To Santo Domingo (1738) and other French colonies the café was soon

transported from the homeland, and thrived under special license from

the king.

In 1858 there appeared in France a leaflet-periodical, entitled _The

Café, Literary, Artistic, and Commercial_. Ch. Woinez, the editor, said

in announcing it: "The Salon stood for privilege, the Café stands for

equality." Its publication was of short duration.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER VI

THE INTRODUCTION OF COFFEE INTO ENGLAND

_The first printed reference to coffee in English--Early mention of

coffee by noted English travelers and writers--The Lacedæmonian

"black broth" controversy--How Conopios introduced coffee drinking

at Oxford--The first English coffee house in Oxford--Two English

botanists on coffee_

English travelers and writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries

were quite as enterprising as their Continental contemporaries in

telling about the coffee bean and the coffee drink. The first printed

reference to coffee in English, however, appears as _chaoua_ in a note

by a Dutchman, Paludanus, in _Linschoten's Travels_, the title of an

English translation from the Latin of a work first published in Holland

in 1595 or 1596, the English edition appearing in London in 1598. A

reproduction made from a photograph of the original work, with the

quaint black-letter German text and the Paludanus notation in roman, is

shown herewith.

Hans Hugo (or John Huygen) Van Linschooten (1563-1611) was one of the

most intrepid of Dutch travelers. In his description of Japanese manners

and customs we find one of the earliest tea references. He says:

Their manner of eating and drinking is: everie man hath a table

alone, without table-clothes or napkins, and eateth with two pieces

of wood like the men of Chino: they drinke wine of Rice, wherewith

they drink themselves drunke, and after their meat they use a

certain drinke, which is a pot with hote water, which they drinke

as hote as ever they may indure, whether it be Winter or Summer.

Just here Bernard Ten Broeke Paludanus (1550-1633), Dutch savant and

author, professor of philosophy at the University of Leyden, himself a

traveler over the four quarters of the globe, inserts his note

containing the coffee reference. He says:

The Turks holde almost the same manner of drinking of their

_Chaona_[46], which they make of certaine fruit, which is like unto

the Bakelaer[47], and by the Egyptians called _Bon_ or _Ban_[48]:

they take of this fruite one pound and a half, and roast them a

little in the fire and then sieth them in twenty pounds of water,

till the half be consumed away: this drinke they take every morning

fasting in their chambers, out of an earthen pot, being verie hote,

as we doe here drinke _aquacomposita_[49] in the morning: and they

say that it strengtheneth and maketh them warme, breaketh wind, and

openeth any stopping.

Van Linschooten then completes his tea reference by saying:

The manner of dressing their meat is altogether contrarie unto

other nations: the aforesaid warme water is made with the powder of

a certaine hearbe called _Chaa_, which is much esteemed, and is

well accounted among them.

The _chaa_ is, of course, tea, dialect _t'eh_.

In 1599, "Sir" Antony (or Anthony) Sherley (1565-1630), a picturesque

gentleman-adventurer, the first Englishman to mention coffee drinking in

the Orient, sailed from Venice on a kind of self-appointed, informal

Persian mission, to invite the shah to ally himself with the Christian

princes against the Turks, and incidentally, to promote English trade

interests in the East. The English government knew nothing of the

arrangement, disavowed him, and forbade his return to England. However,

the expedition got to Persia; and the account of the voyage thither was

written by William Parry, one of the Sherley party, and was published in

London in 1601. It is interesting because it contains the first printed

reference to coffee in English employing the more modern form of the

word. The original reference was photographed for this work in the Worth

Library of the British Museum, and is reproduced herewith on page 39.

The passage is part of an account of the manners and customs of the

Turks (who, Parry says, are "damned infidells") in Aleppo. It reads:

They sit at their meat (which is served to them upon the ground) as

Tailers sit upon their stalls, crosse-legd; for the most part,

passing the day in banqueting and carowsing, untill they surfet,

drinking a certaine liquor, which they do call _Coffe_, which is

made of seede much like mustard seede, which will soone intoxicate

the braine like our Metheglin.[50]

Another early English reference to coffee, wherein the word is spelled

"coffa", is in Captain John Smith's book of _Travels and Adventure_,

published in 1603. He says of the Turks: "Their best drink is _coffa_ of

a graine they call _coava_."

This is the same Captain John Smith who in 1607 became the founder of

the Colony of Virginia and brought with him to America probably the

earliest knowledge of the beverage given to the new Western world.

Samuel Purchas (1527-1626), an early English collector of travels, in

_Purchas His Pilgrimes_, under the head of "Observations of William

Finch, merchant, at Socotra" (Sokotra--an island in the Indian Ocean) in

1607, says of the Arab inhabitants:

Their best entertainment is a china dish of _Coho_, a blacke

bitterish drinke, made of a berry like a bayberry, brought from

Mecca, supped off hot, good for the head and stomache.[51]

Still other early and favorite English references to coffee are those to

be found in the _Travels_ of William Biddulph. This work was published

in 1609. It is entitled _The Travels of Certayne Englishmen in Africa,

Asia, etc.... Begunne in 1600 and by some of them finished--this yeere

1608_. These references are also reproduced herewith from the

black-letter originals in the British Museum (see page 40).

Biddulph's description of the drink, and of the coffee-house customs of

the Turks, was the first detailed account to be written by an

Englishman. It also appears in _Purchas His Pilgrimes_ (1625). But, to

quote:

Their most common drinke is _Coffa_, which is a blacke kinde of

drinke, made of a kind of Pulse like Pease, called _Coaua_; which

being grownd in the Mill, and boiled in water, they drinke it as

hot as they can suffer it; which they finde to agree very well with

them against their crudities, and feeding on hearbs and rawe

meates. Other compounded drinkes they have, called _Sherbet_, made

of Water and Sugar, or Hony, with Snow therein to make it coole;

for although the Countrey bee hot, yet they keepe Snow all the

yeere long to coole their drinke. It is accounted a great curtesie

amongst them to give unto their frends when they come to visit

them, a Fin-ion or Scudella of _Coffa_, which is more holesome than

toothsome, for it causeth good concoction, and driveth away

drowsinesse.

Some of them will also drinke Bersh or Opium, which maketh them

forget themselves, and talk idely of Castles in the Ayre, as though

they saw Visions, and heard Revelations. Their _Coffa_ houses are

more common than Ale-houses in England; but they use not so much to

sit in the houses, as on benches on both sides the streets, neere

unto a Coffa house, every man with his Fin-ionful; which being

smoking hot, they use to put it to their Noses & Eares, and then

sup it off by leasure, being full of idle and Ale-house talke

whiles they are amongst themselves drinking it; if there be any

news, it is talked of there.

Among other early English references to coffee we find an interesting

one by Sir George Sandys (1577-1644), the poet, who gave a start to

classical scholarship in America by translating Ovid's _Metamorphoses_

during his pioneer days in Virginia. In 1610 he spent a year in Turkey,

Egypt, and Palestine, and records of the Turks:[52]

Although they be destitute of Taverns, yet have they their

Coffa-houses, which something resemble them. There sit they

chatting most of the day; and sippe of a drinke called Coffa (of

the berry that it is made of) in little _China_ dishes as hot as

they can suffer it: blacke as soote, and tasting not much unlike it

(why not that blacke broth which was in use amongst the

_Lacedemonians_?) which helpeth, as they say, digestion, and

procureth alacrity: many of the Coffa-men keeping beautifull boyes,

who serve as stales to procure them customers.

Edward Terry (1590-1660), an English traveler, writes, under date of

1616, that many of the best people in India who are strict in their

religion and drink no wine at all, "use a liquor more wholesome than

pleasant, they call coffee; made by a black Seed boyld in water, which

turnes it almost into the same colour, but doth very little alter the

taste of the water [!], notwithstanding it is very good to help

Digestion, to quicken the Spirits and to cleanse the Blood."

[Illustration#: FIRST PRINTED REFERENCE TO COFFEE IN ENGLISH, 1598

It appears as _Chaona_ (_chaoua_) in the second line of the roman text

notation by Paludanus]

In 1623, Francis Bacon (1561-1626), in his _Historia Vitae et Mortis_

says: "The Turkes use a kind of herb which they call _caphe_"; and, in

1624, in his _Sylva Sylvarum_[53] (published in 1627, after his death),

he writes:

They have in Turkey a drink called _coffa_ made of a berry of the

same name, as black as soot, and of a strong scent, but not

aromatical; which they take, beaten into powder, in water, as hot

as they can drink it: and they take it, and sit at it in their

coffa-houses, which are like our taverns. This drink comforteth the

brain and heart, and helpeth digestion. Certainly this berry coffa,

the root and leaf betel, the leaf tobacco, and the tear of poppy

(opium) of which the Turks are great takers (supposing it expelleth

all fear), do all condense the spirits, and make them strong and

aleger. But it seemeth they were taken after several manners; for

coffa and opium are taken down, tobacco but in smoke, and betel is

but champed in the mouth with a little lime.

Robert Burton (1577-1640), English philosopher and humorist, in his

_Anatomy of Melancholy_[54] writes in 1632:

The Turkes have a drinke called coffa (for they use no wine), so

named of a berry as blacke as soot and as bitter (like that blacke

drinke which was in use amongst the Lacedemonians and perhaps the

same), which they sip still of, and sup as warme as they can

suffer; they spend much time in those coffa-houses, which are

somewhat like our Ale-houses or Taverns, and there they sit,

chatting and drinking, to drive away the time, and to be merry

together, because they find, by experience, that kinde of drinke so

used, helpeth digestion and procureth alacrity.

Later English scholars, however, found sufficient evidence in the works

of Arabian authors to assure their readers that coffee sometimes breeds

melancholy, causes headache, and "maketh lean much." One of these, Dr.

Pocoke, (1659: see chapter III) stated that, "he that would drink it for

livelinesse sake, and to discusse slothfulnesse ... let him use much

sweet meates with it, and oyle of pistaccioes, and butter. Some drink it

with milk, but it is an error, and such as may bring in danger of the

leprosy." Another writer observed that any ill effects caused by coffee,

unlike those of tea, etc., ceased when its use was discontinued. In this

connection it is interesting to note that in 1785 Dr. Benjamin Mosely,

physician to the Chelsea Hospital, member of the College of Physicians,

etc., probably having in mind the popular idea that the Arabic original

of the word coffee meant force, or vigor, once expressed the hope that

the coffee drink might return to popular favor in England as "a cheap

substitute for those enervating teas and beverages which produce the

pernicious habit of dram-drinking."

About 1628, Sir Thomas Herbert (1606-1681), English traveler and writer,

records among his observations on the Persians that:

"They drink above all the rest _Coho_ or _Copha_: by Turk and Arab

called _Caphe_ and _Cahua_: a drink imitating that in the Stigian

lake, black, thick, and bitter: destrain'd from _Bunchy_, _Bunnu_,

or Bay berries; wholesome, they say, if hot, for it expels

melancholy ... but not so much regarded for those good properties,

as from a Romance that it was invented and brew'd by Gabriel ... to

restore the decayed radical Moysture of kind hearted Mahomet."[55]

In 1634, Sir Henry Blount (1602-82), sometimes referred to as "the

father of the English coffee house," made a journey on a Venetian galley

into the Levant. He was invited to drink _cauphe_ in the presence of

Amurath IV; and later, in Egypt, he tells of being served the beverage

again "in a porcelaine dish". This is how he describes the drink in

Turkey:[56]

They have another drink not good at meat, called _Cauphe_, made of

a _Berry_ as big as a small _Bean_, dried in a Furnace, and beat to

Pouder, of a Soot-colour, in taste a little bitterish, that they

seeth and drink as hot as may be endured: It is good all hours of

the day, but especially morning and evening, when to that purpose,

they entertain themselves two or three hours in _Cauphe-houses_,

which in all Turkey abound more than _Inns_ and _Ale-houses_ with

us; it is thought to be the old black broth used so much by the

_Lacedemonians_, and dryeth ill Humours in the stomach, comforteth

the Brain, never causeth Drunkenness or any other Surfeit, and is a

harmless entertainment of good Fellowship; for there upon Scaffolds

half a yard high, and covered with Mats, they sit Cross-leg'd after

the _Turkish_ manner, many times two or three hundred together,

talking, and likely with some poor musick passing up and down.

[Illustration: FIRST PRINTED REFERENCE TO "COFFEE" IN ENGLISH, IN ITS

MODERN FORM, 1601

Photographed from the black-letter original of W. Parry's book in the

Worth Library of the British Museum]

This reference to the Lacedæmonian black broth, first by Sandys, then

by Burton, again by Blount, and concurred in by James Howell

(1595-1666), the first historiographer royal, gave rise to considerable

controversy among Englishmen of letters in later years. It is, of

course, a gratuitous speculation. The black broth of the Lacedæmonians

was "pork, cooked in blood and seasoned with salt and vinegar.[57]"

[Illustration: REFERENCES TO COFFEE AS FOUND IN BIDDULPH'S TRAVELS 1609

From the black-letter original in the British Museum]

William Harvey (1578-1657), the famous English physician who discovered

the circulation of the blood, and his brother are reputed to have used

coffee before coffee houses came into vogue in London--this must have

been previous to 1652. "I remember", says Aubrey[58], "he was wont to

drinke coffee; which his brother Eliab did, before coffee houses were

the fashion in London." Houghton, in 1701, speaks of "the famous

inventor of the circulation of the blood, Dr. Harvey, who some say did

frequently use it."

Although it seems likely that coffee must have been introduced into

England sometime during the first quarter of the seventeenth century,

with so many writers and travelers describing it, and with so much

trading going on between the merchants of the British Isles and the

Orient, yet the first reliable record we have of its advent is to be

found in the _Diary and Correspondence of John Evelyn, F.R.S._[59],

under "Notes of 1637", where he says:

There came in my time to the college (Baliol, Oxford) one Nathaniel

Conopios, out of Greece, from Cyrill, the Patriarch of

Constantinople, who, returning many years after was made (as I

understand) Bishop of Smyrna. He was the first I ever saw drink

coffee; which custom came not into England till thirty years

thereafter.

Evelyn should have said thirteen years after; for then it was that the

first coffee house was opened (1650).

Conopios was a native of Crete, trained in the Greek church. He became

_primore_ to Cyrill, Patriarch of Constantinople. When Cyrill was

strangled by the vizier, Conopios fled to England to avoid a like

barbarity. He came with credentials to Archbishop Laud, who allowed him

maintenance in Balliol College.

It was observed that while he continued in Balliol College he made

the drink for his own use called Coffey, and usually drank it every

morning, being the first, as the antients of that House have

informed me, that was ever drank in Oxon.[60]

[Illustration: MOL'S COFFEE HOUSE, EXETER, ENGLAND, NOW WORTH'S ART

ROOMS]

In 1640 John Parkinson (1567-1650), English botanist and herbalist,

published his _Theatrum Botanicum_[61], containing the first botanical

description of the coffee plant in English, referred to as "_Arbor Bon

cum sua Buna._ The Turkes Berry Drinke".

His work being somewhat rare, it may be of historical interest to quote

the quaint description here:

Alpinus, in his Booke of Egiptian plants, giveth us a description

of this tree, which as hee saith, hee saw in the garden of a

certain Captaine of the _Ianissaries_, which was brought out of

_Arabia felix_ and there planted as a rarity, never seene growing

in those places before.

The tree, saith _Alpinus_, is somewhat like unto the _Evonymus_

Pricketimber tree, whose leaves were thicker, harder, and greener,

and always abiding greene on the tree; the fruite is called _Buna_

and is somewhat bigger then an Hazell Nut and longer, round also,

and pointed at the end, furrowed also on both sides, yet on one

side more conspicuous than the other, that it might be parted in

two, in each side whereof lyeth a small long white kernell, flat on

that side they joyne together, covered with a yellowish skinne, of

an acid taste, and somewhat bitter withall and contained in a

thinne shell, of a darkish ash-color; with these berries generally

in _Arabia_ and _Egipt_, and in other places of the _Turkes_

Dominions, they make a decoction or drinke, which is in the stead

of Wine to them, and generally sold in all their tappe houses,

called by the name of _Caova_; _Paludanus_ saith _Chaova_, and

_Rauwolfius_ _Chaube_.

This drinke hath many good physical properties therein; for it

strengthened a week stomacke, helpeth digestion, and the tumors and

obstructions of the liver and spleene, being drunke fasting for

some time together.

In 1650, a certain Jew from Lebanon, in some accounts Jacob or Jacobs by

name, in others Jobson[62], opened "at the Angel in the parish of St.

Peter in the East", Oxford, the earliest English coffee house and "there

it [coffee] was by some who delighted in noveltie, drank". Chocolate was

also sold at this first coffee house.

Authorities differ, but the confusion as to the name of the coffee-house

keeper may have arisen from the fact that there were two--Jacobs, who

began in 1650; and another, Cirques Jobson, a Jewish Jacobite, who

followed him in 1654.

The drink at once attained great favor among the students. Soon it was

in such demand that about 1655 a society of young students encouraged

one Arthur Tillyard, "apothecary and Royalist," to sell "coffey

publickly in his house against All Soules College." It appears that a

club composed of admirers of the young Charles met at Tillyard's and

continued until after the Restoration. This Oxford Coffee Club was the

start of the Royal Society.

Jacobs removed to Old Southhampton Buildings, London, where he was in

1671.

Meanwhile, the first coffee house in London had been opened by Pasqua

Rosée in 1652; and, as the remainder of the story of coffee's rise and

fall in England centers around the coffee houses of old London, we shall

reserve it for a separate chapter.

[Illustration: EARLY ENGLISH REFERENCE TO COFFEE BY SIR GEORGE SANDYS

From the seventh edition of _Sandys' Travels_, London, 1673]

Of course, the coffee-house idea, and the use of coffee in the home,

quickly spread to other cities in Great Britain; but all the coffee

houses were patterned after the London model. Mol's coffee house at

Exeter, Devonshire, which is pictured on page 41, was one of the first

coffee houses established in England, and may be regarded as typical of

those that sprang up in the provinces. It had previously been a noted

club house; and the old hall, beautifully paneled with oak, still

displays the arms of noted members. Here Sir Walter Raleigh and

congenial friends regaled themselves with smoking tobacco. This was one

of the first places where tobacco was smoked in England. It is now an

art gallery.

When the Bishop of Berytus (Beirut) was on his way to Cochin China in

1666, he reported that the Turks used coffee to correct the

indisposition caused in the stomach by the bad water. "This drink," he

says, "imitates the effect of wine ... has not an agreeable taste but

rather bitter, yet it is much used by these people for the good effects

they find therein."

In 1686, John Ray (1628-1704), one of the most celebrated of English

naturalists, published his _Universal History of Plants_, notable among

other things for being the first work of its kind to extol the virtues

of coffee in a scientific treatise.

R. Bradley, professor of botany at Cambridge, published (1714) _A Short

Historical Account of Coffee_, all trace of which appears to be lost.

Dr. James Douglas published in London (1727) his _Arbor Yemensis fructum

Cofe ferens; or, a description and History of the Coffee Tree_, in which

he laid under heavy contribution the Arabian and French writers that had

preceded him.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER VII

THE INTRODUCTION OF COFFEE INTO HOLLAND

_How the enterprising Dutch traders captured the first world's

market for coffee--Activities of the Netherlands East India

Company--The first coffee house at the Hague--The first public

auction at Amsterdam in 1711, when Java coffee brought forty-seven

cents a pound, green_

The Dutch had early knowledge of coffee because of their dealings with

the Orient and with the Venetians, and of their nearness to Germany,

where Rauwolf first wrote about it in 1582. They were familiar with

Alpini's writings on the subject in 1592. Paludanus, in his coffee note

on _Linschoten's Travels_, furnished further enlightenment in 1598.

The Dutch were always great merchants and shrewd traders. Being of a

practical turn of mind, they conceived an ambition to grow coffee in

their colonial possessions, so as to make their home markets

headquarters for a world's trade in the product. In considering modern

coffee-trading, the Netherlands East India Company may be said to be the

pioneer, as it established in Java one of the first experimental gardens

for coffee cultivation.

The Netherlands East India Company was formed in 1602. As early as 1614,

Dutch traders visited Aden to examine into the possibilities of coffee

and coffee-trading. In 1616 Pieter Van dan Broeck brought the first

coffee from Mocha to Holland. In 1640 a Dutch merchant, named Wurffbain,

offered for sale in Amsterdam the first commercial shipment of coffee

from Mocha. As indicating the enterprise of the Dutch, note that this

was four years before the beverage was introduced into France, and only

three years after Conopios had privately instituted the breakfast coffee

cup at Oxford.

About 1650, Varnar, the Dutch minister resident at the Ottoman Porte,

published a treatise on coffee.

When the Dutch at last drove the Portuguese out of Ceylon in 1658, they

began the cultivation of coffee there, although the plant had been

introduced into the island by the Arabs prior to the Portuguese invasion

in 1505. However, it was not until 1690 that the more systematic

cultivation of the coffee plant by the Dutch was undertaken in Ceylon.

Regular imports of coffee from Mocha to Amsterdam began in 1663. Later,

supplies began to arrive from the Malabar coast.

Pasqua Rosée, who introduced the coffee house into London in 1652, is

said to have made coffee popular as a beverage in Holland by selling it

there publicly in 1664. The first coffee house was opened in the Korten

Voorhout, the Hague, under the protection of the writer Van Essen;

others soon followed in Amsterdam and Haarlem.

At the instigation of Nicolaas Witsen, burgomaster of Amsterdam and

governor of the East India Company, Adrian Van Ommen, commander of

Malabar, sent the first Arabian coffee seedlings to Java in 1696,

recorded in the chapter on the history of coffee propagation. These were

destroyed by flood, but were followed in 1699 by a second shipment, from

which developed the coffee trade of the Netherlands East Indies, that

made Java coffee a household word in every civilized country.

A trial shipment of the coffee grown near Batavia was received at

Amsterdam in 1706, also a plant for the botanical gardens. This plant

subsequently became the progenitor of most of the coffees of the West

Indies and America.

The first Java coffee for the trade was received at Amsterdam 1711. The

shipment consisted of 894 pounds from the Jakatra plantations and from

the interior of the island. At the first public auction, this coffee

brought twenty-three and two-thirds _stuivers_ (about forty-seven cents)

per Amsterdam pound.

The Netherlands East India Company contracted with the regents of

Netherlands India for the compulsory delivery of coffee; and the natives

were enjoined to cultivate coffee, the production thus becoming a forced

industry worked by government. A "general system of cultivation" was

introduced into Java in 1832 by the government, which decreed the

employment of forced labor for different products. Coffee-growing was

the only forced industry that existed before this system of cultivation,

and it was the only government cultivation that survived the abolition

of the system in 1905-08. The last direct government interest in coffee

was closed out in 1918. From 1870 to 1874, the government plantations

yielded an average of 844,854 piculs[63] a year; from 1875 to 1878, the

average was 866,674 piculs. Between 1879 and 1883, it rose to 987,682

piculs. From 1884 to 1888, the average annual yield was only 629,942

piculs.

Holland readily adopted the coffee house; and among the earliest coffee

pictures preserved to us is one depicting a scene in a Dutch coffee

house of the seventeenth century, the work of Adriaen Van Ostade

(1610-1675), shown on page 586.

History records no intolerance of coffee in Holland. The Dutch attitude

was ever that of the constructionist. Dutch inventors and artisans gave

us many new designs in coffee mortars, coffee roasters, and coffee

serving-pots.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER VIII

THE INTRODUCTION OF COFFEE INTO GERMANY

_The contributions made by German travelers and writers to the

literature of the early history of coffee--The first coffee house

in Hamburg opened by an English merchant--Famous coffee houses of

old Berlin--The first coffee periodical, and the first

kaffee-klatsch--Frederick the Great's coffee-roasting

monopoly--Coffee persecutions--"Coffee-smellers"--The first coffee

king_

As we have already seen, Leonhard Rauwolf, in 1573, made his memorable

trip to Aleppo and, in 1582, won for Germany the honor of being the

first European country to make printed mention of the coffee drink.

Adam Olearius (or Oelschlager), a German Orientalist (1599-1671),

traveled in Persia as secretary to a German embassy in 1633-36. Upon his

return he published an account of his journeys. In it, under date of

1637, he says of the Persians:

They drink with their tobacco a certain black water, which they

call _cahwa_, made of a fruit brought out of Egypt, and which is in

colour like ordinary wheat, and in taste like Turkish wheat, and is

of the bigness of a little bean.... The Persians think it allays

the natural heat.

In 1637, Joh. Albrecht von Mandelsloh, in his _Oriental Trip_, mentions

"the black water of the Persians called _Kahwe_", saying "it must be

drunk hot."

Coffee drinking was introduced into Germany about 1670. The drink

appeared at the court of the great elector of Brandenburg in 1675.

Northern Germany got its first taste of the beverage from London, an

English merchant opening the first coffee house in Hamburg in 1679-80.

Regensburg followed in 1689; Leipsic, in 1694; Nuremberg, in 1696;

Stuttgart, in 1712; Augsburg, in 1713; and Berlin, in 1721. In that year

(1721) King Frederick William I granted a foreigner the privilege of

conducting a coffee house in Berlin free of all rental charges. It was

known as the English coffee house, as was also the first coffee house in

Hamburg. And for many years, English merchants supplied the coffees

consumed in northern Germany; while Italy supplied southern Germany.

Other well known coffee houses of old Berlin were, the Royal, in Behren

_Strasse_; that of the Widow Doebbert, in the Stechbahn; the City of

Rome, in Unter-den-Linden; Arnoldi, in Kronen _Strasse_; Miercke, in

Tauben _Strasse_, and Schmidt, in Post _Strasse_.

Later, Philipp Falck opened a Jewish coffee house in Spandauer

_Strasse_. In the time of Frederick the Great (1712-1786) there were at

least a dozen coffee houses in the metropolitan district of Berlin. In

the suburbs were many tents where coffee was served.

The first coffee periodical, _The New and Curious Coffee House_, was

issued in Leipsic in 1707 by Theophilo Georgi. The full title was _The

New and Curious Coffee House, formerly in Italy but now opened in

Germany. First water debauchery. "City of the Well." Brunnenstadt by

Lorentz Schoepffwasser_ [draw-water] 1707. The second issue gave the

name of Georgi as the real publisher. It was intended to be in the

nature of an organ for the first real German kaffee-klatsch. It was a

chronicle of the comings and goings of the savants who frequented the

"Tusculum" of a well-to-do gentleman in the outskirts of the city. At

the beginning the master of the house declared:

I know that the gentlemen here speak French, Italian and other

languages. I know also that in many coffee and tea meetings it is

considered requisite that French be spoken. May I ask, however,

that he who calls upon me should use no other language but German.

We are all Germans, we are in Germany; shall we not conduct

ourselves like true Germans?

In 1721 Leonhard Ferdinand Meisner published at Nuremberg the first

comprehensive German treatise on coffee, tea, and chocolate.

During the second half of the eighteenth century coffee entered the

homes, and began to supplant flour-soup and warm beer at breakfast

tables.

Meanwhile coffee met with some opposition in Prussia and Hanover.

Frederick the Great became annoyed when he saw how much money was paid

to foreign coffee merchants for supplies of the green bean, and tried to

restrict its use by making coffee a drink of the "quality". Soon all the

German courts had their own coffee roasters, coffee pots, and coffee

cups.

Many beautiful specimens of the finest porcelain cups and saucers made

in Meissen, and used at court fêtes of this period, survive in the

collections at the Potsdam and Berlin museums. The wealthy classes

followed suit; but when the poor grumbled because they could not afford

the luxury, and demanded their coffee, they were told in effect: "You

had better leave it alone. Anyhow, it's bad for you because it causes

sterility." Many doctors lent themselves to a campaign against coffee,

one of their favorite arguments being that women using the beverage must

forego child-bearing. Bach's _Coffee Cantata_[64] (1732) was a notable

protest in music against such libels.

On September 13, 1777, Frederick issued a coffee and beer manifesto, a

curious document, which recited:

It is disgusting to notice the increase in the quantity of coffee

used by my subjects, and the amount of money that goes out of the

country in consequence. Everybody is using coffee. If possible,

this must be prevented. My people must drink beer. His Majesty was

brought up on beer, and so were his ancestors, and his officers.

Many battles have been fought and won by soldiers nourished on

beer; and the King does not believe that coffee-drinking soldiers

can be depended upon to endure hardship or to beat his enemies in

case of the occurrence of another war.

[Illustration: RICHTER'S COFFEE HOUSE IN LEIPSIC--SEVENTEENTH CENTURY]

For a time beer was restored to its honored place; and coffee continued

to be a luxury afforded only by the rich. Soon a revulsion of feeling

set in; and it was found that even Prussian military rule could not

enforce coffee prohibition. Whereupon, in 1781, finding that all his

efforts to reserve the beverage for the exclusive court circles, the

nobility, and the officers of his army, were vain, the king created a

royal monopoly in coffee, and forbade its roasting except in royal

roasting establishments. At the same time, he made exceptions in the

cases of the nobility, the clergy, and government officials; but

rejected all applications for coffee-roasting licenses from the common

people. His object, plainly, was to confine the use of the drink to the

elect. To these representatives of the cream of Prussian society, the

king issued special licenses permitting them to do their own roasting.

Of course, they purchased their supplies from the government; and as the

price was enormously increased, the sales yielded Frederick a handsome

income. Incidentally, the possession of a coffee-roasting license became

a kind of badge of membership in the upper class. The poorer classes

were forced to get their coffee by stealth; and, failing this, they fell

back upon numerous barley, wheat, corn, chicory, and dried-fig

substitutes, that soon appeared in great numbers.

This singular coffee ordinance was known as the "_Déclaration du Roi

concernant la vente du café brûlé_", and was published January 21, 1781.

[Illustration: COFFEE HOUSE IN GERMANY--MIDDLE OF THE SEVENTEENTH

CENTURY]

After placing the coffee _regie_ (revenue) in the hands of a Frenchman,

Count de Lannay, so many deputies were required to make collections that

the administration of the law became a veritable persecution. Discharged

wounded soldiers were mostly employed, and their principal duty was to

spy upon the people day and night, following the smell of roasting

coffee whenever detected, in order to seek out those who might be found

without roasting permits. The spies were given one-fourth of the fine

collected. These deputies made themselves so great a nuisance, and

became so cordially disliked, that they were called "coffee-smellers" by

the indignant people.

Taking a leaf out of Frederick's book, the elector of Cologne,

Maximilian Frederick, bishop of Münster, (Duchy of Westphalia) on

February 17, 1784, issued a manifesto which said:

To our great displeasure we have learned that in our Duchy of

Westphalia the misuse of the coffee beverage has become so extended

that to counteract the evil we command that four weeks after the

publication of this decree no one shall sell coffee roasted or not

roasted under a fine of one hundred dollars, or two years in

prison, for each offense.

Every coffee-roasting and coffee-serving place shall be closed, and

dealers and hotel-keepers are to get rid of their coffee supplies

in four weeks. It is only permitted to obtain from the outside

coffee for one's own consumption in lots of fifty pounds. House

fathers and mothers shall not allow their work people, especially

their washing and ironing women, to prepare coffee, or to allow it

in any manner under a penalty of one hundred dollars.

All officials and government employees, to avoid a penalty of one

hundred gold florins, are called upon closely to follow and to keep

a watchful eye over this decree. To the one who reports such

persons as act contrary to this decree shall be granted one-half of

the said money fine with absolute silence as to his name.

This decree was solemnly read in the pulpits, and was published besides

in the usual places and ways. There immediately followed a course of

"telling-ons", and of "coffee-smellings", that led to many bitter

enmities and caused much unhappiness in the Duchy of Westphalia.

Apparently the purpose of the archduke was to prevent persons of small

means from enjoying the drink, while those who could afford to purchase

fifty pounds at a time were to be permitted the indulgence. As was to be

expected, the scheme was a complete failure.

While the king of Prussia exploited his subjects by using the state

coffee monopoly as a means of extortion, the duke of Württemberg had a

scheme of his own. He sold to Joseph Suess-Oppenheimer, an unscrupulous

financier, the exclusive privilege of keeping coffee houses in

Württemberg. Suess-Oppenheimer in turn sold the individual coffee-house

licenses to the highest bidders, and accumulated a considerable fortune.

He was the first "coffee king."

But coffee outlived all these unjust slanders and cruel taxations of too

paternal governments, and gradually took its rightful place as one of

the favorite beverages of the German people.

[Illustration: KOLSCHITZKY, THE GREAT BROTHER-HEART, IN HIS BLUE BOTTLE

CAFÉ, VIENNA, 1683

From a lithograph after the painting by Franz Schams, entitled "Das

Erste (Kulczycki'sche) Kaffee Haus"]

CHAPTER IX

TELLING HOW COFFEE CAME TO VIENNA

_The romantic adventure of Franz George Kolschitzky, who carried "a

message to Garcia" through the enemy's lines and won for himself

the honor of being the first to teach the Viennese the art of

making coffee, to say nothing of falling heir to the supplies of

the green beans left behind by the Turks; also the gift of a house

from a grateful municipality, and a statue after

death--Affectionate regard in which "brother-heart" Kolschitzky is

held as the patron saint of the Vienna kaffee-sieder--Life in the

early Vienna cafés_

A romantic tale has been woven around the introduction of coffee into

Austria. When Vienna was besieged by the Turks in 1683, so runs the

legend, Franz George Kolschitzky, a native of Poland, formerly an

interpreter in the Turkish army, saved the city and won for himself

undying fame, with coffee as his principal reward.

It is not known whether, in the first siege of Vienna by the Turks in

1529, the invaders boiled coffee over their camp fires that surrounded

the Austrian capital; although they might have done so, as Selim I,

after conquering Egypt in 1517, had brought with him to Constantinople

large stores of coffee as part of his booty. But it is certain that when

they returned to the attack, 154 years later, they carried with them a

plentiful supply of the green beans.

Mohammed IV mobilized an army of 300,000 men and sent it forth under his

vizier, Kara Mustapha, (Kuprili's successor) to destroy Christendom and

to conquer Europe. Reaching Vienna July 7, 1683, the army quickly

invested the city and cut it off from the world. Emperor Leopold had

escaped the net and was several miles away. Nearby was the prince of

Lorraine, with an army of 33,000 Austrians, awaiting the succor promised

by John Sobieski, king of Poland, and an opportunity to relieve the

besieged capital. Count Rudiger von Starhemberg, in command of the

forces in Vienna, called for a volunteer to carry a message through the

Turkish lines to hurry along the rescue. He found him in the person of

Franz George Kolschitzky, who had lived for many years among the Turks

and knew their language and customs.

On August 13, 1683, Kolschitzky donned a Turkish uniform, passed through

the enemy's lines and reached the Emperor's army across the Danube.

Several times he made the perilous journey between the camp of the

prince of Lorraine and the garrison of the governor of Vienna. One

account says that he had to swim the four intervening arms of the Danube

each time he performed the feat. His messages did much to keep up the

morale of the city's defenders. At length King John and his army of

rescuing Poles arrived and were consolidated with the Austrians on the

summit of Mount Kahlenberg. It was one of the most dramatic moments in

history. The fate of Christian Europe hung in the balance. Everything

seemed to point to the triumph of the crescent over the cross. Once

again Kolschitzky crossed the Danube, and brought back word concerning

the signals that the prince of Lorraine and King John would give from

Mount Kahlenberg to indicate the beginning of the attack. Count

Starhemberg was to make a sortie at the same time.

[Illustration: FRANZ GEORGE KOLSCHITZKY, PATRON SAINT OF VIENNA COFFEE

LOVERS]

The battle took place September 12, and thanks to the magnificent

generalship of King John, the Turks were routed. The Poles here rendered

a never-to-be-forgotten service to all Christendom. The Turkish invaders

fled, leaving 25,000 tents, 10,000 oxen, 5,000 camels, 100,000 bushels

of grain, a great quantity of gold, and many sacks filled with

coffee--at that time unknown in Vienna. The booty was distributed; but

no one wanted the coffee. They did not know what to do with it; that is,

no one except Kolschitzky. He said, "If nobody wants those sacks, I will

take them", and every one was heartily glad to be rid of the strange

beans. But Kolschitzky knew what he was about, and he soon taught the

Viennese the art of preparing coffee. Later, he established the first

public booth where Turkish coffee was served in Vienna.

This, then, is the story of how coffee was introduced into Vienna, where

was developed that typical Vienna café which has become a model for a

large part of the world. Kolschitzky is honored in Vienna as the patron

saint of coffee houses. His followers, united in the guild of coffee

makers (_kaffee-sieder_), even erected a statue in his honor. It still

stands as part of the facade of a house where the Kolschitzygasse merges

into the Favoritengasse, as shown in the accompanying picture.

Vienna is sometimes referred to as the "mother of cafés". Café Sacher is

world-renowned. Tart à la Sacher is to be found in every cook-book. The

Viennese have their "_jause_" every afternoon. When one drinks coffee at

a Vienna café one generally has a _kipfel_ with it. This is a

crescent-shaped roll--baked for the first time in the eventful year

1683, when the Turks besieged the city. A baker made these crescent

rolls in a spirit of defiance of the Turk. Holding sword in one hand and

_kipfel_ in the other, the Viennese would show themselves on top of

their redoubts and challenge the cohorts of Mohammed IV.

Mohammed IV was deposed after losing the battle, and Kara Mustapha was

executed for leaving the stores--particularly the sacks of coffee

beans--at the gates of Vienna; but Vienna coffee and Vienna _kipfel_ are

still alive, and their appeal is not lessened by the years.

[Illustration: THE FIRST COFFEE HOUSE IN THE LEOPOLDSTADT

From a cut so titled in Bermann's _Alt und Neu Wien_]

The hero Kolschitzky was presented with a house by the grateful

municipality; and there, at the sign of the Blue Bottle, according to

one account, he continued as a coffee-house keeper for many years.[65]

This, in brief, is the story that--although not authenticated in all

its particulars--is seriously related in many books, and is firmly

believed throughout Vienna.

It seems a pity to discredit the hero of so romantic an adventure; but

the archives of Vienna throw a light upon Kolschitzky's later conduct

that tends to show that, after all, this Viennese idol's feet were of

common clay.

It is said that Kolschitzky, after receiving the sacks of green coffee

left behind by the Turks, at once began to peddle the beverage from

house to house, serving it in little cups from a wooden platter. Later

he rented a shop in Bischof-hof. Then he began to petition the municipal

council, that, in addition to the sum of 100 ducats already promised him

as further recognition of his valor, he should receive a house with good

will attached; that is, a shop in some growing business section. "His

petitions to the municipal council", writes M. Bermann[66], "are amazing

examples of measureless self-conceit and the boldest greed. He seemed

determined to get the utmost out of his own self-sacrifice. He insisted

upon the most highly deserved reward, such as the Romans bestowed upon

their Curtius, the Lacedæmonians upon their Pompilius, the Athenians

upon Seneca, with whom he modestly compared himself."

At last, he was given his choice of three houses in the Leopoldstadt,

any one of them worth from 400 to 450 gulden, in place of the money

reward, that had been fixed by a compromise agreement at 300 gulden. But

Kolschitzky was not satisfied with this; and urged that if he was to

accept a house in full payment it should be one valued at not less than

1000 gulden. Then ensued much correspondence and considerable haggling.

To put an end to the acrimonious dispute, the municipal council in 1685

directed that there should be deeded over to Kolschitzky and his wife,

Maria Ursula, without further argument, the house known at that time as

30 (now 8) Haidgasse.

It is further recorded that Kolschitzky sold the house within a year;

and, after many moves, he died of tuberculosis, February 20, 1694, aged

fifty-four years. He was courier to the emperor at the time of his

death, and was buried in the Stefansfreithof Cemetery.

[Illustration: STATUE OF KOLSCHITZKY ERECTED BY THE COFFEE MAKERS GUILD

OF VIENNA]

Kolschitzky's heirs moved the coffee house to Donaustrand, near the

wooden Schlagbrücke, later known as Ferdinand's _brücke_ (bridge). The

celebrated coffee house of Franz Mosee (d. 1860) stood on this same

spot.

In the city records for the year 1700 a house in the

Stock-im-Eisen-Platz (square) is designated by the words "_allwo das

erste kaffeegewölbe_" ("here was the first coffee house").

Unfortunately, the name of the proprietor is not given.

Many stories are told of Kolschitzky's popularity as a coffee-house

keeper. He is said to have addressed everyone as _bruderherz_

(brother-heart) and gradually he himself acquired the name _bruderherz_.

A portrait of Kolschitzky, painted about the time of his greatest vogue,

is carefully preserved by the Innung der Wiener Kaffee-sieder (the

Coffee Makers' Guild of Vienna).

Even during the lifetime of the first _kaffee-sieder_, a number of

others opened coffee houses and acquired some little fame. Early in the

eighteenth century a tourist gives us a glimpse of the progress made by

coffee drinking and by the coffee-house idea in Vienna. We read:

The city of Vienna is filled with coffee houses, where the

novelists or those who busy themselves with the newspapers delight

to meet, to read the gazettes and discuss their contents. Some of

these houses have a better reputation than others because such

_zeitungs-doctors_ (newspaper doctors--an ironical title) gather

there to pass most unhesitating judgment on the weightiest events,

and to surpass all others in their opinions concerning political

matters and considerations.

All this wins them such respect that many congregate there because

of them, and to enrich their minds with inventions and foolishness

which they immediately run through the city to bring to the ears of

the said personalities. It is impossible to believe what freedom is

permitted, in furnishing this gossip. They speak without reverence

not only of the doings of generals and ministers of state, but also

mix themselves in the life of the Kaiser (Emperor) himself.

Vienna liked the coffee house so well that by 1839 there were eighty of

them in the city proper and fifty more in the suburbs.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER X

THE COFFEE HOUSES OF OLD LONDON

_One of the most picturesque chapters in the history of coffee--The

first coffee house in London--The first coffee handbill, and the

first newspaper advertisement for coffee--Strange coffee

mixtures--Fantastic coffee claims--Coffee prices and coffee

licenses--Coffee club of the Rota--Early coffee-house manners and

customs--Coffee-house keepers' tokens--Opposition to the coffee

house--"Penny universities"--Weird coffee substitutes--The proposed

coffee-house newspaper monopoly--Evolution of the club--Decline and

fall of the coffee house--Pen pictures of coffee-house life--Famous

coffee houses of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries--Some Old

World pleasure gardens--Locating the notable coffee houses_

The two most picturesque chapters in the history of coffee have to do

with the period of the old London and Paris coffee houses of the

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Much of the poetry and romance of

coffee centers around this time.

"The history of coffee houses," says D'Israeli, "ere the invention of

clubs, was that of the manners, the morals and the politics of a

people." And so the history of the London coffee houses of the

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is indeed the history of the

manners and customs of the English people of that period.

_The First London Coffee House_

"The first coffee house in London," says John Aubrey (1626-97), the

English antiquary and folklorist, "was in St. Michael's Alley, in

Cornhill, opposite to the church, which was sett up by one ... Bowman

(coachman to Mr. Hodges, a Turkey merchant, who putt him upon it) in or

about the yeare 1652. 'Twas about four years before any other was sett

up, and that was by Mr. Farr. Jonathan Paynter, over-against to St.

Michael's Church, was the first apprentice to the trade, viz., to

Bowman."[67]

Another account, for which we are indebted to William Oldys (1696-1761),

the bibliographer, relates that Mr. Edwards, a London merchant, acquired

the coffee habit in Turkey, and brought home with him from Ragusa, in

Dalmatia, Pasqua Rosée, an Armenian or Greek youth, who prepared the

beverage for him. "But the novelty thereof," says Oldys, "drawing too

much company to him, he allowed the said servant with another of his

son-in-law to set up the first coffee house in London at St. Michael's

Alley, in Cornhill."

From this it would appear that Pasqua Rosée had as partner in this

enterprise, the Bowman, who, according to Aubrey, was coachman to Mr.

Hodges, the son-in-law of Mr. Edwards, and a fellow merchant traveler.

Oldys tells us that Rosée and Bowman soon separated. John Timbs

(1801-1875), another English antiquary, says they quarreled, Rosée

keeping the house, and his partner Bowman obtaining leave to pitch a

tent and to sell the drink in St. Michael's churchyard.

Still another version of this historic incident is to be found in

_Houghton's Collection_, 1698. It reads:

It appears that a Mr. Daniel Edwards, an English merchant of

Smyrna, brought with him to this country a Greek of the name of

Pasqua, in 1652, who made his coffee; this Mr. Edwards married one

Alderman Hodges's daughter, who lived in Walbrook, and set up

Pasqua for a coffee man in a shed in the churchyard in St. Michael,

Cornhill, which is now a scrivener's brave-house, when, having

great custom, the ale-sellers petitioned the Lord Mayor against him

as being no freeman. This made Alderman Hodges join his coachman,

Bowman, who was free, as Pasqua's partner; but Pasqua, for some

misdemeanor, was forced to run the country, and Bowman, by his

trade and a contribution of 1000 sixpences, turned the shed to a

house. Bowman's apprentices were first, John Painter, then Humphry,

from whose wife I had this account.

This account makes it appear that Edwards was Hodges' son-in-law.

Whatever the relationship, most authorities agree that Pasqua Rosée was

the first to sell coffee publicly, whether in a tent or shed, in London

in or about the year 1652. His original shop-bill, or handbill, the

first advertisement for coffee, is in the British Museum, and from it

the accompanying photograph was made for this work. It sets forth in

direct fashion: "The Vertue of the _COFFEE_ Drink First publiquely made

and sold in England, by _Pasqua Rosée_ ... in St. _Michaels Alley_ in

_Cornhill_ ... at the Signe of his own Head."[68]

H.R. Fox Bourne[69] (about 1870) is alone in an altogether different

version of this historic event. He says:

"In 1652 Sir Nicholas Crispe, a Levant merchant, opened in London the

first coffee house known in England, the beverage being prepared by a

Greek girl brought over for the work."

There is nothing to substantiate this story; the preponderance of

evidence is in support of the Edwards-Rosée version.

Such then was the advent of the coffee house in London, which introduced

to English-speaking people the drink of democracy. Oddly enough, coffee

and the Commonwealth came in together. The English coffee house, like

its French contemporary, was the home of liberty.

Robinson, who accepts that version of the event wherein Edwards marries

Hodges's daughter, says that after the partners Rosée and Bowman

separated, and Bowman had set up his tent opposite Rosée, a zealous

partisan addressed these verses "To Pasqua Rosée, at the Sign of his own

Head and half his Body in St. Michael's Alley, next the first

Coffee-Tent in London":

Were not the fountain of my Tears

Each day exhausted by the steam

Of your Coffee, no doubt appears

But they would swell to such a stream

As could admit of no restriction

To see, poor Pasqua, thy Affliction.

What! Pasqua, you at first did broach

This Nectar for the publick Good,

Must you call Kitt down from the Coach

To drive a Trade he understood

No more than you did then your creed,

Or he doth now to write or read?

Pull Courage, Pasqua, fear no Harms

From the besieging Foe;

Make good your Ground, stand to your Arms,

Hold out this summer, and then tho'

He'll storm, he'll not prevail--your Face[70]

Shall give the Coffee Pot the chace.

Eventually Pasqua Rosée disappeared, some say to open a coffee house on

the Continent, in Holland or Germany. Bowman, having married Alderman

Hodges's cook, and having also prevailed upon about a thousand of his

customers to lend him sixpence apiece, converted his tent into a

substantial house, and eventually took an apprentice to the trade.

Concerning London's second coffee-house keeper, James Farr, proprietor

of the Rainbow, who had as his most distinguished visitor Sir Henry

Blount, Edward Hatton[71] says:

I find it recorded that one James Farr, a barber, who kept the

coffee-house which is now the Rainbow, by the Inner Temple Gate

(one of the first in England), was in the year 1657, prosecuted by

the inquest of St Dunstan's in the West, for making and selling a

sort of liquor called coffe, as a great nuisance and prejudice to

the neighborhood, etc., and who would then have thought London

would ever have had near three thousand such nuisances, and that

coffee would have been, as now, so much drank by the best of

quality and physicians?

[Illustration: FIRST ADVERTISEMENT FOR COFFEE--1652

Handbill used by Pasqua Rosée, who opened the first coffee house in

London From the original in the British Museum]

Hatton evidently attributed Fair's nuisance to the coffee itself,

whereas the presentment[72] clearly shows it was in Farr's chimney and

not in the coffee.

Mention has already been made that Sir Henry Blount was spoken of as

"the father of English coffee houses" and his claim to this distinction

would seem to be a valid one, for his strong personality "stamped itself

upon the system." His favorite motto, "_Loquendum est cum vulgo,

sentiendum cum sapientibus_" (the crowd may talk about it; the wise

decide it), says Robinson, "expresses well their colloquial purpose, and

was natural enough on the lips of one whose experience had been world

wide." Aubrey says of Sir Henry Blount, "He is now neer or altogether

eighty yeares, his intellectuals good still and body pretty strong."

Women played a not inconspicuous part in establishing businesses for the

sale of the coffee drink in England, although the coffee houses were not

for both sexes, as in other European countries. The London City

_Quaeries_ for 1660 makes mention of "a she-coffee merchant." Mary

Stringar ran a coffee house in Little Trinity Lane in 1669; Anne Blunt

was mistress of one of the Turk's-Head houses in Cannon Street in 1672.

Mary Long was the widow of William Long, and her initials, together with

those of her husband, appear on a token issued from the Rose tavern in

Bridge Street, Covent Garden. Mary Long's token from the "Rose coffee

house by the playhouse" in Covent Garden is shown among the group of

coffee-house keepers' tokens herein illustrated.

_The First Newspaper Advertisement_

The first newspaper advertisement for coffee appeared, May 26, 1657, in

the _Publick Adviser_ of London, one of the first weekly pamphlets. The

name of this publication was erroneously given as the _Publick

Advertiser_ by an early writer on coffee, and the error has been copied

by succeeding writers. The first newspaper advertisement was contained

in the issue of the _Publick Adviser_ for the week of May 19 to May 26,

and read:

In _Bartholomew_ Lane on the back side of the Old Exchange, the

drink called _Coffee_, (which is a very wholsom and Physical drink,

having many excellent vertues, closes the Orifice of the Stomack,

fortifies the heat within, helpeth Digestion, quickneth the

Spirits, maketh the heart lightsom, is good against Eye-sores,

Coughs, or Colds, Rhumes, Consumptions, Head-ach, Dropsie, Gout,

Scurvy, Kings Evil, and many others is to be sold both in the

morning, and at three of the clock in the afternoon).

Chocolate was also advertised for sale in London this same year. The

issue of the _Publick Adviser_ for June 16, 1657, contained this

announcement:

In Bishopgate Street, in Queen's Head Alley, at a Frenchman's house

is an excellent West India drink called chocolate, to be sold,

where you may have it ready at any time, and also unmade at

reasonable rates.

Tea was first sold publicly at Garraway's (or Garway's) in 1657.

_Strange Coffee Mixtures_

The doctors were loath to let coffee escape from the mysteries of the

pharmacopoeia and become "a simple and refreshing beverage" that any

one might obtain for a penny in the coffee houses, or, if preferred,

might prepare at home. In this they were aided and abetted by many

well-meaning but misguided persons (some of them men of considerable

intelligence) who seemed possessed of the idea that the coffee drink was

an unpleasant medicine that needed something to take away its curse, or

else that it required a complex method of preparation. Witness "Judge"

Walter Rumsey's _Electuary of Cophy_, which appeared in 1657 in

connection with a curious work of his called _Organon Salutis: an

instrument to cleanse the stomach_.[73] The instrument itself was a

flexible whale-bone, two or three feet long, with a small linen or silk

button at the end, and was designed to be introduced into the stomach to

produce the effect of an emetic. The electuary of coffee was to be taken

by the patient before and after using the instrument, which the "judge"

called his _Provang_. And this was the "judge's" "new and superior way

of preparing coffee" as found in his prescription for making electuary

of cophy:

Take equal quantity of Butter and Sallet-oyle, melt them well

together, but not boyle them: Then stirre them well that they may

incorporate together: Then melt therewith three times as much

Honey, and stirre it well together: Then add thereunto powder of

Turkish Cophie, to make it a thick Electuary.

A little consideration will convince any one that the electuary was most

likely to achieve the purpose for which it was recommended.

[Illustration: THE FIRST NEWSPAPER ADVERTISEMENT FOR COFFEE--1657]

Another concoction invented by the "judge" was known as "wash-brew",

and included oatmeal, powder of "cophie", a pint of ale or any wine,

ginger, honey, or sugar to please the taste; to these ingredients butter

might be added and any cordial powder or pleasant spice. It was to be

put into a flannel bag and "so keep it at pleasure like starch." This

was a favorite medicine among the common people of Wales.

The book contained in a prefix an interesting historical document in the

shape of a letter from James Howell (1595-1666) the writer and

historiographer, which read:

Touching coffee, I concurre with them in opinion, who hold it to be

that black-broth which was us'd of old in Lacedemon, whereof the

Poets sing; Surely it must needs be salutiferous, because so many

sagacious, and the wittiest sort of Nations use it so much; as they

who have conversed with Shashes and Turbants doe well know. But,

besides the exsiccant quality it hath to dry up the crudities of

the Stomach, as also to comfort the Brain, to fortifie the sight

with its steem, and prevent Dropsies, Gouts, the Scurvie, together

with the Spleen and Hypocondriacall windes (all which it doth

without any violance or distemper at all.) I say, besides all these

qualities, 'tis found already, that this Coffee-drink hath caused a

greater sobriety among the nations; for whereas formerly

Apprentices and Clerks with others, used to take their mornings'

draught in Ale, Beer or Wine, which by the dizziness they cause in

the Brain, make many unfit for business, they use now to play the

Good-fellows in this wakefull and civill drink: Therefore that

worthy Gentleman, Mr. Mudiford[74], who introduced the practice

hereof first to London, deserves much respect of the whole nation.

The coffee drink at one time was mixed with sugar candy, and also with

mustard. In the coffee houses, however, it was usually served black;

"few people then mixed it with either sugar or milk."

_Fantastic Coffee Claims_

One can not fail to note in connection with the introduction of coffee

into England that the beverage suffered most from the indiscretions of

its friends. On the one hand, the quacks of the medical profession

sought to claim it for their own; and, on the other, more or less

ignorant laymen attributed to the drink such virtues as its real

champions among the physicians never dreamed of. It was the favorite

pastime of its friends to exaggerate coffee's merits; and of its

enemies, to vilify its users. All this furnished good "copy" for and

against the coffee house, which became the central figure in each new

controversy.

From the early English author who damned it by calling it "more

wholesome than toothsome", to Pasqua Rosée and his contemporaries, who

urged its more fantastic claims, it was forced to make its way through a

veritable morass of misunderstanding and intolerance. No harmless drink

in history has suffered more at hands of friend and foe.

Did its friends hail it as a panacea, its enemies retorted that it was a

slow poison. In France and in England there were those who contended

that it produced melancholy, and those who argued it was a cure for the

same. Dr. Thomas Willis (1621-1673), a distinguished Oxford physician

whom Antoine Portal (1742-1832) called "one of the greatest geniuses

that ever lived", said he would sometimes send his patients to the

coffee house rather than to the apothecary's shop. An old broadside,

described later in this chapter, stressed the notion that if you "do but

this Rare ARABIAN cordial use, and thou may'st all the Doctors Slops

Refuse."

As a cure for drunkenness its "magic" power was acclaimed by its

friends, and grudgingly admitted by its foes. This will appear presently

in a description of the war of the broadsides and the pamphlets. Coffee

was praised by one writer as a deodorizer. Another (Richard Bradley), in

his treatise concerning its use with regard to the plague, said if its

qualities had been fully known in 1665, "Dr. Hodges and other learned

men of that time would have recommended it." As a matter of fact, in

Gideon Harvey's _Advice against the Plague_, published in 1665, we find,

"coffee is commended against the contagion."

This is how the drink's sobering virtue was celebrated by the author of

the _Rebellious Antidote_:

Come, Frantick Fools, leave off your Drunken fits.

Obsequious be and I'll recall your Wits,

From perfect Madness to a modest Strain

For farthings four I'll fetch you back again,

Enable all your mene with tricks of State,

Enter and sip and then attend your Fate;

Come Drunk or Sober, for a gentle Fee,

Come n'er so Mad, I'll your Physician be.

Dr. Willis, in his _Pharmaceutice Rationalis_ (1674), was one of the

first to attempt to do justice to both sides of the coffee question. At

best, he thought it a somewhat risky beverage, and its votaries must,

in some cases, be prepared to suffer languor and even paralysis; it may

attack the heart and cause tremblings in the limbs. On the other hand it

may, if judiciously used, prove a marvelous benefit; "being daily drunk

it wonderfully clears and enlightens each part of the Soul and disperses

all the clouds of every Function."

It was a long time before recognition was obtained for the truth about

the "novelty drink"; especially that, if there were any beyond purely

social virtues to be found in coffee, they were "political rather than

medical."

Dr. James Duncan, of the Faculty of Montpellier, in his book _Wholesome

Advice against the Abuse of Hot Liquors_, done into English in 1706,

found coffee no more deserving of the name of panacea than that of

poison.

George Cheyne (1671-1743), the noted British physician, proclaimed his

neutrality in the words, "I have neither great praise nor bitter blame

for the thing."

_Coffee Prices and Coffee Licenses_

Coffee, with tea and chocolate, was first mentioned in the English

Statute books in 1660, when a duty of four pence was laid upon every

gallon made and sold, "to be paid by the maker." Coffee was classed by

the House of Commons with "other outlandish drinks."

It is recorded in 1662 that "the right coffee powder" was being sold at

the Turk's Head coffee house in Exchange Alley for "4s. to 6s. 8d. per

pound; that pounded in a mortar, 2s; East India berry, 1s. 6d.; and the

right Turkie berry, well garbled [ground] at 3s. The ungarbled [in the

bean] for less with directions how to use the same." Chocolate was also

to be had at "2s. 6d. the pound; the perfumed from 4s. to 10s."

At one time coffee sold for five guineas a pound in England, and even

forty crowns (about forty-eight dollars) a pound was paid for it.

In 1663, all English coffee houses were required to be licensed; the fee

was twelve pence. Failure to obtain a license was punished by a fine of

five pounds for every month's violation of the law. The coffee houses

were under close surveillance by government officials. One of these was

Muddiman, a good scholar and an "arch rogue", who had formerly "written

for the Parliament" but who later became a paid spy. L'Estrange, who had

a patent on "the sole right of intelligence", wrote in his

_Intelligencer_ that he was alarmed at the ill effects of "the ordinary

written papers of Parliament's news ... making coffee houses and all the

popular clubs judges of those councils and deliberations which they have

nothing to do with at all."

The first royal warrant for coffee was given by Charles II to Alexander

Man, a Scotsman who had followed General Monk to London, and set up in

Whitehall. Here he advertised himself as "coffee man to Charles II."

Owing to increased taxes on tea, coffee, and newspapers, near the end of

Queen Anne's reign (1714) coffee-house keepers generally raised their

prices as follows: Coffee, two pence per dish; green tea, one and a half

pence per dish. All drams, two pence per dram. At retail, coffee was

then sold for five shillings per pound; while tea brought from twelve to

twenty-eight shillings per pound.

_Coffee Club of The Rota_

"Coffee and Commonwealth", says a pamphleteer of 1665, "came in together

for a Reformation, to make 's a free and sober nation." The writer

argues that liberty of speech should be allowed, "where men of differing

judgements croud"; and he adds, "that's a coffee-house, for where should

men discourse so free as there?" Robinson's comments are apt:

Now perhaps we do not always connect the ideas of sociableness and

freedom of discussion with the days of Puritan rule; yet it must be

admitted that something like geniality and openness characterized

what Pepys calls the Coffee Club of the Rota. This "free and open

Society of ingenious gentlemen" was founded in the year 1659 by

certain members of the Republican party, whose peculiar opinions

had been timidly expressed and not very cordially tolerated under

the Great Oliver. By the weak Government that followed, these views

were regarded with extreme dislike and with some amount of terror.

"They met", says Aubrey, who was himself of their number, "at the Turk's

Head [Miles's coffee house] in New Palace Yard, Westminster, where they

take water, at one Miles's, the next house to the staires, where was

made purposely a large ovall table, with a passage in the middle for

Miles to deliver his coffee."

Robinson continues:

This curious refreshment bar and the interest with which the

beverage itself was regarded, were quite secondary to the

excitement caused by another novelty. When, after heated

disputation, a member desired to test the opinion of the meeting,

any particular point might, by agreement, be put to the vote and

then everything depended upon "our wooden oracle," the first

balloting-box ever seen in England. Formal methods of procedure and

the intensely practical nature of the subjects discussed, combined

to give a real importance to this Amateur Parliament.

[Illustration: A COFFEE HOUSE IN THE TIME OF CHARLES II

From a wood cut of 1674]

The Rota, or Coffee Club, as Pepys called it, was essentially a debating

society for the dissemination of republican opinions. It was preceded

only, in the reign of Henry IV, by the club called La Court de Bone

Compagnie; by Sir Walter Raleigh's Friday Street, or Bread Street, club;

the club at the Mermaid tavern in Bread Street, of which Shakespeare,

Beaumont, Fletcher, Raleigh, Selden, Donne, _et al._, were members; and

"rare" Ben Jonson's Devil tavern club, between Middle Temple Gate and

Temple Bar.

The Rota derived its name from a plan, which it was designed to promote,

for changing a certain number of members of parliament annually by

rotation. It was founded by James Harrington, who had painted it in

fairest colors in his _Oceana_, that ideal commonwealth.

Sir William Petty was one of its members. Around the table, "in a room

every evening as full as it could be crammed," says Aubrey, sat Milton

(?) and Marvell, Cyriac Skinner, Harrington, Nevill, and their friends,

discussing abstract political questions.

The Rota became famous for its literary strictures. Among these was "The

censure of the Rota upon Mr. Milton's book entitled _The ready and easie

way to establish a free commonwealth_" (1660), although it is doubtful

if Milton was ever a visitor to this "bustling coffee club." The Rota

also censured "Mr. Driden's _Conquest of Granada_" (1673).

_Early Coffee-House Manners and Customs_

Among many of the early coffee-house keepers there was great anxiety

that the coffee house, open to high and low, should be conducted under

such restraints as might secure the better class of customers from

annoyance. The following set of regulations in somewhat halting rhyme

was displayed on the walls of several of the coffee houses in the

seventeenth century:

THE RULES AND ORDERS OF THE COFFEE HOUSE.

Enter, Sirs, freely, but first, if you please,

Peruse our civil orders, which are these.

First, gentry, tradesmen, all are welcome hither,

And may without affront sit down together:

Pre-eminence of place none here should mind,

But take the next fit seat that he can find:

Nor need any, if finer persons come,

Rise up to assigne to them his room;

To limit men's expence, we think not fair,

But let him forfeit twelve-pence that shall swear;

He that shall any quarrel here begin,

Shall give each man a dish t' atone the sin;

And so shall he, whose compliments extend

So far to drink in _coffee_ to his friend;

Let noise of loud disputes be quite forborne,

No maudlin lovers here in corners mourn,

But all be brisk and talk, but not too much,

On sacred things, let none presume to touch.

Nor profane Scripture, nor sawcily wrong

Affairs of state with an irreverent tongue:

Let mirth be innocent, and each man see

That all his jests without reflection be;

To keep the house more quiet and from blame,

We banish hence cards, dice, and every game;

Nor can allow of wagers, that exceed

Five shillings, which ofttimes much trouble breed;

Let all that's lost or forfeited be spent

In such good liquor as the house doth vent.

And customers endeavour, to their powers,

For to observe still, seasonable hours.

Lastly, let each man what he calls for pay,

And so you're welcome to come every day.

The early coffee houses were often up a flight of stairs, and consisted

of a single large room with "tables set apart for divers topics." There

is a reference to this in the prologue to a comedy of 1681 (quoted by

Malone):

In a coffee house just now among the rabble

I bluntly asked, which is the treason table?

This was the arrangement at Man's and others favored by the wits, the

_literati_, and "men of fashionable instincts." In the distinctly

business coffee houses separate rooms were provided at a later time for

mercantile transactions. The introduction of wooden partitions--wooden

boxes, as at a tavern--was also of somewhat later date.

A print of 1674 shows five persons of different ranks in life, one of

them smoking, sitting on chairs around a coffee-house table, on which

are small basins, or dishes, without saucers, and tobacco pipes, while a

coffee boy is serving coffee.

In the beginning, only coffee was dispensed in the English coffee

houses. Soon chocolate, sherbert, and tea were added; but the places

still maintained their status as social and temperance factors.

Constantine Jennings (or George Constantine) of the Grecian advertised

chocolate, sherbert and tea at retail in 1664-65; also free instruction

in the part of preparing these liquors. "Drams and cordial waters were

to be had only at coffee houses newly set up," says Elford the younger,

writing about 1689. "While some few places added ale and beer as early

as 1669, intoxicating liquors were not items of importance for many

years."

[Illustration: A LONDON COFFEE HOUSE OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

From a wood cut of the period]

After the fire of 1666, many new coffee houses were opened that were not

limited to a single room up a flight of stairs. Because the coffee-house

keepers over-emphasized the sobering qualities of the coffee drink, they

drew many undesirable characters from the taverns and ale houses after

the nine o'clock closing hour. These were hardly calculated to improve

the reputation of the coffee houses; and, indeed, the decline of the

coffee houses as a temperance institution would seem to trace back to

this attitude of false pity for the victims of tavern vices, evils that

many of the coffee houses later on embraced to their own undoing. The

early institution was unique, its distinctive features being unlike

those of any public house in England or on the Continent. Later on, in

the eighteenth century, when these distinctive features became

obscured, the name coffee house became a misnomer.

[Illustration: COFFEE HOUSE, QUEEN ANNE'S TIME--1702-14

Showing coffee pots, coffee dishes, and coffee boy]

However, Robinson says, "the close intercourse between the habitués of

the coffee house, before it lost anything of its generous social

traditions and whilst the issue of the struggle for political liberty

was as yet uncertain, was to lead to something more than a mere jumbling

or huddling together of opposites. The diverse elements gradually united

in the bonds of common sympathy, or were forcibly combined by

persecution from without until there resulted a social, political and

moral force of almost irresistible strength."

_Coffee-House Keepers' Tokens_

The great London fire of 1666 destroyed some of the coffee houses; but

prominent among those that survived was the Rainbow, whose proprietor,

James Farr, issued one of the earliest coffee-house tokens, doubtless in

grateful memory of his escape. Farr's token shows an arched rainbow

emerging from the clouds of the "great fire," indicating that all was

well with him, and the Rainbow still radiant. On the reverse the medal

was inscribed, "In Fleet Street--His Half Penny."

A large number of these trade coins were put out by coffee-house keepers

and other tradesmen in the seventeenth century as evidence of an amount

due, as stated thereon, by the issuer to the holder. Tokens originated

because of the scarcity of small change. They were of brass, copper,

pewter, and even leather, gilded. They bore the name, address, and

calling of the issuer, the nominal value of the piece, and some

reference to his trade. They were readily redeemed, on presentation, at

their face value. They were passable in the immediate neighborhood,

seldom reaching farther than the next street. C.G. Williamson writes:

Tokens are essentially democratic; they would never have been

issued but for the indifference of the Government to a public need;

and in them we have a remarkable instance of a people forcing a

legislature to comply with demands at once reasonable and

imperative. Taken as a whole series, they are homely and quaint,

wanting in beauty, but not without a curious domestic art of their

own.

Robinson finds an exception to the general simplicity in the tokens

issued by one of the Exchange Alley houses. The dies of these tokens are

such as to have suggested the skilled workmanship of John Roettier. The

most ornate has the head of a Turkish sultan at that time famed for his

horrible deeds, ending in suicide; its inscription runs:

Morat ye Great Men did mee call;

Where Eare I came I conquer'd all.

A number of the most interesting coffee-house keepers' tokens in the

Beaufoy collection in the Guildhall Museum were photographed for this

work, and are shown herewith. It will be observed that many of the

traders of 1660-75 adopted as their trade sign a hand pouring coffee

from a pot, invariably of the Turkish-ewer pattern. Morat (Amurath) and

Soliman were frequent coffee-house signs in the seventeenth century.

J.H. Burn, in his _Catalogue of Traders' Tokens_, recites that in 1672

"divers persons who presumed ... to stamp, coin, exchange and distribute

farthings, halfpence and pence of brass and copper" were "taken into

custody, in order to a severe prosecution"; but upon submission, their

offenses were forgiven, and it was not until the year 1675 that the

private token ceased to pass current.

[Illustration: PLATE 1--COFFEE-HOUSE KEEPERS' TOKENS OF THE 17TH

CENTURY

Drawn for this work from the originals in the British Museum, and in the

Beaufoy collection at the Guildhall Museum]

A royal proclamation at the close of 1674 enjoined the prosecution of

any who should "utter base metals with private stamps," or "hinder the

vending of those half pence and farthings which are provided for

necessary exchange." After this, tokens were issued stamped "necessary

change."

[Illustration: A BROAD-SIDE OF 1663]

_Opposition to the Coffee House_

It is easy to see why the coffee houses at once found favor among men of

intelligence in all classes. Until they came, the average Englishman had

only the tavern as a place of common resort. But here was a public house

offering a non-intoxicating beverage, and its appeal was instant and

universal. As a meeting place for the exchange of ideas it soon attained

wide popularity. But not without opposition. The publicans and ale-house

keepers, seeing business slipping away from them, made strenuous

propaganda against this new social center; and not a few attacks were

launched against the coffee drink. Between the Restoration and the year

1675, of eight tracts written upon the subject of the London coffee

houses, four have the words "character of a coffee house" as part of

their titles. The authors appear eager to impart a knowledge of the

town's latest novelty, with which many readers were unacquainted.

One of these early pamphlets (1662) was entitled _The Coffee Scuffle_,

and professed to give a dialogue between "a learned knight and a

pitifull pedagogue," and contained an amusing account of a house where

the Puritan element was still in the ascendant. A numerous company is

present, and each little group being occupied with its own subject, the

general effect is that of another Babel. While one is engaged in quoting

the classics, another confides to his neighbors how much he admires

Euclid;

A third's for a lecture, a fourth a conjecture,

A fifth for a penny in the pound.

Theology is introduced. Mask balls and plays are condemned. Others again

discuss the news, and are deep in the store of "mercuries" here to be

found. One cries up philosophy. Pedantry is rife, and for the most part

unchecked, when each 'prentice-boy "doth call for his coffee in Latin"

and all are so prompt with their learned quotations that "'t would make

a poor Vicar to tremble."

The first noteworthy effort attacking the coffee drink was a satirical

broadside that appeared in 1663. It was entitled _A Cup of Coffee: or,

Coffee in its Colours_. It said:

For men and Christians to turn Turks, and think

T'excuse the Crime because 'tis in their drink,

Is more than Magick....

Pure English Apes! Ye may, for ought I know,

Would it but mode, learn to eat Spiders too.

The writer wonders that any man should prefer coffee to canary, and

refers to the days of Beaumont, Fletcher, and Ben Jonson. He says:

They drank pure nectar as the gods drink too,

Sublim'd with rich Canary....

shall then

These less than coffee's self, these coffee-men,

These sons of nothing, that can hardly make

Their Broth, for laughing how the jest doth take;

Yet grin, and give ye for the Vine's pure Blood

A loathsome potion, not yet understood,

Syrrop of soot, or Essence of old Shooes,

Dasht with Diurnals and the Books of news?

The author of _A Cup of Coffee_, it will be seen, does not shrink from

using epithets.

[Illustration: PLATE 2--COFFEE-HOUSE KEEPERS' TOKENS OF THE 17TH

CENTURY

Drawn for this work from the originals in the British Museum, and in the

Beaufoy collection at the Guildhall Museum]

_The Coffee Man's Granado Discharged upon the Maiden's Complaint

Against Coffee_, a dialogue in verse, also appeared in 1663.

_The Character of a Coffee House, by an Eye and Ear Witness_ appeared in

1665. It was a ten-page pamphlet, and proved to be excellent propaganda

for coffee. It is so well done, and contains so much local color, that

it is reproduced here, the text Museum. The title page reads:

The

CHARACTER

OF A

COFFEE-HOUSE

wherein

Is contained a Description of the Persons

usually frequenting it, with their Discourse

and Humors,

As Also

The Admirable Vertues of

COFFEE

By an Eye and Ear Witness

_When Coffee once was vended here,

The Alc'ron shortly did appear,

For our Reformers were such Widgeons.

New Liquors brought in new Religions._

Printed in the Year, 1665.

The text and the arrangement of the body of the pamphlet are as follows:

THE

CHARACTER

OF A

COFFEE-HOUSE

THE DERIVATION OF

A COFFEE-HOUSE

A _Coffee-house_, the learned hold

It is a place where _Coffee's_ sold;

This derivation cannot fail us,

For where _Ale's_ vended, that's an _Ale-house_.

This being granted to be true,

'Tis meet that next the _Signs_ we shew

Both _where_ and _how_ to find this house

Where men such _cordial broth_ carowse.

And if _Culpepper_ woon some glory

In turning the _Dispensatory_

From _Latin_ into _English_; then

Why should not all good _English men_

Give him much thanks who shews a _cure_

For all diseases men endure?

SIGNS: HOW TO

FIND IT OUT

As you along the streets do trudge,

To take the pains you must not grudge,

To view the Posts or Broomsticks where

The Signs of _Liquors_ hanged are.

And if you see the great _Morat_

With Shash on's head instead of hat,

Or any _Sultan_ in his dress,

Or picture of a _Sultaness_,

Or _John's_ admir'd curled pate,

Or th' great _Mogul_ in's Chair of State,

Or _Constantine_ the _Grecian_,

Who fourteen years was th' onely man

That made _Coffee_ for th' great _Bashaw_,

Although the man he never saw;

Or if you see a _Coffee_-cup

Fil'd from a Turkish pot, hung up

Within the clouds, and round it _Pipes_,

_Wax Candles_, _Stoppers_, these are types

And certain signs (with many more

Would be too long to write them 'ore,)

Which plainly do Spectators tell

That in that house they _Coffee_ sell.

Some wiser than the rest (no doubt,)

Say they can by the smell find't out;

In at a door (say they,) but thrust

Your Nose, and if you scent _burnt Crust_,

Be sure there's _Coffee_ sold that's good,

For so by most 'tis understood.

Now being enter'd, there's no needing

Of complements or gentile breeding,

For you may seat you any where,

There's no respect of persons there;

Then comes the _Coffee-man_ to greet you,

With welcome Sir, let me entreat you,

To tell me what you'l please to have,

For I'm your humble, humble slave;

But if you ask, what good does Coffee?

He'l answer, Sir, don't think I scoff yee,

If I affirm there's no disease

Men have that drink it but find ease.

THE VERTUES

OF COFFEE

Look, there's a man who takes the steem

In at his Nose, has an extreme

_Worm_ in his pate, and giddiness,

Ask him and he will say no less.

There sitteth one whose Droptick belly

Was hard as flint, now's soft as jelly.

There stands another holds his head

'Ore th' _Coffee_-pot, was almost dead

Even now with Rhume; ask him hee'l say

That all his Rhum's now past away.

See, there's a man sits now demure

And sober, was within this hour

Quite drunk, and comes here frequently,

For 'tis his daily Malady,

More, it has such reviving power

'Twill keep a man awake an houre,

Nay, make his eyes wide open stare

Both Sermon time and all the prayer.

Sir, should I tell you all the rest

O' th' cures 't has done, two hours at least

In numb'ring them I needs must spend,

Scarce able then to make an end.

Besides these vertues that's therein.

For any kind of _Medicine_,

The _Commonwealth-Kingdom_ I'd say,

Has mighty reason for to pray

That still _Arabia_ may produce

Enough of Berry for it's use:

For't has such strange magnetick force,

That it draws after't great concourse

Of all degrees of persons, even

From high to low, from morn till even;

Especially the _sober Party_,

And News-mongers do drink't most hearty

Here you'r not thrust into a _Box_

As _Taverns_ do to catch the _Fox_,

But as from th' top of _Pauls_ high steeple,

Th' whole _City's_ view'd, even so all _people_

May here be seen; no secrets are

At th' _Court_ for _Peace_, or th' _Camp_ for _War_,

But straight they'r here disclos'd and known;

Men in this Age so wise are grown.

Now (Sir) what profit may accrew

By this, to all good men, judge you.

With that he's loudly call'd upon

For _Coffee_, and then whip he's gone.

THE COMPANY

Here at a Table sits (perplext)

A griping _Usurer_, and next

To him a gallant _Furioso_,

Then nigh to him a _Virtuoso_;

A _Player_ then (full fine) sits down,

And close to him a _Country Clown_.

O' th' other side sits some _Pragmatick_,

And next to him some sly _Phanatick_.

THE SEVERAL

LIQUORS

The gallant he for _Tea_ doth call,

The _Usurer_ for nought at all.

The _Pragmatick_ he doth intreat

That they will fill him some _Beau-cheat_,

The _Virtuoso_ he cries hand me

Some _Coffee_ mixt with _Sugar-candy_.

_Phanaticus_ (at last) says come,

Bring me some _Aromaticum_.

The _Player_ bawls for _Chocolate_,

All which the _Bumpkin_ wond'ring at,

Cries, ho, my _Masters_, what d' ye speak,

D' ye call for drink in Heathen Greek?

Give me some good old _Ale_ or _Beer_,

Or else I will not drink, I swear.

Then having charg'd their _Pipes_ around.

THEIR DISCOURSE

They silence break; First the profound

And sage _Phanatique_, Sirs what news?

Troth says the _Us'rer_ I ne'r use

To tip my tongue with such discourse,

'Twere news to know how to disburse

A summ of mony (makes me sad)

To get ought by't, times are so bad.

The other answers, truly Sir

You speak but truth, for I'le aver

They ne'r were worse; did you not hear

What _prodigies_ did late appear

At _Norwich, Ipswich, Grantham, Gotam_?

And though prophane ones do not not'em,

Yet we--Here th' _Virtuoso_ stops

The current of his speech, with hopes

Quoth he, you will not tak'd amiss,

I say all's lies that's news like this,

For I have Factors all about

The Realm, so that no _Stars_ peep out

That are unusual, much less these

Strange and unheard-of _prodigies_

You would relate, but they are tost

To me in letters by first Post.

At which the _Furioso_ swears

Such chat as this offends his ears

It rather doth become this Age

To talk of bloodshed, fury, rage,

And t' drink stout healths in brim-fill'd _Nogans_.

To th' downfall of the _Hogan Mogans_.

With that the _Player_ doffs his Bonnet,

And tunes his voice as if a Sonnet

Were to be sung; then gently says,

O what delight there is in _Plays_!

Sure if we were but all in _Peace_,

This noise of _Wars_ and _News_ would cease;

All sorts of people then would club

Their pence to see a Play that's good.

You'l wonder all this while (perhaps)

The _Curioso_ holds his chaps.

But he doth in his thoughts devise,

How to the rest he may seem wise;

Yet able longer not to hold,

His tedious tale too must be told,

And thus begins, Sirs unto me

It reason seems that liberty

Of speech and words should be allow'd

Where men of differing judgements croud,

And that's a _Coffee-house_, for where

Should men discourse so free as there?

_Coffee_ and _Commonwealth_ begin

Both with one letter, both came in

Together for a _Reformation_,

To make's a free and sober _Nation_.

But now--With that _Phanaticus_

Gives him a nod, and speaks him thus,

Hold brother, I know your intent,

That's no dispute convenient

For this same place, truths seldome find

Acceptance here, they'r more confin'd

To _Taverns_ and to _Ale-house_ liquor,

Where men do vent their minds more quicker

If that may for a truth but pass

What's said, _In vino veritas_.

With that up starts the _Country Clown_,

And stares about with threatening frown.

As if he would even eat them all up.

Then bids the boy run quick and call up,

A _Constable_, for he has reason

To fear their Latin may be _treason_

But straight they all call what's to pay,

Lay't down, and march each several way.

THE COMPANY

At th' other table sits a Knight,

And here _a grave old man_ ore right

Against his _worship_, then perhaps

That _by_ and _by_ a _Drawer_ claps

His bum close by them, there down squats

_A dealer in old shoes and hats_;

And here withouten any panick

Fear, dread or care a bold _Mechanick_.

HEIR DISCOURSE

The _Knight_ (because he's so) he prates

Of matters far beyond their pates.

_The grave old man_ he makes a bustle,

And his wise sentence in must justle.

Up starts th' _Apprentice boy_ and he

Says boldly so and so't must be.

_The dealer in old shoes to_ utter

His saying too makes no small sputter.

Then comes the pert _mechanick blade_,

And contradicts what all have said.

* * * * *

There by the fier-side doth sit,

One freezing in an _Ague_ fit.

Another poking in't with th' tongs,

Still ready to cough up his lungs

Here sitteth one that's melancolick,

And there one singing in a frolick.

Each one hath such a prety gesture,

At Smithfield fair would yield a tester.

Boy reach a pipe cries he that shakes,

The songster no Tobacco takes,

Says he who coughs, nor do I smoak,

Then _Monsieur Mopus_ turns his cloak

Off from his face, and with a grave

Majestick beck his pipe doth crave.

They load their guns and fall a smoaking

Whilst he who coughs sits by a choaking,

Till he no longer can abide.

And so removes from th' fier side.

Now all this while none calls to drink,

Which makes the _Coffee boy_ to think

Much they his pots should so enclose,

He cannot pass but tread on toes.

With that as he the _Nectar_ fills

From pot to pot, some on't he spills

Upon the _Songster_. Oh cries he.

Pox, what dost do? thou'st burnt my knee;

No says the boy, (to make a bald

And blind excuse.) _Sir 'twill not scald_.

With that the man lends him a cuff

O' th' ear, and whips away in snuff.

The other two, their pipes being out,

Says _Monsieur Mopus_ I much doubt

My friend I wait for will not come,

But if he do, say I'm gone home.

Then says the _Aguish man_ I must come

According to my wonted custome,

To give ye' a visit, although now

I dare not drink, and so _adieu_.

The boy replies, O Sir, however

You'r very welcome, we do never

Our _Candles_, _Pipes_ or _Fier_ grutch

To daily customers and such,

They'r _Company_ (without expence,)

For that's sufficient recompence.

Here at a table all alone,

Sits (studying) _a spruce youngster_, (one

Who doth conceipt himself fully witty,

And's counted _one o' th' wits o' th' City_,)

Till by him (with a stately grace,)

A Spanish _Don_ himself doth place.

Then (cap in hand) a brisk _Monsieur_

He takes his seat, and crowds as near

As possibly that he can come.

Then next a _Dutchman_ takes his room.

The Wits glib tongue begins to chatter,

Though't utters more of noise than matter,

Yet 'cause they seem to mind his words,

His lungs more battle still affords

At last says he to _Don_, I trow

You understand me? _Sennor no_

Says th' other. Here the Wit doth pause

A little while, then opes his jaws,

And says to _Monsieur_, you enjoy

Our tongue I hope? _Non par ma foy_,

Replies the _Frenchman_: nor you, Sir?

Says he to th' _Dutchman, Neen mynheer_,

With that he's gone, and cries, why sho'd

He stay where _wit's_ not understood?

There in a place of his own chusing

(Alone) some _lover_ sits a musing,

With arms across, and's eyes up lift,

As if he were of sence bereft.

Till sometimes to himself he's speaking,

Then sighs as if his heart were breaking.

Here in a corner sits a _Phrantick_,

And there stands by a frisking Antick,

Of all sorts some and all conditions

Even _Vintners_, _Surgeons_ and _Physicians_.

The _blind_, the _deaf_, and _aged cripple_

Do here resort and Coffee tipple.

Now here (perhaps) you may expect

My _Muse_ some trophies should erect

In high flown verse, for to set forth

The _noble praises_ of its _worth_.

Truth is, _old Poets_ beat their brains

To find out high and lofty strains

To praise the (now too frequent) use

Of the bewitching _grapes strong juice_,

Some have strain'd hard for to exalt

The _liquor_ of our _English Mault_

Nay _Don_ has almost crackt his _nodle_

Enough t'applaud his _Caaco Caudle_.

The _Germans Mum_, _Teag's Usquebagh_,

(Made him so well defend _Tredagh_,)

_Metheglin_, which the _Brittains_ tope,

Hot _Brandy_ wine, the _Hogans_ hope.

Stout _Meade_ which makes the _Russ_ to laugh,

Spic'd _Punch_ (in bowls) the _Indians quaff_.

All these have had their pens to raise

Them _Monuments_ of lasting praise,

Onely poor _Coffee_ seems to me

No subject fit for _Poetry_

At least 'tis one that none of mine is,

So I do wave 't, and here write--

FINIS.

[Illustration: A BROAD-SIDE OF 1667]

_News from the Coffe House; in which is shewn their several sorts of

Passions_ appeared in 1667. It was reprinted in 1672 as _The Coffee

House or News-mongers' Hall_.

Several stanzas from these broadsides have been much quoted. They serve

to throw additional light upon the manners of the time, and upon the

kind of conversation met with in any well frequented coffee house of the

seventeenth century, particularly under the Stuarts. They are finely

descriptive of the company characteristics of the early coffee houses.

The fifth stanza of the edition of 1667, inimical to the French, was

omitted when the broadside was amended and reprinted in 1672, the year

that England joined with France and again declared war on the Dutch. The

following verses with explanatory notes are from Timbs:

NEWS FROM THE COFFE HOUSE

You that delight in Wit and Mirth,

And long to hear such News,

As comes from all Parts of the _Earth_,

_Dutch_, _Danes_, and _Turks_, and _Jews_,

I'le send yee to a Rendezvouz,

Where it is smoaking new;

Go hear it at a _Coffe-house_,

_It cannot but be true_.

There Battles and Sea-Fights are Fought,

And bloudy Plots display'd;

They know more Things then ere was thought

Or ever was betray'd:

No Money in the Minting-house

Is halfe so Bright and New;

And comming from a _Coffe-house_

_It cannot but be true_.

Before the _Navyes_ fall to Work,

They know who shall be Winner;

They there can tell ye what the _Turk_

Last _Sunday_ had to Dinner;

Who last did Cut _Du Ruitters_[75] Corns,

Amongst his jovial Crew;

Or Who first gave the _Devil_ Horns,

_Which cannot but be true_.

A _Fisherman_ did boldly tell,

And strongly did avouch,

He Caught a Shoal of Mackarel,

That Parley'd all in _Dutch_,

And cry'd out _Yaw, yaw, yaw Myne Here_;

But as the Draught they Drew

They Stunck for fear, that _Monck[76] was there_,

_Which cannot but be true_.

* * * * *

There's nothing done in all the World,

From _Monarch_ to the _Mouse_

But every Day or Night 'tis hurld

Into the _Coffe-house_.

What _Lillie_[77] or what _Booker_[78] can

By Art, not bring about,

At _Coffe-house_ you'l find a Man,

_Can quickly find it out_.

They know who shall in Times to come,

Be either made, or undone,

From great _St. Peters street_ in _Rome_,

To _Turnbull-street_[79] in _London_;

* * * * *

They know all that is Good, or Hurt,

To Dam ye, or to Save ye;

There is the _Colledge_, and the _Court_,

The _Country_, _Camp_ and _Navie_;

So great a _Universitie_,

I think there ne're was any;

In which you may a Schoolar be

For spending of a Penny.

* * * * *

Here Men do talk of every Thing,

With large and liberal Lungs,

Like Women at a Gossiping,

With double tyre of Tongues;

They'l give a Broad-side presently,

Soon as you are in view,

With Stories that, you'l wonder at,

Which they will swear are true.

The Drinking there of _Chockalat_,

Can make a _Fool_ a _Sophie_:

'Tis thought the _Turkish Mahomet_

Was first Inspir'd with _Coffe_,

By which his Powers did Over-flow

The Land of _Palestine_:

Then let us to, the _Coffe-house_ go,

'Tis Cheaper farr then Wine.

You shall know there, what Fashions are;

How Perrywiggs are Curl'd;

And for a Penny you shall heare,

All Novells in the World.

Both Old and Young, and Great and Small,

And Rich, and Poore, you'l see;

Therefore let's to the _Coffe_ All,

Come All away with Mee.

FINIS.

Robert Morton made a contribution to the controversy in _Lines Appended

to the Nature, Quality and Most Excellent Vertues of Coffee_ in 1670.

There was published in 1672 _A Broad-side Against Coffee, or the

Marriage of the Turk_, verses that attained considerable fame because of

their picturesque invective. They also stressed the fact that Pasqua

Rosées partner was a coachman, and imitated the broken English of the

Ragusan youth:

A BROAD-SIDE AGAINST COFFEE;

OR, THE

MARRIAGE OF THE TURK

_Coffee_, a kind of _Turkish Renegade_,

Has late a match with _Christian water_ made;

At first between them happen'd a Demur,

Yet joyn'd they were, but not without great _stir_;

* * * * *

_Coffee_ was cold as _Earth, Water_ as _Thames_,

And stood in need of recommending Flames;

* * * * *

_Coffee_ so brown as berry does appear,

Too swarthy for a Nymph so fair, so clear:

* * * * *

A Coachman was the first (here) _Coffee_ made,

And ever since the rest _drive on_ the trade;

_Me no good Engalash_! and sure enough,

He plaid the Quack to salve his Stygian stuff;

_Ver boon for de stomach, de Cough, de Ptisick_

And I believe him, for it looks like Physick.

_Coffee_ a crust is charkt into a coal,

The smell and taste of the Mock _China_ bowl;

Where huff and puff, they labour out their lungs,

Lest _Dives_-like they should bewail their tongues.

And yet they tell ye that it will not burn,

Though on the Jury Blisters you return;

Whose furious heat does make the water rise,

And still through the Alembicks of your eyes.

Dread and desire, ye fall to't snap by snap,

As hungry Dogs do scalding porrige lap,

But to cure Drunkards it has got great Fame;

_Posset_ or _Porrige_, will't not do the same?

Confusion huddles all into one Scene,

Like _Noah's_ Ark, the clean and the unclean.

But now, alas! the Drench has credit got,

And he's no Gentleman that drinks it not;

That such a _Dwarf_ should rise to such a stature!

But Custom is but a remove from Nature.

A _little_ Dish, and a _large_ Coffee-house,

What is it, but a _Mountain_ and a _Mouse_?

* * * * *

_Mens humana novitatis avidissima._

[Illustration: A BROAD-SIDE OF 1670]

And so it came to pass that coffee history repeated itself in England.

Many good people became convinced that coffee was a dangerous drink. The

tirades against the beverage in that far-off time sound not unlike the

advertising patter employed by some of our present-day coffee-substitute

manufacturers. It was even ridiculed by being referred to as "ninny

broth" and "Turkey gruel."

[Illustration: A BROAD-SIDE OF 1672]

_A brief description of the excellent vertues of that sober and

wholesome drink called coffee_ appeared in 1674 and proved an able and

dignified answer to the attacks that had preceded it. That same year,

for the first time in history, the sexes divided in a coffee

controversy, and there was issued _The Women's Petition against Coffee,

representing to public consideration the grand inconveniences accruing

to their sex from the excessive use of the drying and enfeebling

Liquor_, in which the ladies, who had not been accorded the freedom of

the coffee houses in England, as was the custom in France, Germany,

Italy, and other countries on the Continent, complained that coffee made

men as "unfruitful as the deserts where that unhappy berry is said to be

bought." Besides the more serious complaint that the whole race was in

danger of extinction, it was urged that "on a domestic message a husband

would stop by the way to drink a couple of cups of coffee."

This pamphlet is believed to have precipitated the attempt at

suppression by the crown the following year, despite the prompt

appearing, in 1674, of _The Men's Answer to the Women's Petition Against

Coffee, vindicating ... their liquor, from the undeserved aspersion

lately cast upon them, in their scandalous pamphlet_.

The 1674 broadside in defense of coffee was the first to be illustrated;

and for all its air of pretentious grandeur and occasional bathos, it

was not a bad rhyming advertisement for the persecuted drink. It was

printed for Paul Greenwood and sold "at the sign of the coffee mill and

tobacco-roll in Cloath-fair near West-Smithfield, who selleth the best

Arabian coffee powder and chocolate in cake or roll, after the Spanish

fashion, etc." The following extracts will serve to illustrate its epic

character:

When the sweet Poison of the Treacherous Grape,

Had Acted on the world a General Rape;

Drowning our very Reason and our Souls

In such deep Seas of large o'reflowing Bowls.

* * * * *

When Foggy Ale, leavying up mighty Trains

Of muddy Vapours, had besieg'd our Brains;

* * * * *

Then Heaven in Pity, to Effect our Cure.

* * * * *

First sent amongst us this _All-healing-Berry_,

At once to make us both _Sober_ and _Merry_.

_Arabian_ Coffee, a Rich Cordial

To Purse and Person Beneficial,

Which of so many Vertues doth partake,

Its Country's called Felix for its sake.

From the Rich Chambers of the Rising Sun,

Where Arts, and all good Fashions first begun,

Where Earth with choicest Rarities is blest,

And dying _Phoenix_ builds Her wondrous Nest:

COFFEE arrives, that Grave and wholesome Liquor,

That heals the Stomack, makes the Genius quicker,

Relieves the Memory, Revives the Sad.

* * * * *

Do but this Rare ARABIAN Cordial Use,

And thou may'st all the Doctors Slops Refuse.

Hush then, dull QUACKS, your Mountebanking cease,

COFFEE'S a speedier Cure for each Disease;

How great its Vertues are, we hence may think,

The Worlds third Part makes it their common Drink:

In Breif, all you who Healths Rich Treasures Prize,

And Court not Ruby Noses, or blear'd Eyes,

But own Sobriety to be your Drift.

And Love at once good Company and Thrift;

To Wine no more make Wit and Coyn a Trophy,

But come each Night and Frollique here in Coffee.

[Illustration: A BROAD-SIDE OF 1674

The first one to be illustrated]

An eight-page folio, the last argument to be issued in defense of coffee

before Charles II sought to follow in the footsteps of Kair Bey and

Kuprili, was issued in the early part of 1675. It was entitled _Coffee

Houses Vindicated. In answer to the late published Character of a Coffee

House. Asserting from Reason, Experience and good Authors the Excellent

Use and physical Virtues of that Liquor ... With the Grand Convenience

of such civil Places of Resort and ingenious Conversation_.

The advantage of a coffee house compared with a "publick-house" is thus

set forth:

First, In regard of easy expense. Being to wait for or meet a

friend, a tavern-reckoning soon breeds a purse-consumption: in an

ale house, you must gorge yourself with pot after pot.... But here,

for a penny or two, you may spend two or three hours, have the

shelter of a house, the warmth of a fire, the diversion of company;

and conveniency, if you please, of taking a pipe of tobacco; and

all this without any grumbling or repining. Secondly. For sobriety.

It is grown, by the ill influences of I know not what hydropick

stars, almost a general custom amongst us, that no bargain can be

drove, or business concluded between man and man, but it must be

transacted at some publick-house ... where continual sippings ...

would be apt to fly up into their brains, and render them drowsy

and indisposed ... whereas, having now the opportunity of a

coffee-house, they repair thither, take each man a dish or two (so

far from causing, that it cures any dizziness, or disturbant

fumes): and so, dispatching their business, go out more sprightly

about their affairs, than before.... Lastly, For diversion ...

where can young gentlemen, or shop-keepers, more innocently and

advantageously spend an hour or two in the evening than at a

coffee-house? Where they shall be sure to meet company, and, by the

custom of the house, not such as at other places stingy and

reserved to themselves, but free and communicative, where every man

may modestly begin his story, and propose to, or answer another, as

he thinks fit.... So that, upon the whole matter, spight of the

idle sarcasms and paltry reproaches thrown upon it, we may, with no

less truth than plainness, give this brief character of a

well-regulated coffee-house, (for our pen disdains to be an

advocate for any sordid holes, that assume that name to cloke the

practice of debauchery,) that it is the sanctuary of health, the

nursery of temperance, the delight of frugality, and academy of

civility, and free-school of ingenuity.

_The Ale Wives' Complaint Against the Coffee-houses_, a dialogue between

a victualer's wife and a coffee man, at difference about spiriting away

each other's trade, also was issued in 1675.

As early as 1666, and again in 1672, we find the government planning to

strike a blow at the coffee houses. By the year 1675, these "seminaries

of sedition" were much frequented by persons of rank and substance, who,

"suitable to our native genius," says Anderson,[80] "used great freedom

therein with respect to the courts' proceedings in these and like

points, so contrary to the voice of the people."

In 1672, Charles II, seemingly eager to emulate the Oriental intolerants

that preceded him, determined to try his hand at suppression. "Having

been informed of the great inconveniences arising from the great number

of persons that resort to coffee-houses," the king "desired the Lord

Keeper and the Judges to give their opinion in writing as to how far he

might lawfully proceed against them."

Roger North in his _Examen_ gives the full story; and D'Israeli,

commenting on it, says, "it was not done without some apparent respect

for the British constitution." The courts affected not to act against

the law, and the judges were summoned to a consultation; but the five

who met could not agree in opinion.

Sir William Coventry spoke against the proposed measure. He pointed out

that the government obtained considerable revenue from coffee, that the

king himself owed to these seemingly obnoxious places no small debt of

gratitude in the matter of his own restoration; for they had been

permitted in Cromwell's time, when the king's friends had used more

liberty of speech than "they dared to do in any other." He urged, also,

that it might be rash to issue a command so likely to be disobeyed.

At last, being hard pressed for a reply, the judges gave such a halting

opinion in favor of the king's policy as to remind us of the reluctant

verdict wrung from the physicians and lawyers of Mecca on the occasion

of coffee's first persecution.[81] "The English lawyers, in language

which, for its civility and indefiniteness," says Robinson, "would have

been the envy of their Eastern brethren," declared that:

Retailing coffee _might_ be an innocent trade, as it _might_ be

exercised; but as it is used at present, in the nature of a common

assembly, to discourse of matters of State, news and _great

Persons_, as they are Nurseries of Idleness and Pragmaticalness,

and hinder the expence of our native Provisions, they _might_ be

thought common nuisances.

An attempt was made to mold public opinion to a favorable consideration

of the attempt at suppression in _The Grand Concern of England

explained_, which was good propaganda for his majesty's enterprise, but

utterly failed to carry conviction to the lovers of liberty.

After much backing and filling, the king, on December 23, 1675, issued a

proclamation which in its title frankly stated its object--"for the

suppression of coffee houses." It is here given in a somewhat condensed

form:

BY THE KING: A PROCLAMATION

FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF

COFFEE HOUSES

_Charles R._

Whereas it is most apparent that the multitude of Coffee Houses of

late years set up and kept within this kingdom, the dominion of

Wales, and town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, and the great resort of Idle

and disaffected persons to them, have produced very evil and

dangerous effects; as well for that many tradesmen and others, do

herein mispend much of their time, which might and probably would

be employed in and about their Lawful Calling and Affairs; but

also, for that in such houses ... divers false, malitious and

scandalous reports are devised and spread abroad to the Defamation

of his Majestie's Government, and to the Disturbance of the Peace

and Quiet of the Realm; his Majesty hath thought fit and necessary,

that the said Coffee Houses be (for the future) Put down, and

suppressed, and doth ... strictly charge and command all manner of

persons, That they or any of them do not presume from and after the

Tenth Day of January next ensuing, to keep any Public Coffee House,

or to utter or sell by retail, in his, her or their house or houses

(to be spent or consumed within the same) any Coffee, Chocolet,

Sherbett or Tea, as they will answer the contrary at their utmost

perils ... (all licenses to be revoked).

Given at our Court at Whitehall, this third-and-twentieth day of

Dec., 1675, in the seven-and-twentieth year of our Reign.

GOD SAVE THE KING.

And then a remarkable thing happened. It is not usual for a royal

proclamation issued on the 29th of one month to be recalled on the 8th

day of the next; but this is the record established by Charles II. The

proclamation was made on December 23, 1675, and issued December 29,

1675. It forbade the coffee houses to operate after January 10, 1676.

But so intense was the feeling aroused, that eleven days was sufficient

time to convince the king that a blunder had been made. Men of all

parties cried out against being deprived of their accustomed haunts. The

dealers in coffee, tea, and chocolate demonstrated that the proclamation

would greatly lessen his majesty's revenues. Convulsion and discontent

loomed large. The king heeded the warning, and on January 8, 1676,

another proclamation was issued by which the first proclamation was

recalled.

In order to save the king's face, it was solemnly recited that "His

Gracious Majesty," out of his "princely consideration and royal

compassion" would allow the retailers of coffee liquor to keep open

until the 24th of the following June. But this was clearly only a royal

subterfuge, as there was no further attempt at molestation, and it is

extremely doubtful if any was contemplated at the time the second

proclamation was promulgated.

"Than both which proclamations nothing could argue greater guilt nor

greater weakness," says Anderson. Robinson remarks, "A battle for

freedom of speech was fought and won over this question at a time when

Parliaments were infrequent and when the liberty of the press did not

exist."

"_Penny Universities_"

We read in 1677 that "none dare venture into the coffee houses unless he

be able to argue the question whether Parliament were dissolved or not."

All through the years remaining in the seventeenth century, and through

most of the eighteenth century, the London coffee houses grew and

prospered. As before stated, they were originally temperance

institutions, very different from the taverns and ale houses. "Within

the walls of the coffee house there was always much noise, much clatter,

much bustle, but decency was never outraged."

At prices ranging from one to two pence per dish, the demand grew so

great that coffee-house keepers were obliged to make the drink in pots

holding eight or ten gallons.

The seventeenth-century coffee houses were sometimes referred to as the

"penny universities"; because they were great schools of conversation,

and the entrance fee was only a penny. Two pence was the usual price of

a dish of coffee or tea, this charge also covering newspapers and

lights. It was the custom for the frequenter to lay his penny on the

bar, on entering or leaving. Admission to the exchange of sparkling wit

and brilliant conversation was within the reach of all.

So great a _Universitie_

I think there ne're was any;

In which you may a Schoolar be

For spending of a Penny.

"Regular customers," we are told, "had particular seats and special

attention from the fair lady at the bar, and the tea and coffee boys."

It is believed that the modern custom of tipping, and the word "tip,"

originated in the coffee houses, where frequently hung brass-bound boxes

into which customers were expected to drop coins for the servants. The

boxes were inscribed "To Insure Promptness" and from the initial letters

of these words came "tip."

The _National Review_ says, "before 1715 the number of coffee houses in

London was reckoned at 2000." Dufour, who wrote in 1683, declares, upon

information received from several persons who had staid in London, that

there were 3000 of these places. However, 2000 is probably nearer the

fact.

In that critical time in English history, when the people, tired of the

misgovernment of the later Stuarts, were most in need of a forum where

questions of great moment could be discussed, the coffee house became a

sanctuary. Here matters of supreme political import were threshed out

and decided for the good of Englishmen for all time. And because many of

these questions were so well thought out then, there was no need to

fight them out later. England's great struggle for political liberty was

really fought and won in the coffee house.

To the end of the reign of Charles II, coffee was looked upon by the

government rather as a new check upon license than an added luxury.

After the revolution, the London coffee merchants were obliged to

petition the House of Lords against new import duties, and it was not

until the year 1692 that the government, "for the greater encouragement

and advancement of trade and the greater importation of the said

respective goods or merchandises," discharged one half of the obnoxious

tariff.

_Weird Coffee Substitutes_

Shortly after the "great fire," coffee substitutes began to appear.

First came a liquor made with betony, "for the sake of those who could

not accustom themselves to the bitter taste of coffee." Betony is a herb

belonging to the mint family, and its root was formerly employed in

medicine as an emetic or purgative. In 1719, when coffee was 7s. a

pound, came bocket, later known as saloop, a decoction of sassafras and

sugar, that became such a favorite among those who could not afford tea

or coffee, that there were many saloop stalls in the streets of London.

It was also sold at Read's coffee house in Fleet Street.

_The Coffee Men Overreach Themselves_

The coffee-house keepers had become so powerful a force in the community

in 1729 that they lost all sense of proportion; and we find them

seriously proposing to usurp the functions of the newspapers. The

vainglorious coffee men requested the government to hand over to them a

journalistic monopoly; the argument being that the newspapers of the day

were choked with advertisements, filled with foolish stories gathered by

all-too enterprising newswriters, and that the only way for the

government to escape "further excesses occasioned by the freedom of the

press" and to rid itself of "those pests of society, the unlicensed

newsvendors," was for it to intrust the coffee men, as "the chief

supporters of liberty" with the publication of a _Coffee House Gazette_.

Information for the journal was to be supplied by the habitués of the

houses themselves, written down on brass slates or ivory tablets, and

called for twice daily by the _Gazette's_ representatives. All the

profits were to go to the coffee men--including the expected increase of

custom.

Needless to say, this amazing proposal of the coffee-house masters to

have the public write its own newspapers met with the scorn and the

derision it invited, and nothing ever came of it.

The increasing demand for coffee caused the government tardily to seek

to stimulate interest in the cultivation of the plant in British

colonial possessions. It was tried out in Jamaica in 1730. By 1732 the

experiment gave such promise that Parliament, "for encouraging the

growth of coffee in His Majesty's plantations in America," reduced the

inland duty on coffee coming from there, "but of none other," from two

shillings to one shilling six pence per pound. "It seems that the French

at Martinico, Hispaniola, and at the Isle de Bourbon, near Madagascar,

had somewhat the start of the English in the new product as had also the

Dutch at Surinam, yet none had hitherto been found to equal coffee from

Arabia, whence all the rest of the world had theirs." Thus writes Adam

Anderson in 1787, somewhat ungraciously seeking to damn England's

business rivals with faint praise. Java coffee was even then in the

lead, and the seeds of Bourbon-Santos were multiplying rapidly in

Brazilian soil.

The British East India Company, however, was much more interested in tea

than in coffee. Having lost out to the French and Dutch on the "little

brown berry of Arabia," the company engaged in so lively a propaganda

for "the cup that cheers" that, whereas the annual tea imports from 1700

to 1710 averaged 800,000 pounds, in 1721 more than 1,000,000 pounds of

tea were brought in. In 1757, some 4,000,000 pounds were imported. And

when the coffee house finally succumbed, tea, and not coffee, was firmly

intrenched as the national drink of the English people.

A movement in 1873 to revive the coffee house in the form of a coffee

"palace," designed to replace the public house as a place of resort for

working men, caused the Edinburgh Castle to be opened in London. The

movement attained considerable success throughout the British Isles, and

even spread to the United States.

_Evolution of the Club_

Every profession, trade, class, and party had its favorite coffee house.

"The bitter black drink called coffee," as Mr. Pepys described the

beverage, brought together all sorts and conditions of men; and out of

their mixed association there developed groups of patrons favoring

particular houses and giving them character. It is easy to trace the

transition of the group into a clique that later became a club,

continuing for a time to meet at the coffee house or the chocolate

house, but eventually demanding a house of its own.

_Decline and Fall of the Coffee House_

Starting as a forum for the commoner, "the coffee house soon became the

plaything of the leisure class; and when the club was evolved, the

coffee house began to retrograde to the level of the tavern. And so the

eighteenth century, which saw the coffee house at the height of its

power and popularity, witnessed also its decline and fall. It is said

there were as many clubs at the end of the century as there were coffee

houses at the beginning."

For a time, when the habit of reading newspapers descended the social

ladder, the coffee house acquired a new lease of life. Sir Walter Besant

observes:

They were then frequented by men who came, not to talk, but to

read; the smaller tradesmen and the better class of mechanic now

came to the coffee-house, called for a cup of coffee, and with it

the daily paper, which they could not afford to take in. Every

coffee-house took three or four papers; there seems to have been in

this latter phase of the once social institution no general

conversation. The coffee-house as a place of resort and

conversation gradually declined; one can hardly say why, except

that all human institutions do decay. Perhaps manners declined; the

leaders in literature ceased to be seen there; the city clerk began

to crowd in; the tavern and the club drew men from the

coffee-house.

A few houses survived until the early years of the nineteenth century,

but the social side had disappeared. As tea and coffee entered the

homes, and the exclusive club house succeeded the democratic coffee

forum, the coffee houses became taverns or chop houses, or, convinced

that they had outlived their usefulness, just ceased to be.

_Pen Pictures of Coffee-House Life_

From the writings of Addison in the _Spectator_, Steele in the _Tatler_,

Mackay in his _Journey Through England_, Macaulay in his history, and

others, it is possible to draw a fairly accurate pen-picture of life in

the old London coffee house.

In the seventeenth century the coffee room usually opened off the

street. At first only tables and chairs were spread about on a sanded

floor. Later, this arrangement was succeeded by the boxes, or booths,

such as appear in the Rowlandson caricatures, the picture of the

interior of Lloyds, etc.

The walls were decorated with handbills and posters advertising the

quack medicines, pills, tinctures, salves, and electuaries of the

period, all of which might be purchased at the bar near the entrance,

presided over by a prototype of the modern English barmaid. There were

also bills of the play, auction notices, etc., depending upon the

character of the place.

Then, as now, the barmaids were made much of by patrons. Tom Brown

refers to them as charming "Phillises who invite you by their amorous

glances into their smoaky territories."

Messages were left and letters received at the bar for regular

customers. Stella was instructed to address her letters to Swift, "under

cover to Addison at the St. James's coffee house." Says Macaulay:

Foreigners remarked that it was the coffee house which specially

distinguished London from all other cities; that the coffee house

was the Londoner's home, and that those who wished to find a

gentleman commonly asked, not whether he lived in Fleet Street or

Chancery Lane, but whether he frequented the Grecian or the

Rainbow.

[Illustration: MAP SHOWING THE LOCATION OF MANY OF THE OLD LONDON

COFFEE HOUSES PREVIOUS TO THE FIRE OF 1748]

So every man of the upper or middle classes went daily to his coffee

house to learn the news and to discuss it. The better class houses were

the meeting places of the most substantial men in the community. Every

coffee house had its orator, who became to his admirers a kind of

"fourth estate of the realm."

Macaulay gives us the following picture of the coffee house of 1685:

Nobody was excluded from these places who laid down his penny at

the bar. Yet every rank and profession, and every shade of

religious and political opinion had its own headquarters.

There were houses near St. James' Park, where fops congregated,

their heads and shoulders covered with black or flaxen wigs, not

less ample than those which are now worn by the Chancellor and by

the Speaker of the House of Commons. The atmosphere was like that

of a perfumer's shop. Tobacco in any form than that of richly

scented snuff was held in abomination. If any clown, ignorant of

the usages of the house, called for a pipe, the sneers of the whole

assembly and the short answers of the waiters soon convinced him

that he had better go somewhere else.

Nor, indeed, would he have far to go. For, in general, the

coffee-houses reeked with tobacco like a guard room. Nowhere was

the smoking more constant than at Will's. That celebrated house,

situated between Covent Garden and Bow street, was sacred to polite

letters. There the talk was about poetical justice and the unities

of place and time. Under no roof was a greater variety of figures

to be seen. There were earls in stars and garters, clergymen in

cassocks and bands, pert Templars, sheepish lads from universities,

translators and index makers in ragged coats of frieze. The great

press was to get near the chair where John Dryden sate. In winter

that chair was always in the warmest nook by the fire; in summer it

stood in the balcony. To bow to the Laureate, and to hear his

opinion of Racine's last tragedy, or of Bossu's treatise on epic

poetry, was thought a privilege. A pinch from his snuff-box was an

honour sufficient to turn the head of a young enthusiast.

There were coffee-houses where the first medical men might be

consulted. Dr. John Radcliffe, who, in the year 1685, rose to the

largest practice in London, came daily, at the hour when the

Exchange was full, from his house in Bow street, then a fashionable

part of the capital, to Garraway's, and was to be found, surrounded

by surgeons and apothecaries, at a particular table.

There were Puritan coffee-houses where no oath was heard, and where

lank-haired men discussed election and reprobation through their

noses; Jew coffee-houses, where dark-eyed money changers from

Venice and Amsterdam greeted each other; and Popish coffee-houses,

where, as good Protestants believed, Jesuits planned over their

cups another great fire, and cast silver bullets to shoot the King.

Ned Ward gives us this picture of the coffee house of the seventeenth

century. He is describing Old Man's, Scotland Yard:

We now ascended a pair of stairs, which brought us into an

old-fashioned room, where a gaudy crowd of odoriferous Tom-Essences

were walking backwards and forwards, with their hats in their

hands, not daring to convert them to their intended use lest it

should put the foretops of their wigs into some disorder. We

squeezed through till we got to the end of the room, where, at a

small table, we sat down, and observed that it was as great a

rarity to hear anybody call for a dish of politicians porridge, or

any other liquor, as it is to hear a beau call for a pipe of

tobacco; their whole exercise being to charge and discharge their

nostrils and keep the curls of their periwigs in their proper

order. The clashing of their snush-box lids, in opening and

shutting, made more noise than their tongues. Bows and cringes of

the newest mode were here exchanged 'twixt friend and friend with

wonderful exactness. They made a humming like so many hornets in a

country chimney, not with their talking, but with their whispering

over their new Minuets and Bories, with the hands in their pockets,

if only freed from their snush-box. We now began to be thoughtful

of a pipe of tobacco, whereupon we ventured to call for some

instruments of evaporation, which were accordingly brought us, but

with such a kind of unwillingness, as if they would much rather

been rid of our company; for their tables were so very neat, and

shined with rubbing like the upper-leathers of an alderman's shoes,

and as brown as the top of a country housewife's cupboard. The

floor was as clean swept as a Sir Courtly's dining room, which made

us look round to see if there were no orders hung up to impose the

forfeiture of so much mop-money upon any person that should spit

out of the chimney-corner. Notwithstanding we wanted an example to

encourage us in our porterly rudeness, we ordered them to light the

wax candle, by which we ignified our pipes and blew about our

whiffs; at which several Sir Foplins drew their faces into as many

peevish wrinkles as the beaux at the Bow Street Coffee-house, near

Covent Garden, did when the gentleman in masquerade came in amongst

them, with his oyster-barrel muff and turnip-buttons, to ridicule

their foperies.

In _A Brief and Merry History of Great Britain_ we read:

There is a prodigious number of Coffee-Houses in London, after the

manner I have seen some in Constantinople. These Coffee-Houses are

the constant Rendezvous for Men of Business as well as the idle

People. Besides Coffee, there are many other Liquors, which People

cannot well relish at first. They smoak Tobacco, game and read

Papers of Intelligence; here they treat of Matters of State, make

Leagues with Foreign Princes, break them again, and transact

Affairs of the last Consequence to the whole World. They represent

these Coffee-Houses as the most agreeable things in London, and

they are, in my Opinion, very proper Places to find People that a

Man has Business with, or to pass away the Time a little more

agreeably than he can do at home; but in other respects they are

loathsome, full of smoak, like a Guard-Room, and as much crowded. I

believe 'tis these Places that furnish the Inhabitants with

Slander, for there one hears exact Account of everything done in

Town, as if it were but a Village.

At those Coffee-Houses, near the Courts, called White's, St.

James's, Williams's, the Conversation turns chiefly upon the

Equipages, Essence, Horse-Matches, Tupees, Modes and Mortgages; the

Cocoa-Tree upon Bribery and Corruption, Evil ministers, Errors and

Mistakes in Government; the Scotch Coffee-Houses towards Charing

Cross, on Places and Pensions; the Tiltyard and Young Man's on

Affronts, Honour, Satisfaction, Duels and Rencounters. I was

informed that the latter happen so frequently, in this part of the

Town, that a Surgeon and a Sollicitor are kept constantly in

waiting; the one to dress and heal such Wounds as may be given, and

the other in case of Death to bring off the Survivor with a Verdict

of Se Devendendo or Manslaughter. In those Coffee-Houses about the

Temple the Subjects are generally on Causes, Costs, Demurrers,

Rejoinders and Exceptions; Daniel's the Welch Coffee-House in Fleet

Street, on Births, Pedigrees and Descents; Child's and the Chapter

upon Glebes, Tithes, Advowsons, Rectories and Lectureships; North's

Undue Elections, False Polling, Scrutinies, etc.; Hamlin's,

Infant-Baptism, Lay-Ordination, Free-Will, Election and

Reprobation; Batson's, the Prices of Pepper, Indigo and Salt-Petre;

and all those about the Exchange, where the Merchants meet to

transact their Affairs, are in a perpetual hurry about

Stock-Jobbing, Lying, Cheating, Tricking Widows and Orphans, and

committing Spoil and Rapine on the Publick.

[Illustration: WHITE'S AND BROOKES', ST. JAMES'S STREET]

In the eighteenth century beer and wine were commonly sold at the coffee

houses in addition to tea and chocolate. Daniel Defoe, writing of his

visit to Shrewsbury in 1724, says, "I found there the most coffee houses

around the Town Hall that ever I saw in any town, but when you come into

them they are but ale houses, only they think that the name coffee house

gives a better air."

Speaking of the coffee houses of the city, Besant says:

Rich merchants alone ventured to enter certain of the coffee

houses, where they transacted business more privately and more

expeditiously than on the Exchange. There were coffee houses where

officers of the army alone were found; where the city shopkeeper

met his chums; where actors congregated; where only divines, only

lawyers, only physicians, only wits and those who came to hear them

were found. In all alike the visitor put down his penny and went

in, taking his own seat if he was an habitue; he called for a cup

of tea or coffee and paid his twopence for it; he could call also,

if he pleased, for a cordial; he was expected to talk with his

neighbour whether he knew him or not. Men went to certain coffee

houses in order to meet the well-known poets and writers who were

to be found there, as Pope went in search of Dryden. The daily

papers and the pamphlets of the day were taken in. Some of the

coffee houses, but not the more respectable, allowed the use of

tobacco.

[Illustration: COFFEE HOUSE POLITICIANS OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY]

[Illustration: THE GREAT FAIR ON THE FROZEN THAMES--1683

From a broadside entitled _Wonders on the Deep_. Figure 2 is the Duke of

York's Coffee House]

Mackay, in his _Journey Through England_ (1724), says:

We rise by nine, and those that frequent great men's levees find

entertainment at them till eleven, or, as in Holland, go to

tea-tables; about twelve the _beau monde_ assemble in several

coffee or chocolate houses; the best of which are the Cocoatree and

White's chocolate houses, St. James', the Smyrna, Mrs. Rochford's

and the British coffee houses; and all these so near one another

that in less than an hour you see the company of them all. We are

carried to these places in chairs (or sedans), which are here very

cheap, a guinea a week, or a shilling per hour, and your chairmen

serve you for porters to run on errands, as your gondoliers do at

Venice.

If it be fine weather we take a turn into the park till two, when

we go to dinner; and if it be dirty, you are entertained at picquet

or basset at White's, or you may talk politics at the Smyrna or St.

James'. I must not forget to tell you that the parties have their

different places, where, however, a stranger is always well

received; but a Whig will no more go to the Cocoatree than a Tory

will be seen at the Coffee House, St James'.

The Scots go generally to the British, and a mixture of all sorts

go to the Smyrna. There are other little coffee houses much

frequented in this neighborhood--Young Man's for officers; Old

Man's for stock jobbers, paymasters and courtiers, and Little Man's

for sharpers. I never was so confounded in my life as when I

entered into this last. I saw two or three tables full at faro, and

was surrounded by a set of sharp faces that I was afraid would have

devoured me with their eyes. I was glad to drop two or three half

crowns at faro to get off with a clear skin, and was overjoyed I so

got rid of them.

At two we generally go to dinner; ordinaries are not so common here

as abroad, yet the French have set up two or three good ones for

the convenience of foreigners in Suffolk street, where one is

tolerably well served; but the general way here is to make a party

at the coffee house to go to dine at the tavern, where we sit till

six, when we go to the play, except you are invited to the table of

some great man, which strangers are always courted to and nobly

entertained.

Mackay writes that "in all the coffee houses you have not only the

foreign prints but several English ones with foreign occurrences,

besides papers of morality and party disputes."

"After the play," writes Defoe, "the best company generally go to Tom's

and Will's coffee houses, near adjoining, where there is playing at

picquet and the best of conversation till midnight. Here you will see

blue and green ribbons and stars sitting familiarly and talking with the

same freedom as if they had left their equality and degrees of distance

at home."

[Illustration: THE LION'S HEAD AT BUTTON'S COFFEE HOUSE

Designed by Hogarth, and put up by Addison, 1713 From a water color by

T.H. Shepherd]

Before entering the coffee house every one was recommended by the

_Tatler_ to prepare his body with three dishes of bohea and to purge his

brains with two pinches of snuff. Men had their coffee houses as now

they have their clubs--sometimes contented with one, sometimes belonging

to three or four. Johnson, for instance, was connected with St. James's,

the Turk's Head, the Bedford, Peele's, besides the taverns which he

frequented. Addison and Steele used Button's; Swift, Button's, the

Smyrna, and St. James's; Dryden, Will's; Pope, Will's and Button's;

Goldsmith, the St. James's and the Chapter; Fielding, the Bedford;

Hogarth, the Bedford and Slaughter's; Sheridan, the Piazza; Thurlow,

Nando's.

_Some Famous Coffee Houses_

Among the famous English coffee houses of the seventeenth-eighteenth

century period were St. James's, Will's, Garraway's, White's,

Slaughter's, the Grecian, Button's, Lloyd's, Tom's, and Don Saltero's.

St. James's was a Whig house frequented by members of Parliament, with a

fair sprinkling of literary stars. Garraway's catered to the gentry of

the period, many of whom naturally had Tory proclivities.

One of the notable coffee houses of Queen Anne's reign was Button's.

Here Addison could be found almost every afternoon and evening, along

with Steele, Davenant, Carey, Philips, and other kindred minds. Pope was

a member of the same coffee house club for a year, but his inborn

irascibility eventually led him to drop out of it.

At Button's a lion's head, designed by Hogarth after the Lion of Venice,

"a proper emblem of knowledge and action, being all head and paws," was

set up to receive letters and papers for the _Guardian_.[82] The

_Tatler_ and the _Spectator_ were born in the coffee house, and probably

English prose would never have received the impetus given it by the

essays of Addison and Steele had it not been for coffee house

associations.

Pope's famous _Rape of the Lock_ grew out of coffee-house gossip. The

poem itself contains one charming passage on coffee.[83]

Another frequenter of the coffee houses of London, when he had the money

to do so, was Daniel Defoe, whose _Robinson Crusoe_ was the precursor of

the English novel. Henry Fielding, one of the greatest of all English

novelists, loved the life of the more bohemian coffee houses, and was,

in fact, induced to write his first great novel, _Joseph Andrews_,

through coffee-house criticisms of Richardson's _Pamela_.

Other frequenters of the coffee houses of the period were Thomas Gray

and Richard Brinsley Sheridan. Garrick was often to be seen at Tom's in

Birchin Lane, where also Chatterton might have been found on many an

evening before his untimely death.

_The London Pleasure Gardens_

The second half of the eighteenth century was covered by the reigns of

the Georges. The coffee houses were still an important factor in London

life, but were influenced somewhat by the development of gardens in

which were served tea, chocolate, and other drinks, as well as coffee.

At the coffee houses themselves, while coffee remained the favorite

beverage, the proprietors, in the hope of increasing their patronage,

began to serve wine, ale, and other liquors. This seems to have been the

first step toward the decay of the coffee house.

[Illustration: A TRIO OF NOTABLES AT BUTTON'S IN 1730

The figure in the cloak is Count Viviani; of the figures facing the

reader, the draughts player is Dr. Arbuthnot, and the figure standing is

assumed to be Pope]

The coffee houses, however, continued to be the centers of intellectual

life. When Samuel Johnson and David Garrick came together to London,

literature was temporarily in a bad way, and the hack writers of the

time dwelt in Grub Street.

It was not until after Johnson had met with some success, and had

established the first of his coffee-house clubs at the Turk's Head, that

literature again became a fashionable profession.

This really famous literary club met at the Turk's Head from 1763 to

1783. Among the most notable members were Johnson, the arbiter of

English prose; Oliver Goldsmith; Boswell, the biographer; Burke, the

orator; Garrick, the actor; and Sir Joshua Reynolds, the painter. Among

the later members were Gibbon, the historian; and Adam Smith, the

political economist.

Certain it is that during the sway of the English coffee house, and at

least partly through its influence, England produced a better prose

literature, as embodied alike in her essays, literary criticisms, and

novels, than she ever had produced before.

The advent of the pleasure garden brought coffee out into the open in

England; and one of the reasons why gardens, such as Ranelagh and

Vauxhall, began to be more frequented than the coffee houses was that

they were popular resorts for women as well as for men. All kinds of

beverages were served in them; and soon the women began to favor tea as

an afternoon drink. At least, the great development in the use of tea

dates from this period; and many of these resorts called themselves tea

gardens.

The use of coffee by this time, however, was well established in the

homes as a breakfast and dinner beverage, and such consumption more than

made up for any loss sustained through the gradual decadence of the

coffee house. Yet signs of the change in national taste that arrived

with the Georges were not wanting; for the active propaganda of the

British East India Company was fairly well launched during Queen Anne's

reign.

The London pleasure gardens of the eighteenth century were unique. At

one time there was a "mighty maze" of them. Their season extended from

April or May to August or September. At first there was no charge for

admission, but Warwick Wroth[84] tells us that visitors usually

purchased cheese cakes, syllabubs, tea, coffee and ale.

The four best-known London gardens were Vauxhall; Marylebone; Cuper's,

where the charge for admission subsequently was fixed at not less than a

shilling; and Ranelagh, where the charge of half a crown included "the

Elegant Regale" of tea, coffee, and bread and butter.

The pleasure gardens provided walks, rooms for dancing, skittle grounds,

bowling greens, variety entertainments, and promenade concerts; and not

a few places were given over to fashionable gambling and racing.

The Vauxhall Gardens, one of the most favored resorts of

pleasure-seeking Londoners, were located on the Surrey side of the

Thames, a short distance east of Vauxhall Bridge. They were originally

known as the New Spring Gardens (1661), to distinguish them from the old

Spring Gardens at Charing Cross. They became famous in the reign of

Charles II. Vauxhall was celebrated for its walks, lit with thousands of

lamps, its musical and other performances, suppers, and fireworks. High

and low were to be found there, and the drinking of tea and coffee in

the arbors was a feature. The illustration shows the garden brightly

illuminated by lanterns and lamps on some festival occasion. Coffee and

tea were served in the arbors.

[Illustration: VAUXHALL GARDENS ON A GALA NIGHT]

The Ranelagh, "a place of public entertainment," erected at Chelsea in

1742, was a kind of Vauxhall under cover. The principal room, known as

the Rotunda, was circular in shape, 150 feet in diameter, and had an

orchestra in the center and tiers of boxes all around. Promenading and

taking refreshments in the boxes were the principal divertisements.

Except on gala nights of masquerades and fireworks, only tea, coffee,

bread and butter were to be had at Ranelagh.

[Illustration: THE ROTUNDA IN RANELAGH GARDENS WITH THE COMPANY AT

BREAKFAST--1751]

In the group of gardens connected with mineral springs was the Dog and

Duck (St. George's Spa), which became at last a tea garden and a dancing

saloon of doubtful repute.

Still another division, recognized by Wroth, consisted mainly of tea

gardens, among them Highbury Barn, The Canonbury House, Hornsey and

Copenhagen House, Bagnigge Wells, and White Conduit House. The two last

named were the classic tea gardens of the period. Both were provided

with "long rooms" in case of rain, and for indoor promenades with organ

music. Then there were the Adam and Eve tea gardens, with arbors for

tea-drinking parties, which subsequently became the Adam and Eve Tavern

and Coffee House. Well known were the Bayswater Tea Gardens and the Jews

Harp House and Tea Gardens. All these were provided with neat, "genteel"

boxes, let into the hedges and alcoves, for tea and coffee drinkers.

_Locating the Notable Coffee Houses_

GARRAWAY'S, 3 'Change Alley, Cornhill, was a place for great mercantile

transactions. Thomas Garway, the original proprietor, was a tobacconist

and coffee man, who claimed to be the first that sold tea in England,

although not at this address. The later Garraway's was long famous as a

sandwich and drinking room for sherry, pale ale, and punch, in addition

to tea and coffee. It is said that the sandwich-maker was occupied two

hours in cutting and arranging the sandwiches for the day's consumption.

After the "great fire" of 1666 GARRAWAY'S moved into the same place in

Exchange Alley where Elford had been before the fire. Here he claimed to

have the oldest coffee house in London; but the ground on which BOWMAN'S

had stood was occupied later by the VIRGINIA and the JAMAICA coffee

houses. The latter was damaged by the fire of 1748 which consumed

GARRAWAY'S and ELFORD'S (see map of the 1748 fire).

WILL'S, the predecessor of BUTTON'S, first had the title of the RED COW,

then of the ROSE. It was kept by William Urwin, and was on the north

side of Russell Street at the corner of Bow Street. "It was Dryden who

made Will's coffee house the great resort of the wits of his time."

(_Pope_ and _Spence_.) The room in which the poet was accustomed to sit

was on the first floor; and his place was the place of honor by the

fireside in the winter, and at the corner of the balcony, looking over

the street, in fine weather; he called the two places his winter and his

summer seat. This was called the dining-room floor. The company did not

sit in boxes as subsequently, but at various tables which were dispersed

through the room. Smoking was permitted in the public room; it was then

so much in vogue that it does not seem to have been considered a

nuisance. Here, as in other similar places of meeting, the visitors

divided themselves into parties; and we are told by Ward that the young

beaux and wits, who seldom approached the principal table, thought it a

great honor to have a pinch out of Dryden's snuff-box. After Dryden's

death WILL'S was transferred to a house opposite, and became BUTTON'S,

"over against THOMAS'S in Covent Garden." Thither also Addison

transferred much company from THOMAS'S. Here Swift first saw Addison.

Hither also came "Steele, Arbuthnot and many other wits of the time."

BUTTON'S continued in vogue until Addison's death and Steele's

retirement into Wales, after which the coffee drinkers went to the

BEDFORD, dinner parties to the SHAKESPEARE. BUTTON'S was subsequently

known as the CALEDONIEN.

[Illustration: GARRAWAY'S COFFEE HOUSE IN 'CHANGE ALLEY

Garway (or Garraway) claimed to have been first to sell Tea in England]

[Illustration: BUTTON'S COFFEE HOUSE, GREAT RUSSELL STREET

Afterward it became the Caledonien

From a water color by T.H. Shepherd]

SLAUGHTER'S, famous as the resort of painters and sculptors in the

eighteenth century, was situated at the upper end of the west side of

St. Martin's Lane. Its first landlord was Thomas Slaughter, 1692. A

second SLAUGHTER'S (NEW SLAUGHTER'S) was established in the same street

in 1760, when the original SLAUGHTER'S adopted the name of OLD

SLAUGHTER'S. It was torn down in 1843-44. Among the notables who

frequented it were Hogarth; young Gainsborough; Cipriani; Haydon;

Roubiliac; Hudson, who painted the Dilettanti portraits; M'Ardell, the

mezzotinto-scraper; Luke Sullivan, the engraver; Gardell, the portrait

painter; and Parry, the Welsh harper.

TOM'S, in Birchin Lane, Cornhill, though in the main a mercantile

resort, acquired some celebrity from having been frequented by Garrick.

TOM'S was also frequented by Chatterton, as a place "of the best

resort." Then there was TOM'S in Devereux Court, Strand, and TOM'S at 17

Great Russell Street, Covent Garden, opposite BUTTON'S, a celebrated

resort during the reign of Queen Anne and for more than a century after.

THE GRECIAN, Devereux Court, Strand, was originally kept by one

Constantine, a Greek. From this house Steele proposed to date his

learned articles in the _Tatler_; it is mentioned in No. 1 of the

_Spectator_, and it was much frequented by Goldsmith. The GRECIAN was

Foote's morning lounge. In 1843 the premises became the Grecian

Chambers, with a bust of Lord Devereux, earl of Essex, over the door.

[Illustration: SLAUGHTER'S COFFEE HOUSE, ST. MARTIN'S LANE

It was taken down in 1843

From a water color by T.H. Shepherd, 1841]

[Illustration: TOM'S COFFEE HOUSE, 17 GREAT RUSSELL STREET

Used as a coffee house until 1804 and razed in 1865

From a water color by T.H. Shepherd]

LLOYD'S, Royal Exchange, celebrated for its priority of shipping

intelligence and its marine insurance, originated with Edward Lloyd, who

about 1688 kept a coffee house in Tower Street, later in Lombard Street

corner of Abchurch Lane. It was a modest place of refreshment for

seafarers and merchants. As a matter of convenience, Edward Lloyd

prepared "ships' lists" for the guidance of the frequenters of the

coffee house. "These lists, which were written by hand, contained,"

according to Andrew Scott, "an account of vessels which the underwriters

who met there were likely to have offered them for insurance." Such was

the beginning of two institutions that have since exercised a dominant

influence on the sea-carrying trade of the whole world--the Royal

Exchange Lloyd's, the greatest insurance institution in the world, and

Lloyd's Register of Shipping. Lloyd's now has 1400 agents in all parts

of the world. It receives as many as 100,000 telegrams a year. It

records through its intelligence service the daily movements of 11,000

vessels.

In the beginning one of the apartments in the Exchange was fitted up as

LLOYD'S coffee room. Edward Lloyd died in 1712. Subsequently the coffee

house was in Pope's Head Alley, where it was called NEW LLOYD'S coffee

house, but on September 14, 1784, it was removed to the northwest corner

of the Royal Exchange, where it remained until the partial destruction

of that building by fire.

[Illustration: LLOYD'S COFFEE HOUSE IN THE ROYAL EXCHANGE, SHOWING THE

SUBSCRIPTION ROOM]

In rebuilding the Exchange there were provided the Subscribers' or

Underwriters' room, the Merchants' room, and the Captains' room. _The

City_, second edition, 1848, contains the following description of this

most famous rendezvous of eminent merchants, shipowners, underwriters,

insurance, stock and exchange brokers:

Here is obtained the earliest news of the arrival and sailing of

vessels, losses at sea, captures, recaptures, engagements and other

shipping intelligence; and proprietors of ships and freights are

insured by the underwriters. The rooms are in the Venetian style

with Roman enrichments. At the entrance of the room are exhibited

the Shipping Lists, received from Lloyd's agents at home and

abroad, and affording particulars of departures or arrivals of

vessels, wrecks, salvage, or sale of property saved, etc. To the

right and left are "Lloyd's Books," two enormous ledgers. Right

hand, ships "spoken with" or arrived at their destined ports; left

hand, records of wrecks, fires or severe collisions, written in a

fine Roman hand in "double lines." To assist the underwriters in

their calculations, at the end of the room is an Anemometer, which

registers the state of the wind day and night; attached is a rain

gauge.

THE BRITISH, Cockspur Street, "long a house of call for Scotchmen," was

fortunate in its landladies. In 1759 it was kept by the sister of Bishop

Douglas, so well known for his works against Lauder and Bower, which may

explain its Scottish fame. At another period it was kept by Mrs.

Anderson, described in Mackenzie's _Life of Home_ as "a woman of

uncommon talents and the most agreeable conversation."

DON SALTERO'S, 18 Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, was opened by a barber named

Salter in 1695. Sir Hans Sloane contributed of his own collection some

of the refuse gimcracks that were to be found in Salter's "museum."

Vice-Admiral Munden, who had been long on the coast of Spain, where he

had acquired a fondness for Spanish titles, named the keeper of the

house Don Saltero, and his coffee house and museum DON SALTERO'S.

SQUIRE'S was in Fulwood's Rents, Holburn, running up to Gray's Inn. It

was one of the receiving houses of the _Spectator_. In No. 269 the

_Spectator_ accepts Sir Roger de Coverley's invitation to "smoke a pipe

with him over a dish of coffee at Squire's. As I love the old man, I

take delight in complying with everything that is agreeable to him, and

accordingly waited on him to the coffee-house, where his venerable

figure drew upon us the eyes of the whole room. He had no sooner seated

himself at the upper end of the high table, but he called for a clean

pipe, a paper of tobacco, a dish of coffee, a wax candle and the

'Supplement' (a periodical paper of that time), with such an air of

cheerfulness and good humour, that all the boys in the coffee room (who

seemed to take pleasure in serving him) were at once employed on his

several errands, insomuch that nobody else could come at a dish of tea

until the Knight had got all his conveniences about him." Such was the

coffee room in the _Spectator's_ day.

[Illustration: INTERIOR OF DICK'S COFFEE HOUSE

From the frontispiece to "The Coffee House--a dramatick Piece" (see

chapter XXXII)]

THE COCOA-TREE was originally a coffee house on the south side of Pall

Mall. When there grew up a need for "places of resort of a more elegant

and refined character," chocolate houses came into vogue, and the

COCOA-TREE was the most famous of these. It was converted into a club in

1746.

[Illustration: THE GRECIAN COFFEE HOUSE, DEVEREUX COURT

It was closed in 1843. From a drawing dated 1809]

WHITE'S chocolate house, established by Francis White about 1693 in St.

James's Street, originally open to any one as a coffee house, soon

became a private club, composed of "the most fashionable exquisites of

the town and court." In its coffee-house days, the entrance was

sixpence, as compared with the average penny fee of the other coffee

houses. Escott refers to WHITE'S as being "the one specimen of the class

to which it belongs, of a place at which, beneath almost the same roof,

and always bearing the same name, whether as coffee house or club, the

same class of persons has congregated during more than two hundred

years."

Among hundreds of other coffee houses that flourished during the

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the following more notable ones are

deserving of mention:

[Illustration: DON SALTERO'S COFFEE HOUSE, CHEYNE WALK

From a steel engraving in the British Museum]

[Illustration: THE BRITISH COFFEE HOUSE

IN COCKSPUR STREET

From a print published in 1770]

BAKER'S, 58 'Change Alley, for nearly half a century noted for its chops

and steaks broiled in the coffee room and eaten hot from the gridiron;

the BALTIC, in Threadneedle Street, the rendezvous of brokers and

merchants connected with the Russian trade; the BEDFORD, "under the

Piazza, in Covent Garden," crowded every night with men of parts and

"signalized for many years as the emporium of wit, the seat of criticism

and the standard of taste"; the CHAPTER, in Paternoster Row, frequented

by Chatterton and Goldsmith; CHILD'S, in St. Paul's Churchyard, one of

the _Spectator's_ houses, and much frequented by the clergy and fellows

of the Royal Society; DICK'S, in Fleet Street, frequented by Cowper, and

the scene of Rousseau's comedietta, entitled _The Coffee House_; ST.

JAMES'S, in St. James's Street, frequented by Swift, Goldsmith, and

Garrick; JERUSALEM, in Cowper's Court, Cornhill, frequented by merchants

and captains connected with the commerce of China, India, and Australia;

JONATHAN'S, in 'Change Alley, described by the _Tatler_ as "the general

mart of stock jobbers"; the LONDON, in Ludgate Hill, noted for its

publishers' sales of stock and copyrights; MAN'S, in Scotland Yard,

which took its name from the proprietor, Alexander Man, and was

sometimes known as OLD MAN'S, or the ROYAL, to distinguish it from YOUNG

MAN'S, LITTLE MAN'S, NEW MAN'S, etc., minor establishments in the

neighborhood;[85] NANDO'S, in Fleet Street, the favorite haunt of Lord

Thurlow and many professional loungers, attracted by the fame of the

punch and the charms of the landlady; NEW ENGLAND AND NORTH AND SOUTH

AMERICAN, in Threadneedle Street, having on its subscription list

representatives of Barings, Rothschilds, and other wealthy

establishments; PEELE'S, in Fleet Street, having a portrait of Dr.

Johnson said to have been painted by Sir Joshua Reynolds; the PERCY, in

Oxford Street, the inspiration for the _Percy Anecdotes_; the PIAZZA, in

Covent Garden, where Macklin fitted up a large coffee room, or theater,

for oratory, and Fielding and Foote poked fun at him; the RAINBOW, in

Fleet Street, the second coffee house opened in London, having its token

money; the SMYRNA, in Pall Mall, a "place to talk politics," and

frequented by Prior and Swift; TOM KING'S, one of the old night houses

of Covent Garden Market, "well known to all gentlemen to whom beds are

unknown"; the TURK'S HEAD, 'Change Alley, which also had its tokens; the

TURK'S HEAD, in the Strand, which was a favorite supping house for Dr.

Johnson and Boswell; the FOLLY, a coffee house on a house-boat on the

Thames, which became quite notorious during Queen Anne's reign.

[Illustration: THE FRENCH COFFEE HOUSE IN LONDON, SECOND HALF OF THE

EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

From the original water-color drawing by Thomas Rowlandson]

[Illustration]

[Illustration: RAMPONAUX' ROYAL DRUMMER, ONE OF THE MOST POPULAR OF THE

EARLY PARISIAN CAFÉS

Started originally as a tavern, this hostelry added coffee to its

cuisine and became famous in the reign of Louis XV The illustration is

from an early print used to advertise the "Royal Drummer's" attractions]

CHAPTER XI

HISTORY OF THE EARLY PARISIAN COFFEE HOUSES

_The introduction of coffee into Paris by Thévenot in 1657--How

Soliman Aga established the custom of coffee drinking at the court

of Louis XIV--Opening the first coffee houses--How the French

adaptation of the Oriental coffee house first appeared in the real

French café of François Procope--The important part played by the

coffee houses in the development of French literature and the

stage--Their association with the Revolution and the founding of

the Republic--Quaint customs and patrons--Historic Parisian cafés_

If we are to accept the authority of Jean La Roque, "before the year

1669 coffee had scarcely been seen in Paris, except at M. Thévenot's and

at the homes of some of his friends. Nor had it been heard of except in

the writings of travelers."

As noted in chapter V, Jean de Thévenot brought coffee into Paris in

1657. One account says that a decoction, supposed to have been coffee,

was sold by a Levantine in the Petit Châtelet under the name of _cohove_

or _cahoue_ during the reign of Louis XIII, but this lacks confirmation.

Louis XIV is said to have been served with coffee for the first time in

1664.

Soon after the arrival, in July, 1669, of the Turkish ambassador,

Soliman Aga, it became noised abroad that he had brought with him for

his own use, and that of his retinue, great quantities of coffee. He

"treated several persons with it, both in the court and the city." At

length "many accustomed themselves to it with sugar, and others who

found benefit by it could not leave it off."

Within six months all Paris was talking of the sumptuous coffee

functions of the ambassador from Mohammed IV to the court of Louis XIV.

Isaac D'Israeli best describes them in his _Curiosities of Literature_:

On bended knee, the black slaves of the Ambassador, arrayed in the

most gorgeous Oriental costumes, served the choicest Mocha coffee

in tiny cups of egg-shell porcelain, hot, strong and fragrant,

poured out in saucers of gold and silver, placed on embroidered

silk doylies fringed with gold bullion, to the grand dames, who

fluttered their fans with many grimaces, bending their piquant

faces--be-rouged, be-powdered and be-patched--over the new and

steaming beverage.

It was in 1669 or 1672 that Madame de Sévigné (Marie de Rabutin-Chantal;

1626-96), the celebrated French letter-writer, is said to have made that

famous prophecy, "There are two things Frenchmen will never

swallow--coffee and Racine's poetry," sometimes abbreviated into,

"Racine and coffee will pass." What Madame really said, according to one

authority, was that Racine was writing for Champmeslé, the actress, and

not for posterity; again, of coffee she said, "_s'en dégoûterait comme;

d'un indigne favori_" (People will become disgusted with it as with an

unworthy favorite).

Larousse says the double judgment was wrongly attributed to Mme. de

Sévigné. The celebrated aphorism, like many others, was forged later.

Mme. de Sévigné said, "Racine made his comedies for the Champmeslé--not

for the ages to come." This was in 1672. Four years later, she said to

her daughter, "You have done well to quit coffee. Mlle. de Mere has also

given it up."

[Illustration: COFFEE WAS FIRST SOLD AND SERVED PUBLICLY IN THE FAIR OF

ST.-GERMAIN

From a Seventeenth-Century Print]

However it may have been, the amiable letter-writer was destined to live

to see Frenchmen yielding at once to the lure of coffee and to the

poetical artifices of the greatest dramatic craftsman of his day.

While it is recorded that coffee made slow progress with the court of

Louis XIV, the next king, Louis XV, to please his mistress, du Barry,

gave it a tremendous vogue. It is related that he spent $15,000 a year

for coffee for his daughters.

Meanwhile, in 1672, one Pascal, an Armenian, first sold coffee publicly

in Paris. Pascal, who, according to one account, was brought to Paris by

Soliman Aga, offered the beverage for sale from a tent, which was also a

kind of booth, in the fair of St.-Germain, supplemented by the service

of Turkish waiter boys, who peddled it among the crowds from small cups

on trays. The fair was held during the first two months of spring, in a

large open plot just inside the walls of Paris and near the Latin

Quarter. As Pascal's waiter boys circulated through the crowds on those

chilly days the fragrant odor of freshly made coffee brought many ready

sales of the steaming beverage; and soon visitors to the fair learned to

look for the "little black" cupful of cheer, or _petit noir_, a name

that still endures.

When the fair closed, Pascal opened a small coffee shop on the Quai de

l'École, near the Pont Neuf; but his frequenters were of a type who

preferred the beers and wines of the day, and coffee languished. Pascal

continued, however, to send his waiter boys with their large coffee

jugs, that were heated by lamps, through the streets of Paris and from

door to door. Their cheery cry of "_café! café!_" became a welcome call

to many a Parisian, who later missed his _petit noir_ when Pascal gave

up and moved on to London, where coffee drinking was then in high favor.

[Illustration: STREET COFFEE VENDER OF PARIS--PERIOD, 1672 TO 1689--TWO

SOUS PER DISH, SUGAR INCLUDED]

Lacking favor at court, coffee's progress was slow. The French smart set

clung to its light wines and beers. In 1672, Maliban, another Armenian,

opened a coffee house in the rue Bussy, next to the Metz tennis court

near St.-Germain's abbey. He supplied tobacco also to his customers.

Later he went to Holland, leaving his servant and partner, Gregory, a

Persian, in charge. Gregory moved to the rue Mazarine, to be near the

Comédie Française. He was succeeded in the business by Makara, another

Persian, who later returned to Ispahan, leaving the coffee house to one

Le Gantois, of Liége.

About this period there was a cripple boy from Candia, known as le

Candiot, who began to cry "coffee!" in the streets of Paris. He carried

with him a coffee pot of generous size, a chafing-dish, cups, and all

other implements necessary to his trade. He sold his coffee from door to

door at two sous per dish, sugar included.

[Illustration: MANY OF THE EARLY PARISIAN COFFEE HOUSES FOLLOWED

PASCAL'S LEAD AND AFFECTED ARMENIAN DECORATIONS

From a Seventeenth-Century Print]

A Levantine named Joseph also sold coffee in the streets, and later had

several coffee shops of his own. Stephen, from Aleppo, next opened a

coffee house on Pont au Change, moving, when his business prospered, to

more pretentious quarters in the rue St.-André, facing St.-Michael's

bridge.

[Illustration: A CORNER OF THE HISTORIC CAFÉ DE PROCOPE SHOWING VOLTAIRE

AND DIDEROT IN DEBATE

From a rare water color]

All these, and others, were essentially the Oriental style of coffee

house of the lower order, and they appealed principally to the poorer

classes and to foreigners. "Gentlemen and people of fashion" did not

care to be seen in this type of public house. But when the French

merchants began to set up, first at St.-Germain's fair, "spacious

apartments in an elegant manner, ornamented with tapestries, large

mirrors, pictures, marble tables, branches for candles, magnificent

lustres, and serving coffee, tea, chocolate, and other refreshments",

they were soon crowded with people of fashion and men of letters.

In this way coffee drinking in public acquired a badge of

respectability. Presently there were some three hundred coffee houses in

Paris. The principal coffee men, in addition to plying their trade in

the city, maintained coffee rooms in St.-Germain's and St.-Laurence's

fairs. These were frequented by women as well as men.

_The Progenitor of the Real Parisian Café_

It was not until 1689, that there appeared in Paris a real French

adaptation of the Oriental coffee house. This was the Café de Procope,

opened by François Procope (Procopio Cultelli, or Cotelli) who came from

Florence or Palermo. Procope was a _limonadier_ (lemonade vender) who

had a royal license to sell spices, ices, barley water, lemonade, and

other such refreshments. He early added coffee to the list, and

attracted a large and distinguished patronage.

Procope, a keen-witted merchant, made his appeal to a higher class of

patrons than did Pascal and those who first followed him. He established

his café directly opposite the newly opened Comédie Française, in the

street then known as the rue des Fossés-St.-Germain, but now the rue de

l'Ancienne Comédie. A writer of the period has left this description of

the place: "The Café de Procope ... was also called the Antre [cavern]

de Procope, because it was very dark even in full day, and ill-lighted

in the evenings; and because you often saw there a set of lank, sallow

poets, who had somewhat the air of apparitions."

Because of its location, the Café de Procope became the gathering place

of many noted French actors, authors, dramatists, and musicians of the

eighteenth century. It was a veritable literary salon. Voltaire was a

constant patron; and until the close of the historic café, after an

existence of more than two centuries, his marble table and chair were

among the precious relics of the coffee house. His favorite drink is

said to have been a mixture of coffee and chocolate. Rousseau, author

and philosopher; Beaumarchais, dramatist and financier; Diderot, the

encyclopedist; Ste.-Foix, the abbé of Voisenon; de Belloy, author of the

_Siege of Callais_; Lemierre, author of _Artaxerce_; Crébillon; Piron;

La Chaussée; Fontenelle; Condorcet; and a host of lesser lights in the

French arts, were habitués of François Procope's modest coffee saloon

near the Comédie Française.

Naturally, the name of Benjamin Franklin, recognized in Europe as one of

the world's foremost thinkers in the days of the American Revolution,

was often spoken over the coffee cups of Café de Procope; and when the

distinguished American died in 1790, this French coffee house went into

deep mourning "for the great friend of republicanism." The walls, inside

and out, were swathed in black bunting, and the statesmanship and

scientific attainments of Franklin were acclaimed by all frequenters.

The Café de Procope looms large in the annals of the French Revolution.

During the turbulent days of 1789 one could find at the tables, drinking

coffee or stronger beverages, and engaged in debate over the burning

questions of the hour, such characters as Marat, Robespierre, Danton,

Hébert, and Desmoulins. Napoleon Bonaparte, then a poor artillery

officer seeking a commission, was also there. He busied himself largely

in playing chess, a favorite recreation of the early Parisian

coffee-house patrons. It is related that François Procope once compelled

young Bonaparte to leave his hat for security while he sought money to

pay his coffee score.

After the Revolution, the Café de Procope lost its literary prestige and

sank to the level of an ordinary restaurant. During the last half of the

nineteenth century, Paul Verlaine, bohemian, poet, and leader of the

symbolists, made the Café de Procope his haunt; and for a time it

regained some of its lost popularity. The Restaurant Procope still

survives at 13 rue de l'Ancienne Comédie.

History records that, with the opening of the Café de Procope, coffee

became firmly established in Paris. In the reign of Louis XV there were

600 cafés in Paris. At the close of the eighteenth century there were

more than 800. By 1843 the number had increased to more than 3000.

_The Development of the Cafés_

Coffee's vogue spread rapidly, and many cabaréts and famous eating

houses began to add it to their menus. Among these was the Tour d'Argent

(silver tower), which had been opened on the Quai de la Tournelle in

1582, and speedily became Paris's most fashionable restaurant. It still

is one of the chief attractions for the epicure, retaining the

reputation for its cooking that drew a host of world leaders, from

Napoleon to Edward VII, to its quaint interior.

[Illustration: THE CAFÉ DE PROCOPE IN 1743

From an engraving by Bosredon]

Another tavern that took up coffee after Procope, was the Royal

Drummer, which Jean Ramponaux established at the Courtille des

Porcherons and which followed Magny's. His hostelry rightly belongs to

the tavern class, although coffee had a prominent place on its menu. It

became notorious for excesses and low-class vices during the reign of

Louis XV, who was a frequent visitor. Low and high were to be found in

Ramponaux's cellar, particularly when some especially wild revelry was

in prospect. Marie Antoinette once declared she had her most enjoyable

time at a wild _farandole_ in the Royal Drummer. Ramponaux was taken to

its heart by fashionable Paris; and his name was used as a trade mark on

furniture, clothes, and foods.

[Illustration: THE CASHIER'S COUNTER IN A PARIS COFFEE HOUSE OF 1782

From a drawing by Rétif de la Bretonne]

The popularity of Ramponaux's Royal Drummer is attested by an

inscription on an early print showing the interior of the café.

Translated, it reads:

The pleasures of ease untroubled to taste,

The leisure of home to enjoy without haste,

Perhaps a few hours at Magny's to waste,

Ah, that was the old-fashioned way!

Today all our laborers, everyone knows,

Go running away ere the working hours close,

And why? They must be at Monsieur Ramponaux'!

Behold, the new style of café!

When coffee houses began to crop up rapidly in Paris, the majority

centered in the Palais Royal, "that garden spot of beauty, enclosed on

three sides by three tiers of galleries," which Richelieu had erected in

1636, under the name of Palais Cardinal, in the reign of Louis XIII. It

became known as the Palais Royal in 1643; and soon after the opening of

the Café de Procope, it began to blossom out with many attractive coffee

stalls, or rooms, sprinkled among the other shops that occupied the

galleries overlooking the gardens.

_Life In The Early Coffee Houses_

Diderot tells in 1760, in his _Rameau's Nephew_, of the life and

frequenters of one of the Palais Royal coffee houses, the Regency (_Café

de la Régence_):

In all weathers, wet or fine, it is my practice to go toward five

o'clock in the evening to take a turn in the Palais Royal.... If

the weather is too cold or too wet I take shelter in the Regency

coffee house. There I amuse myself by looking on while they play

chess. Nowhere in the world do they play chess as skillfully as in

Paris and nowhere in Paris as they do at this coffee house; 'tis

here you see Légal the profound, Philidor the subtle, Mayot the

solid; here you see the most astounding moves, and listen to the

sorriest talk, for if a man be at once a wit and a great chess

player, like Légal, he may also be a great chess player and a sad

simpleton, like Joubert and Mayot.

The beginnings of the Regency coffee house are associated with the

legend that Lefévre, a Parisian, began peddling coffee in the streets of

Paris about the time Procope opened his café in 1689. The story has it

that Lefévre later opened a café near the Palais Royal, selling it in

1718 to one Leclerc, who named it the Café de la Régence, in honor of

the regent of Orleans, a name that still endures on a broad sign over

its doors. The nobility had their rendezvous there after having paid

their court to the regent.

[Illustration: THE CAFÉ FOY IN THE PALAIS ROYAL, 1789

From an engraving by Bosredon]

To name the patrons of the Café de la Régence in its long career would

be to outline a history of French literature for more than two

centuries. There was Philidor the "greatest theoretician of the

eighteenth century, better known for his chess than his music";

Robespierre, of the Revolution, who once played chess with a

girl--disguised as a boy--for the life of her lover; Napoleon, who was

then noted more for his chess than his empire-building propensities; and

Gambetta, whose loud voice, generally raised in debate, disturbed one

chess player so much that he protested because he could not follow his

game. Voltaire, Alfred de Musset; Victor Hugo, Théophile Gautier, J.J.

Rousseau, the Duke of Richelieu, Marshall Saxe, Buffon, Rivarol,

Fontenelle, Franklin, and Henry Murger are names still associated with

memories of this historic café: Marmontel and Philidor played there at

their favorite game of chess. Diderot tells in his _Memoirs_ that his

wife gave him every day nine sous to get his coffee there. It was in

this establishment that he worked on his _Encyclopedia_.

Chess is today still in favor at the Régence, although the players are

not, as were the earlier patrons, obliged to pay by the hour for their

tables with extra charges for candles placed by the chess-boards. The

present Café de la Régence is in the rue St.-Honoré, but retains in

large measure its aspect of olden days.

Michelet, the historian, has given us a rhapsodic pen picture of the

Parisian cafés under the regency:

Paris became one vast café. Conversation in France was at its

zenith. There were less eloquence and rhetoric than in '89. With

the exception of Rousseau, there was no orator to cite. The

intangible flow of wit was as spontaneous as possible. For this

sparkling outburst there is no doubt that honor should be ascribed

in part to the auspicious revolution of the times, to the great

event which created new customs, and even modified human

temperament--the advent of coffee.

Its effect was immeasurable, not being weakened and neutralized as

it is today by the brutalizing influence of tobacco. They took

snuff, but did not smoke. The cabarét was dethroned, the ignoble

cabarét, where, during the reign of Louis XIV, the youth of the

city rioted amid wine-casks in the company of light women. The

night was less thronged with chariots. Fewer lords found a resting

place in the gutter. The elegant shop, where conversation flowed, a

salon rather than a shop, changed and ennobled its customs. The

reign of coffee is that of temperance. Coffee, the beverage of

sobriety, a powerful mental stimulant, which, unlike spirituous

liquors, increases clearness and lucidity; coffee, which suppresses

the vague, heavy fantasies of the imagination, which from the

perception of reality brings forth the sparkle and sunlight of

truth; coffee anti-erotic....

The three ages of coffee are those of modern thought; they mark the

serious moments of the brilliant epoch of the soul.

Arabian coffee is the pioneer, even before 1700. The beautiful

ladies that you see in the fashionable rooms of Bonnard, sipping

from their tiny cups--they are enjoying the aroma of the finest

coffee of Arabia. And of what are they chatting? Of the seraglio,

of Chardin, of the Sultana's coiffure, of the _Thousand and One

Nights_ (1704). They compare the ennui of Versailles with the

paradise of the Orient.

Very soon, in 1710-1720, commences the reign of Indian coffee,

abundant, popular, comparatively cheap. Bourbon, our Indian island,

where coffee was transplanted, suddenly realizes unheard-of

happiness. This coffee of volcanic lands acts as an explosive on

the Regency and the new spirit of things. This sudden cheer, this

laughter of the old world, these overwhelming flashes of wit, of

which the sparkling verse of Voltaire, the _Persian Letters_, give

us a faint idea! Even the most brilliant books have not succeeded

in catching on the wing this airy chatter, which comes, goes, flies

elusively. This is that spirit of ethereal nature which, in the

_Thousand and One Nights_, the enchanter confined in his bottle.

But what phial would have withstood that pressure?

The lava of Bourbon, like the Arabian sand, was unequal to the

demand. The Regent recognized this and had coffee transported to

the fertile soil of our Antilles. The strong coffee of Santo

Domingo, full, coarse, nourishing as well as stimulating, sustained

the adult population of that period, the strong age of the

encyclopedia. It was drunk by Buffon, Diderot, Rousseau, added its

glow to glowing souls, its light to the penetrating vision of the

prophets gathered in the cave of Procope, who saw at the bottom of

the black beverage the future rays of '89. Danton, the terrible

Danton, took several cups of coffee before mounting the tribune.

'The horse must have its oats,' he said.

The vogue of coffee popularized the use of sugar, which was then bought

by the ounce at the apothecary's shop. Dufour says that in Paris they

used to put so much sugar in the coffee that "it was nothing but a syrup

of blackened water." The ladies were wont to have their carriages stop

in front of the Paris cafés and to have their coffee served to them by

the porter on saucers of silver.

Every year saw new cafés opened. When they became so numerous, and

competition grew so keen, it was necessary to invent new attractions for

customers. Then was born the _café chantant_, where songs, monologues,

dances, little plays and farces (not always in the best taste), were

provided to amuse the frequenters. Many of these _cafés chantants_ were

in the open air along the Champs-Elysées. In bad weather, Paris provided

the pleasure-seeker with the Eldorado, Alcazar d'Hiver, Scala, Gaieté,

Concert du XIXme Siécle, Folies Bobino, Rambuteau, Concert Européen,

and countless other meeting places where one could be served with a cup

of coffee.

[Illustration: THE CAFÉ DES MILLE COLONNES IN 1811

From an engraving by Bosredon]

As in London, certain cafés were noted for particular followings, like

the military, students, artists, merchants. The politicians had their

favorite resorts. Says Salvandy:[86]

These were senates in miniature; here mighty political questions

were discussed; here peace and war were decided upon; here generals

were brought to the bar of justice ... distinguished orators were

victoriously refuted, ministers heckled upon their ignorance, their

incapacity, their perfidy, their corruption. The café is in reality

a French institution; in them we find all these agitations and

movements of men, the like of which is unknown in the English

tavern. No government can go against the sentiment of the cafés.

The Revolution took place because they were for the Revolution.

Napoleon reigned because they were for glory. The Restoration was

shattered, because they understood the Charter in a different

manner.

In 1700 appeared the _Portefeuille Galant_, containing conversations of

the cafés.

_The Cafés in the French Revolution_

The Palais Royal coffee houses were centers of activity in the days

preceding and following the Revolution. A picture of them in the July

days of 1789 has been left by Arthur Young, who was visiting Paris at

that time:

The coffee houses present yet more singular and astounding

spectacles; they are not only crowded within, but other expectant

crowds are at the doors and windows, listening _à gorge déployée_

to certain orators who from chairs or tables harangue each his

little audience; the eagerness with which they are heard, and the

thunder of applause they receive for every sentiment of more than

common hardiness or violence against the government, cannot easily

be imagined.

The Palais Royal teemed with excited Frenchmen on the fateful Sunday of

July 12, 1789. The moment was a tense one, when, coming out of the Café

Foy, Camille Desmoulins, a youthful journalist, mounted a table and

began the harangue that precipitated the first overt act of the French

Revolution. Blazing with a white hot frenzy, he so played upon the

passions of the mob that at the conclusion of his speech he and his

followers "marched away from the Café on their errand of Revolution."

The Bastille fell two days later.

As if abashed by its reputation as the starting point of the mob spirit

of the Revolution, Café Foy became in after years a sedate

gathering-place of artists and literati. Up to its close it was

distinguished among other famous Parisian cafés for its exclusiveness

and strictly enforced rule of "no smoking."

Even from the first the Parisian cafés catered to all classes of

society; and, unlike the London coffee houses, they retained this

distinctive characteristic. A number of them early added other liquid

and substantial refreshments, many becoming out-and-out restaurants.

_Coffee-House Customs and Patrons_

Coffee's effect on Parisians is thus described by a writer of the latter

part of the eighteenth century:

I think I may safely assert that it is to the establishment of so

many cafés in Paris that is due the urbanity and mildness

discernible upon most faces. Before they existed, nearly everybody

passed his time at the cabarét, where even business matters were

discussed. Since their establishment, people assemble to hear what

is going on, drinking and playing only in moderation, and the

consequence is that they are more civil and polite, at least in

appearance.

Montesquieu's satirical pen pictured in his _Persian Letters_ the

earliest cafés as follows:

In some of these houses they talk news; in others, they play

draughts. There is one where they prepare the coffee in such a

manner that it inspires the drinkers of it with wit; at least, of

all those who frequent it, there is not one person in four who does

not think he has more wit after he has entered that house. But what

offends me in these wits is that they do not make themselves useful

to their country.

Montesquieu encountered a geometrician outside a coffee house on the

Pont Neuf, and accompanied him inside. He describes the incident in this

manner:

I observe that our geometrician was received there with the utmost

officiousness, and that the coffee house boys paid him much more

respect than two musqueteers who were in a corner of the room. As

for him, he seemed as if he thought himself in an agreeable place;

for he unwrinkled his brows a little and laughed, as if he had not

the least tincture of geometrician in him.... He was offended at

every start of wit, as a tender eye is by too strong a light.... At

last I saw an old man enter, pale and thin, whom I knew to be a

coffee house politician before he sat down; he was not one of those

who are never to be intimidated by disasters, but always prophesy

of victories and success; he was one of those timorous wretches who

are always boding ill.

Café Momus and Café Rotonde figure conspicuously in the record of French

bohemianism. The Momus stood near the right bank of the River Seine in

rue des Prêtres St.-Germain, and was known as the home of the bohemians.

The Rotonde stood on the left bank at the corner of the rue de l'École

de Médecine and the rue Hautefeuille.

[Illustration: THE CAFÉ DE PARIS IN 1843

From an engraving by Bosredon]

Alexandre Schanne has given us a glimpse of bohemian life in the early

cafés. He lays his scene in the Café Rotonde, and tells how a number of

poor students were wont to make one cup of coffee last the coterie a

full evening by using it to flavor and to color the one glass of water

shared in common. He says:

Every evening, the first comer at the waiter's inquiry, "What will

you take, sir?" never failed to reply, "Nothing just at present, I

am waiting for a friend." The friend arrived, to be assailed by the

brutal question, "Have you any money?" He would make a despairing

gesture in the negative, and then add, loud enough to be heard by

the _dame du comptoir_, "By Jove, no; only fancy, I left my purse

on my console-table, with gilt feet, in the purest Louis XV style.

Ah! what a thing it is to be forgetful." He would sit down, and the

waiter would wipe the table as if he had something to do. A third

would come, who was sometimes able to reply, "Yes. I have ten

sous." "Good!" we would reply; "order a cup of coffee, a glass and

a water bottle; pay and give two sous to the waiter to secure his

silence." This would be done. Others would come and take their

places beside us, repeating to the waiter the same chorus, "We are

with this gentleman." Frequently we would be eight or nine sitting

at the same table, and only one customer. Whilst smoking and

reading the papers we would, however, pass the glass and bottle.

When the water began to run short, as on a ship in distress, one of

us would have the impudence to call out, "Waiter, some water!" The

master of the establishment, who understood our situation, had no

doubt given orders for us to be left alone, and made his fortune

without our help. He was a good fellow and an intelligent one,

having subscribed to all the scientific journals of Europe, which

brought him the custom of foreign students.

Another café perpetuating the best traditions of the Latin Quarter was

the Vachette, which survived until the death of Jean Moréas in 1911. The

Vachette is usually cited by antiquarians as a model of circumspection

as compared with the scores of cafés in the Quarter that were given up

to debaucheries. One writer puts it: "The Vachette traditions leaned

more to scholarship than sensuality."

In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries the Parisian café

was truly a coffee house; but as many of the patrons began to while away

most of their waking hours in them, the proprietors added other

beverages and food to hold their patronage. Consequently, we find listed

among the cafés of Paris some houses that are more accurately described

as restaurants, although they may have started their careers as coffee

houses.

_Historic Parisian Cafés_

Some of the historic cafés are still thriving in their original

locations, although the majority have now passed into oblivion. Glimpses

of the more famous houses are to be found in the novels, poetry, and

essays written by the French literati who patronized them. These

first-hand accounts give insights that are sometimes stirring, often

amusing, and frequently revolting--such as the assassination of

St.-Fargean in Février's low-vaulted cellar café in the Palais Royal.

There is Magny's, originally the haunt of such literary men as Gautier,

Taine, Saint-Victor, Turguenieff, de Goncourt, Soulie, Renan, Edmond. In

recent years the old Magny's was razed, and on its site was built the

modern restaurant of the same name, but in a style that has no

resemblance to its predecessor. Even the name of the street has been

changed, from rue Contrescarpe to the rue Mazet.

Méot's, the Véry, Beauvilliers', Massé's, the Café Chartres, the Troi

Fréres Provençaux, and the du Grand Commun, all situated in the Palais

Royal, are cafés that figured conspicuously in the French Revolution,

and are closely identified with the French stage and literature. Méot's

and Massé's were the trysting places of the Royalists in the days

preceding the outbreak, but welcomed the Revolutionists after they came

in power. The Chartres was notorious as the gathering place of young

aristocrats who escaped the guillotine, and, thus made bold, often

called their like from adjoining cafés to partake in some of their plans

for restoration of the empire. The Trois Fréres Provençaux, well known

for its excellent and costly dinners, is mentioned by Balzac, Lord

Lytton, and Alfred de Musset in some of their novels. The Café du Grand

Commun appears in Rousseau's _Confessions_ in connection with the play

_Devin du Village_.

Among the most famous of the cafés on the Rue St. Honoré were Venua's,

patronized by Robespierre and his companions of the Revolution, and

perhaps the scene of the inhuman murder of Berthier and its revolting

aftermath; the Mapinot, which has gone down in café history as the scene

of the banquet to Archibald Alison, the 22-year-old historian; and

Voisin's café, around which still cling traditions of such literary

lights as Zola, Alphonse Daudet, and Jules de Goncourt.

[Illustration: INTERIOR OF A TYPICAL PARISIAN CAFÉ OF THE EARLY

NINETEENTH CENTURY]

Perhaps the boulevard des Italiens had, and still has, more fashionable

cafés than any other section of the French capital. The Tortoni, opened

in the early days of the Empire by Velloni, an Italian lemonade vender,

was the most popular of the boulevard cafés, and was generally thronged

with fashionables from all parts of Europe. Here Louis Blanc, historian

of the Revolution, spent many hours in the early days of his fame.

Talleyrand; Rossini, the musician; Alfred Stevens and Edouard Manet,

artists, are some of the names still linked with the traditions of the

Tortoni. Farther down the boulevard were the Café Riche, Maison Dorée,

Café Anglais, and the Café de Paris. The Riche and the Dorée, standing

side by side, were both high-priced and noted for their revelries. The

Anglais, which came into existence after the snuffing out of the Empire,

was also distinguished for its high prices, but in return gave an

excellent dinner and fine wines. It is told that even during the siege

of Paris the Anglais offered its patrons "such luxuries as ass, mule,

peas, fried potatoes, and champagne."

Probably the Café de Paris, which came into existence in 1822, in the

former home of the Russian Prince Demidoff, was the most richly equipped

and elegantly conducted of any café in Paris in the nineteenth century.

Alfred de Musset, a frequenter, said, "you could not open its doors for

less than 15 francs."

The Café Littéraire, opened on boulevard Bonne Nouvelle late in the

nineteenth century, made a direct appeal to literary men for patronage,

printing this footnote on its menu: "Every customer spending a franc in

this establishment is entitled to one volume of any work to be selected

from our vast collection."

The names of Parisian cafés once more or less famous are legion. Some of

them are:

The Café Laurent, which Rousseau was forced to leave after writing an

especially bitter satire; the English café in which eccentric Lord

Wharton made merry with the Whig habitués; the Dutch café, the haunt of

Jacobites; Terre's, in the rue Neuve des Petits Champs, which Thackeray

described in _The Ballad of Bouillabaisse_; Maire's, in the boulevard

St.-Denis, which dates back beyond 1850; the Café Madrid, in the

boulevard Montmartre, of which Carjat, the Spanish lyric poet, was an

attraction; the Café de la Paix, in the boulevard des Capucines, the

resort of Second Empire Imperialists and their spies; the Café Durand,

in the place de la Madeleine, which started on a plane with the

high-priced Riche, and ended its career early in the twentieth century;

the Rocher de Cancale, memorable for its feasts and high-living patrons

from all over Europe; the Café Guerbois, near the rue de St. Petersburg,

where Manet, the impressionist, after many vicissitudes, won fame for

his paintings and held court for many years; the Chat Noir, on the rue

Victor Massé at Montmartre, a blend of café and concert hall, which has

since been imitated widely, both in name and feature.

[Illustration: CHESS HAS BEEN A FAVORITE PASTIME AT THE CAFÉ DE LA

RÉGENCE FOR TWO HUNDRED YEARS.]

CHAPTER XII

INTRODUCTION OF COFFEE INTO NORTH AMERICA

_Captain John Smith, founder of the Colony of Virginia, is the

first to bring to North America a knowledge of coffee in 1607--The

coffee grinder on the Mayflower--Coffee drinking in 1668--William

Penn's coffee purchase in 1683--Coffee in colonial New England--The

psychology of the Boston "tea party," and why the United States

became a nation of coffee drinkers instead of tea drinkers, like

England--The first coffee license to Dorothy Jones in 1670--The

first coffee house in New England--Notable coffee houses of old

Boston--A skyscraper coffee house_

Undoubtedly the first to bring a knowledge of coffee to North America

was Captain John Smith, who founded the Colony of Virginia at Jamestown

in 1607. Captain Smith became familiar with coffee in his travels in

Turkey.

Although the Dutch also had early knowledge of coffee, it does not

appear that the Dutch West India Company brought any of it to the first

permanent settlement on Manhattan Island (1624). Nor is there any record

of coffee in the cargo of the Mayflower (1620), although it included a

wooden mortar and pestle, later used to make "coffee powder."

In the period when New York was New Amsterdam, and under Dutch occupancy

(1624-64), it is possible that coffee may have been imported from

Holland, where it was being sold on the Amsterdam market as early as

1640, and where regular supplies of the green bean were being received

from Mocha in 1663; but positive proof is lacking. The Dutch appear to

have brought tea across the Atlantic from Holland before coffee. The

English may have introduced the coffee drink into the New York colony

between 1664 and 1673. The earliest reference to coffee in America is

1668[87], at which time a beverage made from the roasted beans, and

flavored with sugar or honey, and cinnamon, was being drunk in New York.

Coffee first appears in the official records of the New England colony

in 1670. In 1683, the year following William Penn's settlement on the

Delaware, we find him buying supplies of coffee in the New York market

and paying for them at the rate of eighteen shillings and nine pence per

pound.[88]

Coffee houses patterned after the English and Continental prototypes

were soon established in all the colonies. Those of New York and

Philadelphia are described in separate chapters. The Boston houses are

described at the end of this chapter.

Norfolk, Chicago, St. Louis, and New Orleans also had them. Conrad

Leonhard's coffee house at 320 Market Street. St. Louis, was famous for

its coffee and coffee cake, from 1844 to 1905, when it became a bakery

and lunch room, removing in 1919 to Eighth and Pine Streets.

In the pioneer days of the great west, coffee and tea were hard to get;

and, instead of them, teas were often made from garden herbs, spicewood,

sassafras-roots, and other shrubs, taken from the thickets[89]. In

1839, in the city of Chicago, one of the minor taverns was known as the

Lake Street coffee house. It was situated at the corner of Lake and

Wells Streets. A number of hotels, which in the English sense might more

appropriately be called inns, met a demand for modest accommodation[90].

Two coffee houses were listed in the Chicago directories for 1843 and

1845, the Washington coffee house, 83 Lake Street; and the Exchange

coffee house, Clarke Street between La Salle and South Water Streets.

[Illustration: TYPES OF COLONIAL COFFEE ROASTERS

The cylinder at the top of the picture was revolved by hand in the

fireplace; the skillets were set in the smouldering ashes]

The old-time coffee houses of New Orleans were situated within the

original area of the city, the section bounded by the river, Canal

Street, Esplanade Avenue and Rampart Street. In the early days most of

the big business of the city was transacted in the coffee houses. The

_brûleau_, coffee with orange juice, orange peel, and sugar, with cognac

burned and mixed in it, originated in the New Orleans coffee house, and

led to its gradual evolution into the saloon.

_How the United States Became a Nation of Coffee Drinkers_

Coffee, tea, and chocolate were introduced into North America almost

simultaneously in the latter part of the seventeenth century. In the

first half of the eighteenth century, tea had made such progress in

England, thanks to the propaganda of the British East India Company,

that, being moved to extend its use in the colonies, the directors

turned their eyes first in the direction of North America. Here,

however, King George spoiled their well-laid plans by his unfortunate

stamp act of 1765, which caused the colonists to raise the cry of "no

taxation without representation."

Although the act was repealed in 1766, the right to tax was asserted,

and in 1767 was again used, duties being laid on paints, oils, lead,

glass, and tea. Once more the colonists resisted; and, by refusing to

import any goods of English make, so distressed the English

manufacturers that Parliament repealed every tax save that on tea.

Despite the growing fondness for the beverage in America, the colonists

preferred to get their tea elsewhere to sacrificing their principles and

buying it from England. A brisk trade in smuggling tea from Holland was

started.

In a panic at the loss of the most promising of its colonial markets,

the British East India Company appealed to Parliament for aid, and was

permitted to export tea, a privilege it had never before enjoyed.

Cargoes were sent on consignment to selected commissioners in Boston,

New York, Philadelphia, and Charleston. The story of the subsequent

happenings properly belongs in a book on tea. It is sufficient here to

refer to the climax of the agitation against the fateful tea tax,

because it is undoubtedly responsible for our becoming a nation of

coffee drinkers instead of one of tea drinkers, like England.

[Illustration: AN EARLY FAMILY COFFEE ROASTER

This machine, known in Holland as a "Coffee Burner," was used late in

the 18th century in New England. It hung in the fireplace or stood in

the embers]

The Boston "tea party" of 1773, when citizens of Boston, disguised as

Indians, boarded the English ships lying in Boston harbor and threw

their tea cargoes into the bay, cast the die for coffee; for there and

then originated a subtle prejudice against "the cup that cheers", which

one hundred and fifty years have failed entirely to overcome. Meanwhile,

the change wrought in our social customs by this act, and those of like

nature following it, in the New York, Pennsylvania, and Charleston

colonies, caused coffee to be crowned "king of the American breakfast

table", and the sovereign drink of the American people.

[Illustration: HISTORICAL RELICS ASSOCIATED WITH THE EARLY DAYS OF

COFFEE IN NEW ENGLAND

These exhibits are in the Museum of the Maine Historical Society at

Portland. On the left is Kenrick's Patent coffee mill. In the center is

a Britannia urn with an iron bar for heating the liquid. The bar was

encased in a tin receptacle that hung inside the cover. On the right is

a wall type of coffee or spice grinder]

_Coffee in Colonial New England_

The history of coffee in colonial New England is so closely interwoven

with the story of the inns and taverns that it is difficult to

distinguish the genuine coffee house, as it was known in England, from

the public house where lodgings and liquors were to be had. The coffee

drink had strong competition from the heady wines, the liquors, and

imported teas, and consequently it did not attain the vogue among the

colonial New Englanders that it did among Londoners of the late

seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.

Although New England had its coffee houses, these were actually taverns

where coffee was only one of the beverages served to patrons. "They

were", says Robinson, "generally meeting places of those who were

conservative in their views regarding church and state, being friends of

the ruling administration. Such persons were terms 'Courtiers' by their

adversaries, the Dissenters and Republicans."

Most of the coffee houses were established in Boston, the metropolis of

the Massachusetts Colony, and the social center of New England. While

Plymouth, Salem, Chelsea, and Providence had taverns that served coffee,

they did not achieve the name and fame of some of the more celebrated

coffee houses in Boston.

It is not definitely known when the first coffee was brought in; but it

is reasonable to suppose that it came as part of the household supplies

of some settler (probably between 1660 and 1670), who had become

acquainted with it before leaving England. Or it may have been

introduced by some British officer, who in London had made the rounds of

the more celebrated coffee houses of the latter half of the seventeenth

century.

_The First Coffee License_

According to early town records of Boston, Dorothy Jones was the first

to be licensed to sell "coffee and cuchaletto," the latter being the

seventeenth-century spelling for chocolate or cocoa. This license is

dated 1670, and is said to be the first written reference to coffee in

the Massachusetts Colony. It is not stated whether Dorothy Jones was a

vender of the coffee drink or of "coffee powder," as ground coffee was

known in the early days.

[Illustration: THE MAYFLOWER "COFFEE GRINDER"

Mortar and pestle for "braying" coffee to make coffee powder, brought

over in the Mayflower by the parents of Peregrine White]

There is some question as to whether Dorothy Jones was the first to sell

coffee as a beverage in Boston. Londoners had known and drunk coffee for

eighteen years before Dorothy Jones got her coffee license. British

government officials were frequently taking ship from London to the

Massachusetts Colony, and it is likely that they brought tidings and

samples of the coffee the English gentry had lately taken up. No doubt

they also told about the new-style coffee houses that were becoming

popular in all parts of London. And it may be assumed that their tales

caused the landlords of the inns and taverns of colonial Boston to add

coffee to their lists of beverages.

_New England's First Coffee House_

The name coffee house did not come into use in New England until late in

the seventeenth century. Early colonial records do not make it clear

whether the London coffee house or the Gutteridge coffee house was the

first to be opened in Boston with that distinctive title. In all

likelihood the London is entitled to the honor, for Samuel Gardner Drake

in his _History and Antiquities of the City of Boston_, published in

1854, says that "Benj. Harris sold books there in 1689." Drake seems to

be the only historian of early Boston to mention the London coffee

house.

Granting that the London coffee house was the first in Boston, then the

Gutteridge coffee house was the second. The latter stood on the north

side of State Street, between Exchange and Washington Streets, and was

named after Robert Gutteridge, who took out an innkeeper's license in

1691. Twenty-seven years later, his widow, Mary Gutteridge, petitioned

the town for a renewal of her late husband's permit to keep a public

coffee house.

The British coffee house, which became the American coffee house when

the crown officers and all things British became obnoxious to the

colonists, also began its career about the time Gutteridge took out his

license. It stood on the site that is now 66 State Street, and became

one of the most widely known coffee houses in colonial New England.

Of course, there were several inns and taverns in existence in Boston

long before coffee and coffee houses came to the New England metropolis.

Some of these taverns took up coffee when it became fashionable in the

colony, and served it to those patrons who did not care for the stronger

drinks.

[Illustration: THE CROWN COFFEE HOUSE, BOSTON

One of the first in New England to bear the distinctive name of coffee

house; opened in 1711 and burned down in 1780]

The earliest known inn was set up by Samuel Cole in Washington Street,

midway between Faneuil Hall and State Street. Cole was licensed as a

"comfit maker" in 1634, four years after the founding of Boston; and two

years later, his inn was the temporary abiding place of the Indian

chief Miantonomoh and his red warriors, who came to visit Governor Vane.

In the following year, the Earl of Marlborough found that Cole's inn was

so "exceedingly well governed," and afforded so desirable privacy, that

he refused the hospitality of Governor Winthrop at the governor's

mansion.

[Illustration: COFFEE MAKING AND SERVING DEVICES USED IN THE

MASSACHUSETTS COLONY

These exhibits are in the Museum of the Essex Institute at Salem, Mass.

Top row, left and right, Britannia serving pots; center, Britannia table

urn; bottom row, left end, tin coffee making pot; center, Britannia

serving pots; right end, tin French drip pot]

Another popular inn of the day was the Red Lyon, which was opened in

1637 by Nicholas Upshall, the Quaker, who later was hanged for trying to

bribe a jailer to pass some food into the jail to two Quakeresses who

were starving within.

Ship tavern, erected in 1650, at the corner of North and Clark Streets,

then on the waterfront, was a haunt of British government officials. The

father of Governor Hutchinson was the first landlord, to be succeeded in

1663 by John Vyal. Here lived the four commissioners who were sent to

these shores by King Charles II to settle the disputes then beginning

between the colonies and England.

Another lodging and eating place for the gentlemen of quality in the

first days of Boston was the Blue Anchor, in Cornhill, which was

conducted in 1664 by Robert Turner. Here gathered members of the

government, visiting officials, jurists, and the clergy, summoned into

synod by the Massachusetts General Court. It is assumed that the clergy

confined their drinking to coffee and other moderate beverages, leaving

the wines and liquors to their confrères.

_Some Notable Boston Coffee Houses_

In the last quarter of the seventeenth century quite a number of taverns

and inns sprang up. Among the most notable that have obtained

recognition in Boston's historical records were the King's Head, at the

corner of Fleet and North Streets; the Indian Queen, on a passageway

leading from Washington Street to Hawley Street; the Sun, in Faneuil

Hall Square, and the Green Dragon, which became one of the most

celebrated coffee-house taverns.

The King's Head, opened in 1691, early became a rendezvous of crown

officers and the citizens in the higher strata of colonial society.

The Indian Queen also became a favorite resort of the crown officers

from Province House. Started by Nathaniel Bishop about 1673, it stood

for more than 145 years as the Indian Queen, and then was replaced by

the Washington coffee house, which became noted throughout New England

as the starting place for the Roxbury "hourlies," the stage coaches that

ran every hour from Boston to nearby Roxbury.

[Illustration: COFFEE DEVICES THAT FIGURED IN THE PIONEERING OF THE

GREAT WEST

Photographed for this work in the Museum of the State Historical Society

of Wisconsin. Left to right, English decorated tin pot; coffee and spice

mill from Lexington, Mass.; Globe roaster built by Rays & Wilcox Co.,

Berlin, Conn., under Wood's patent; sheet brass coffee mill from

Lexington, Mass.; John Luther's coffee mill, Warren, R.I.; cast-iron

hopper mill]

The Sun tavern lived a longer life than any other Boston inn. Started in

1690 in Faneuil Hall Square, it was still standing in 1902, according to

Henry R. Blaney; but has since been razed to make way for a modern

skyscraper.

[Illustration: METAL AND CHINA COFFEE POTS USED IN NEW ENGLAND'S

COLONIAL DAYS

From the collection in the Museum of the Pocumtuck Valley Memorial

Association, Deerfield, Mass.]

_New England's Most Famous Coffee House_

The Green Dragon, the last of the inns that were popular at the close of

the seventeenth century, was the most celebrated of Boston's

coffee-house taverns. It stood on Union Street, in the heart of the

town's business center, for 135 years, from 1697 to 1832, and figured in

practically all the important local and national events during its long

career. Red-coated British soldiers, colonial governors, bewigged crown

officers, earls and dukes, citizens of high estate, plotting

revolutionists of lesser degree, conspirators in the Boston Tea Party,

patriots and generals of the Revolution--all these were wont to gather

at the Green Dragon to discuss their various interests over their cups

of coffee, and stronger drinks. In the words of Daniel Webster, this

famous coffee-house tavern was the "headquarters of the Revolution." It

was here that Warren, John Adams, James Otis, and Paul Revere met as a

"ways and means committee" to secure freedom for the American colonies.

Here, too, came members of the Grand Lodge of Masons to hold their

meetings under the guidance of Warren, who was the first grand master of

the first Masonic lodge in Boston. The site of the old tavern, now

occupied by a business block, is still the property of the St. Andrew's

Lodge of Free Masons. The old tavern was a two-storied brick structure

with a sharply pitched roof. Over its entrance hung a sign bearing the

figure of a green dragon.

[Illustration: THE GREEN DRAGON, THE CENTER OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE

IN BOSTON FOR 135 YEARS

This tavern figured in practically all the important national affairs

from 1697 to 1832, and, according to Daniel Webster, was the

"headquarters of the Revolution"]

Patrons of the Green Dragon and the British coffee house were decidedly

opposed in their views on the questions of the day. While the Green

Dragon was the gathering place of the patriotic colonials, the British

was the rendezvous of the loyalists, and frequent were the encounters

between the patrons of these two celebrated taverns. It was in the

British coffee house that James Otis was so badly pummeled, after being

lured there by political enemies, that he never regained his former

brilliancy as an orator.

It was there, in 1750, that some British red coats staged the first

theatrical entertainment given in Boston, playing Otway's _Orphan_.

There, the first organization of citizens to take the name of a club

formed the Merchants' Club in 1751. The membership included officers of

the king, colonial governors and lesser officials, military and naval

leaders, and members of the bar, with a sprinkling of high-ranking

citizens who were staunch friends of the crown. However, the British

became so generally disliked that as soon as the king's troops evacuated

Boston in the Revolution, the name of the coffee house was changed to

the American.

The Bunch of Grapes, that Francis Holmes presided over as early as 1712,

was another hot-bed of politicians. Like the Green Dragon over the way,

its patrons included unconditional freedom seekers, many coming from the

British coffee house when things became too hot for them in that Tory

atmosphere. The Bunch of Grapes became the center of a stirring

celebration in 1776, when a delegate from Philadelphia read the

Declaration of Independence from the balcony of the inn to the crowd

assembled in the street below. So enthusiastic did the Bostonians become

that, in the excitement that followed, the inn was nearly destroyed when

one enthusiast built a bonfire too close to its walls. Another anecdote

told of the Bunch of Grapes concerns Sir William Phipps, governor of

Massachusetts from 1692-94, who was noted for his irascibility. He had

his favorite chair and window in the inn, and in the accounts of the

period it is written that on any fine afternoon his glowering

countenance could be seen at the window by the passers-by on State

Street.

After the beginning of the eighteenth century the title of coffee house

was applied to a number of hostelries opened in Boston. One of these was

the Crown, which was opened in the "first house on Long Wharf" in 1711

by Jonathan Belcher, who later became governor of Massachusetts, and

still later of New Jersey. The first landlord of the Crown was Thomas

Selby, who by trade was a periwig maker, but probably found the selling

of strong drink and coffee more profitable. Selby's coffee house was

also used as an auction room. The Crown stood until 1780, when it was

destroyed in a fire that swept the Long Wharf. On its site now stands

the Fidelity Trust Company at 148 State Street.

Another early Boston coffee house on State Street was the Royal

Exchange. How long it had been standing before it was first mentioned in

colonial records in 1711 is unknown. It occupied an ancient two-story

building, and was kept in 1711 by Benjamin Johns. This coffee house

became the starting place for stage coaches running between Boston and

New York, the first one leaving September 7, 1772. In the _Columbian

Centinel_ of January 1, 1800, appeared an advertisement in which it was

said: "New York and Providence Mail Stage leaves Major Hatches' Royal

Exchange Coffee House in State Street every morning at 8 o'clock."

In the latter half of the eighteenth century the North-End coffee house

was celebrated as the highest-class coffee house in Boston. It occupied

the three-storied brick mansion which had been built about 1740 by

Edward Hutchinson, brother of the noted governor. It stood on the west

side of North Street, between Sun Court and Fleet Street, and was one of

the most pretentious of its kind. An eighteenth century writer, in

describing this coffee-house mansion, made much of the fact that it had

forty-five windows and was valued at $4,500, a large sum for those days.

During the Revolution, Captain David Porter, father of Admiral David D.

Porter, was the landlord, and under him it became celebrated throughout

the city as a high-grade eating place. The advertisements of the

North-End coffee house featured its "dinners and suppers--small and

retired rooms for small company--oyster suppers in the nicest manner."

[Illustration: METAL COFFEE POTS USED IN THE NEW YORK COLONY

Left, tin coffee pot, dark brown, with "love apple" decoration in red,

New Jersey Historical Society, Newark; right, weighted bottom tin pot

with rose decoration, private owner]

_A "Skyscraper" Coffee House_

The Boston coffee-house period reached its height in 1808, when the

doors of the Exchange coffee house were thrown open after three years of

building. This structure, situated on Congress Street near State

Street, was the skyscraper of its day, and probably was the most

ambitious coffee-house project the world has known. Built of stone,

marble, and brick, it stood seven stories high, and cost a half-million

dollars. Charles Bulfinch, America's most noted architect of that

period, was the designer.

[Illustration: EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE, BOSTON, 1808, PROBABLY THE LARGEST

AND MOST COSTLY IN THE WORLD

Built of stone, marble and brick, it stood seven stories high and cost

$500,000. It was patterned after Lloyd's of London, and was the center

of marine intelligence in Boston]

Like Lloyd's coffee house in London, the Exchange was the center of

marine intelligence, and its public rooms were thronged all day and

evening with mariners, naval officers, ship and insurance brokers, who

had come to talk shop or to consult the records of ship arrivals and

departures, manifests, charters, and other marine papers. The first

floor of the Exchange was devoted to trading. On the next floor was the

large dining room, where many sumptuous banquets were given, notably the

one to President Monroe in July, 1817, which was attended by former

President John Adams, and by many generals, commodores, governors, and

judges. The other floors were given over to living and sleeping rooms,

of which there were more than 200. The Exchange coffee house was

destroyed by fire in 1818; and on its site was erected another, bearing

the same name, but having slight resemblance to its predecessor.

[Illustration]

[Illustration: PRESIDENT-ELECT WASHINGTON WELCOMED AT THE MERCHANTS

COFFEE HOUSE, NEW YORK

The reception took place April 23, 1789, one week before his

inauguration. From a painting by Charles P. Gruppe, owned by the author]

CHAPTER XIII

HISTORY OF COFFEE IN OLD NEW YORK

_The burghers of New Amsterdam begin to substitute coffee for

"must," or beer, at breakfast in 1668--William Penn makes his first

purchase of coffee in the green bean from New York merchants in

1683--The King's Arms, the first coffee house--The historic

Merchants, sometimes called the "Birthplace of our Union"--The

coffee house as a civic forum--The Exchange, Whitehall, Burns,

Tontine, and other celebrated coffee houses--The Vauxhall and

Ranelagh pleasure gardens_

The Dutch founders of New York seem to have introduced tea into New

Amsterdam before they brought in coffee. This was somewhere about the

middle of the seventeenth century. We find it recorded that about 1668

the burghers succumbed to coffee[91]. Coffee made its way slowly, first

in the homes, where it replaced the "must", or beer, at breakfast.

Chocolate came about the same time, but was more of a luxury than tea or

coffee.

After the surrender of New York to the British in 1674, English manners

and customs were rapidly introduced. First tea, and later coffee, were

favorite beverages in the homes. By 1683 New York had become so central

a market for the green bean, that William Penn, as soon as he found

himself comfortably settled in the Pennsylvania Colony, sent over to New

York for his coffee supplies[92]. It was not long before a social need

arose that only the London style of coffee house could fill.

The coffee houses of early New York, like their prototypes in London,

Paris, and other old world capitals, were the centers of the business,

political and, to some extent, of the social life of the city. But they

never became the forcing-beds of literature that the French and English

houses were, principally because the colonists had no professional

writers of note.

There is one outstanding feature of the early American coffee houses,

particularly of those opened in New York, that is not distinctive of the

European houses. The colonists sometimes held court trials in the long,

or assembly, room of the early coffee houses; and often held their

general assembly and council meetings there.

_The Coffee House as a Civic Forum_

The early coffee house was an important factor in New York life. What

the perpetuation of this public gathering place meant to the citizens is

shown by a complaint (evidently designed to revive the declining

fortunes of the historic Merchants coffee house) in the _New York

Journal_ of October 19, 1775, which, in part, said:

To the Inhabitants of New York:

It gives me concern, in this time of public difficulty and danger,

to find we have in this city no place of daily general meeting,

where we might hear and communicate intelligence from every quarter

and freely confer with one another on every matter that concerns

us. Such a place of general meeting is of very great advantage in

many respects, especially at such a time as this, besides the

satisfaction it affords and the sociable disposition it has a

tendency to keep up among us, which was never more wanted than at

this time. To answer all these and many other good and useful

purposes, coffee houses have been universally deemed the most

convenient places of resort, because, at a small expense of time or

money, persons wanted may be found and spoke with, appointments may

be made, current news heard, and whatever it most concerns us to

know. In all cities, therefore, and large towns that I have seen in

the British dominions, sufficient encouragement has been given to

support one or more coffee houses in a genteel manner. How comes it

then that New York, the most central, and one of the largest and

most prosperous cities in British America, cannot support one

coffee house? It is a scandal to the city and its inhabitants to be

destitute of such a convenience for want of due encouragement. A

coffee house, indeed, there is, a very good and comfortable one,

extremely well tended and accommodated, but it is frequented but by

an inconsiderable number of people; and I have observed with

surprise, that but a small part of those who do frequent it,

contribute anything at all to the expense of it, but come in and go

out without calling for or paying anything to the house. In all the

coffee houses in London, it is customary for every one that comes

in to call for at least a dish of coffee, or leave the value of

one, which is but reasonable, because when the keepers of these

houses have been at the expense of setting them up and providing

all necessaries for the accommodation of company, every one that

comes to receive the benefit of these conveniences ought to

contribute something towards the expense of them.

A FRIEND TO THE CITY.

_New York's First Coffee House_

Some chroniclers of New York's early days are confident that the first

coffee house in America was opened in New York; but the earliest

authenticated record they have presented is that on November 1, 1696,

John Hutchins bought a lot on Broadway, between Trinity churchyard and

what is now Cedar Street, and there built a house, naming it the King's

Arms. Against this record, Boston can present the statement in Samuel

Gardner Drake's _History and Antiquities of the City of Boston_ that

Benj. Harris sold books at the "London Coffee House" in 1689.

[Illustration: NEW YORK'S PIONEER COFFEE HOUSE, THE KING'S ARMS, OPENED

IN 1696

This view shows the garden side of the historic old house as it was

conducted by John Hutchins, near Trinity Church, on Broadway. The

observatory may have been added later]

The King's Arms was built of wood, and had a front of yellow brick, said

to have been brought from Holland. The building was two stories high,

and on the roof was an "observatory," arranged with seats, and

commanding a fine view of the bay, the river, and the city. Here the

coffee-house visitors frequently sat in the afternoons. It is not shown

in the illustration.

[Illustration: BURNS COFFEE HOUSE AS IT APPEARED ABOUT THE MIDDLE OF THE

NINETEENTH CENTURY

It stood for many years on Broadway, opposite Bowling Green, in the old

De Lancey House, becoming known in 1763 as the King's Arms, and later

the Atlantic Garden House]

The sides of the main room on the lower floor were lined with booths,

which, for the sake of greater privacy, were screened with green

curtains. There a patron could sip his coffee, or a more stimulating

drink, and look over his mail in the same exclusiveness affected by the

Londoner of the time.

The rooms on the second floor were used for special meetings of

merchants, colonial magistrates and overseers, or similar public and

private business.

The meeting room, as above described, seems to have been one of the

chief features distinguishing a coffee house from a tavern. Although

both types of houses had rooms for guests, and served meals, the coffee

house was used for business purposes by permanent customers, while the

tavern was patronized more by transients. Men met at the coffee house

daily to carry on business, and went to the tavern for convivial

purposes or lodgings. Before the front door hung the sign of "the lion

and the unicorn fighting for the crown."

For many years the King's Arms was the only coffee house in the city; or

at least no other seems of sufficient importance to have been mentioned

in colonial records. For this reason it was more frequently designated

as "the" coffee house than the King's Arms. Contemporary records of the

arrest of John Hutchins of the King's Arms, and of Roger Baker, for

speaking disrespectfully of King George, mention the King's Head, of

which Baker was proprietor. But it is generally believed that this

public house was a tavern and not rightfully to be considered as a

coffee house. The White Lion, mentioned about 1700, was also a tavern,

or inn.

_The New Coffee House_

Under date of September 22, 1709, the _Journal of the General Assembly

of the Colony of New York_ refers to a conference held in the "New

Coffee House." About this date the business section of the city had

begun to drift eastward from Broadway to the waterfront; and from this

fact it is assumed that the name "New Coffee House" indicates that the

King's Arms had been removed from its original location near Cedar

Street, or that it may have lost favor and have been superseded in

popularity by a newer coffee house. The _Journal_ does not give the

location of the "New" coffee house. Whatever the case may be, the name

of the King's Arms does not again appear in the records until 1763, and

then it had more the character of a tavern, or roadhouse.

The public records from 1709 up to 1729 are silent in regard to coffee

houses in New York. In 1725 the pioneer newspaper in the city, the _New

York Gazette_, came into existence; and four years later, 1729, there

appeared in it an advertisement stating that "a competent bookkeeper may

be heard of" at the "Coffee House." In 1730 another advertisement in the

same journal tells of a sale of land by public vendue (auction) to be

held at the Exchange coffee house.

_The Exchange Coffee House_

By reason of its name, the Exchange Coffee House is thought to have been

located at the foot of Broad Street, abutting the sea-wall and near the

Long Bridge of that day. At that time this section was the business

center of the city, and here was a trading exchange.

That the Exchange coffee house was the only one of its kind in New York

in 1732 is inferred from the announcement in that year of a meeting of

the conference committee of the Council and Assembly "at the Coffee

House." In seeming confirmation of this conclusion, is the advertisement

in 1733 in the _New York Gazette_ requesting the return of "lost sleeve

buttons to Mr. Todd, next door to the Coffee House." The records of the

day show that a Robert Todd kept the famous Black Horse tavern which was

located in this part of the city.

Again we hear of the Exchange coffee house in 1737, and apparently in

the same location, where it is mentioned in an account of the "Negro

plot" as being next door to the Fighting Cocks tavern by the Long

Bridge, at the foot of Broad Street. Also in this same year it is named

as the place of public vendue of land situated on Broadway.

By this time the Exchange coffee house had virtually become the city's

official auction room, as well as the place to buy and to drink coffee.

Commodities of many kinds were also bought and sold there, both within

the house and on the sidewalk before it.

_The Merchants Coffee House_

In the year 1750, the Exchange coffee house had begun to lose its

long-held prestige, and its name was changed to the Gentlemen's Exchange

coffee house and tavern. A year later it had migrated to Broadway under

the name of the Gentlemens' coffee house and tavern. In 1753 it was

moved again, to Hunter's Quay, which was situated on what is now Front

Street, somewhere between the present Old Slip and Wall Street. The

famous old coffee house seems to have gone out of existence about this

time, its passing hastened, no doubt, by the newer enterprise, the

Merchants coffee house, which was to become the most celebrated in New

York, and, according to some writers, the most historic in America.

It is not certain just when the Merchants coffee house was first opened.

As near as can be determined, Daniel Bloom, a mariner, in 1737 bought

the Jamaica Pilot Boat tavern from John Dunks and named it the Merchants

coffee house. The building was situated on the northwest corner of the

present Wall Street and Water (then Queen) Street; and Bloom was its

landlord until his death, soon after the year 1750. He was succeeded by

Captain James Ackland, who shortly sold it to Luke Roome. The latter

disposed of the building in 1758 to Dr. Charles Arding. The doctor

leased it to Mrs. Mary Ferrari, who continued as its proprietor until

she moved, in 1772, to the newer building diagonally across the street,

built by William Brownejohn, on the southeast corner of Wall and Water

Streets. Mrs. Ferrari took with her the patronage and the name of the

Merchants coffee house, and the old building was not used again as a

coffee house.

The building housing the original Merchants coffee house was a two-story

structure, with a balcony on the roof, which was typical of the middle

eighteenth century architecture in New York. On the first floor were the

coffee bar and booths described in connection with the King's Arms

coffee house. The second floor had the typical long room for public

assembly.

During Bloom's proprietorship the Merchants coffee house had a long,

hard struggle to win the patronage away from the Exchange coffee house,

which was flourishing at that time. But, being located near the Meal

Market, where the merchants were wont to gather for trading purposes, it

gradually became the meeting place of the city, at the expense of the

Exchange coffee house, farther down the waterfront.

[Illustration: MERCHANTS COFFEE HOUSE (AT THE RIGHT) AS IT APPEARED FROM

1772 TO 1804

The original coffee house of this name was opened on the northwest

corner of Wall and Water Streets about 1737, the business being moved to

the southeast corner in 1772]

Widow Ferrari presided over the original Merchants coffee house for

fourteen years, until she moved across the street. She was a keen

business woman. Just before she was ready to open the new coffee house

she announced to her old patrons that she would give a house-warming, at

which arrack, punch, wine, cold ham, tongue, and other delicacies of the

day would be served. The event was duly noted in the newspapers, one

stating that "the agreeable situation and the elegance of the new house

had occasioned a great resort of company to it."

Mrs. Ferrari continued in charge until May 1, 1776, when Cornelius

Bradford became proprietor and sought to build up the patronage, that

had dwindled somewhat during the stirring days immediately preceding the

Revolution. In his announcement of the change of ownership, he said,

"Interesting intelligence will be carefully collected and the greatest

attention will be given to the arrival of vessels, when trade and

navigation shall resume their former channels." He referred to the

complete embargo of trade to Europe which the colonists were enduring.

When the American troops withdrew from the city during the Revolution,

Bradford went also, to Rhinebeck on the Hudson.

During the British occupation, the Merchants coffee house was a place of

great activity. As before, it was the center of trading, and under the

British régime it became also the place where the prize ships were sold.

The Chamber of Commerce resumed its sessions in the upper long room in

1779, having been suspended since 1775. The Chamber paid fifty pounds

rent per annum for the use of the room to Mrs. Smith, the landlady at

the time.

In 1781 John Stachan, then proprietor of the Queen's Head tavern, became

landlord of the Merchants coffee house, and he promised in a public

announcement "to pay attention not only as a Coffee House, but as a

tavern, in the truest; and to distinguish the same as the City Tavern

and Coffee House, with constant and best attendance. Breakfast from

seven to eleven; soups and relishes from eleven to half-past one. Tea,

coffee, etc., in the afternoon, as in England." But when he began

charging sixpence for receiving and dispatching letters by man-o'-war to

England, he brought a storm about his ears, and was forced to give up

the practise. He continued in charge until peace came, and Cornelius

Bradford came with it to resume proprietorship of the coffee house.

Bradford changed the name to the New York coffee house, but the public

continued to call it by its original name, and the landlord soon gave

in. He kept a marine list, giving the names of vessels arriving and

departing, recording their ports of sailing. He also opened a register

of returning citizens, "where any gentleman now resident in the city,"

his advertisement stated, "may insert their names and place of

residence." This seems to have been the first attempt at a city

directory. By his energy Bradford soon made the Merchants coffee house

again the business center of the city. When he died, in 1786, he was

mourned as one of the leading citizens. His funeral was held at the

coffee house over which he had presided so well.

The Merchants coffee house continued to be the principal public

gathering place until it was destroyed by fire in 1804. During its

existence it had figured prominently in many of the local and national

historic events, too numerous to record here in detail.

Some of the famous events were: The reading of the order to the

citizens, in 1765, warning them to stop rioting against the Stamp Act;

the debates on the subject of not accepting consignments of goods from

Great Britain; the demonstration by the Sons of Liberty, sometimes

called the "Liberty Boys," made before Captain Lockyer of the tea ship

Nancy which had been turned away from Boston and sought to land its

cargo in New York in 1774; the general meeting of citizens on May 19,

1774, to discuss a means of communicating with the Massachusetts colony

to obtain co-ordinated effort in resisting England's oppression, out of

which came the letter suggesting a congress of deputies from the

colonies and calling for a "virtuous and spirited Union;" the mass

meeting of citizens in the days immediately following the battles at

Concord and Lexington in Massachusetts; and the forming of the Committee

of One Hundred to administer the public business, making the Merchants

coffee house virtually the seat of government.

When the American Army held the city in 1776, the coffee house became

the resort of army and navy officers. Its culminating glory came on

April 23, 1789, when Washington, the recently elected first president of

the United States, was officially greeted at the coffee house by the

governor of the State, the mayor of the city, and the lesser municipal

officers.

As a meeting place for societies and lodges the Merchants coffee house

was long distinguished. In addition to the purely commercial

organizations that gathered in its long room, these bodies regularly met

there in their early days: The Society of Arts, Agriculture and Economy;

Knights of Corsica; New York Committee of Correspondence; New York

Marine Society; Chamber of Commerce of the State of New York; Lodge 169,

Free and Accepted Masons; Whig Society; Society of the New York

Hospital; St. Andrew's Society; Society of the Cincinnati; Society of

the Sons of St. Patrick; Society for Promoting the Manumission of

Slaves; Society for the Relief of Distressed Debtors; Black Friars

Society; Independent Rangers; and Federal Republicans.

Here also came the men who, in 1784, formed the Bank of New York, the

first financial institution in the city; and here was held, in 1790, the

first public sale of stocks by sworn brokers. Here, too, was held the

organization meeting of subscribers to the Tontine coffee house, which

in a few years was to prove a worthy rival.

_Some Lesser Known Coffee Houses_

Before taking up the story of the famous Tontine coffee house it should

be noted that the Merchants coffee house had some prior measure of

competition. For four years the Exchange coffee room sought to cater to

the wants of the merchants around the foot of Broad Street. It was

located in the Royal Exchange, which had been erected in 1752 in place

of the old Exchange, and until 1754 had been used as a store. Then

William Keen and Alexander Lightfoot got control and started their

coffee room, with a ball room attached. The partnership split up in

1756, Lightfoot continuing operations until he died the next year, when

his widow tried to carry it on. In 1758 it had reverted into its

original character of a mercantile establishment.

[Illustration: THE TONTINE COFFEE HOUSE (SECOND BUILDING AT THE LEFT),

OPENED IN 1792

This is the original structure, northwest corner of Wall and Water

Streets, which was succeeded about 1850 by a five-story building (see

page 122) that in turn was replaced by a modern office building]

Then there was the Whitehall coffee house, which two men, named Rogers

and Humphreys, opened in 1762, with the announcement that "a

correspondence is settled in London and Bristol to remit by every

opportunity all the public prints and pamphlets as soon as published;

and there will be a weekly supply of New York, Boston and other American

newspapers." This enterprise had a short life.

The early records of the city infrequently mention the Burns coffee

house, sometimes calling it a tavern. It is likely that the place was

more an inn than a coffee house. It was kept for a number of years by

George Burns, near the Battery, and was located in the historic old De

Lancey house, which afterward became the City hotel.

Burns remained the proprietor until 1762, when it was taken over by a

Mrs. Steele, who gave it the name of the King's Arms. Edward Barden

became the landlord in 1768. In later years it became known as the

Atlantic Garden house. Traitor Benedict Arnold is said to have lodged in

the old tavern after deserting to the enemy.

The Bank coffee house belonged to a later generation, and had few of the

characteristics of the earlier coffee houses. It was opened in 1814 by

William Niblo, of Niblo's Garden fame, and stood at the corner of

William and Pine Streets, at the rear of the Bank of New York. The

coffee house endured for probably ten years, and became the gathering

place of a coterie of prominent merchants, who formed a sort of club.

The Bank coffee house became celebrated for its dinners and dinner

parties.

Fraunces' tavern, best known as the place where Washington bade farewell

to his army officers, was, as its name states, a tavern, and can not be

properly classed as a coffee house. While coffee was served, and there

was a long room for gatherings, little, if any, business was done there

by merchants. It was largely a meeting place for citizens bent on a

"good time."

Then there was the New England and Quebec coffee house, which was also a

tavern.

[Illustration: THE TONTINE BUILDING OF 1850

Northwest corner of Wall and Water Streets; an omnibus of the

Broadway-Wall-Street Ferry line is passing]

_The Tontine Coffee House_

The last of the celebrated coffee houses of New York bore the name,

Tontine coffee house. For several years after the burning of the

Merchants coffee house, in 1804, it was the only one of note in the

city.

Feeling that they should have a more commodious coffee house for

carrying on their various business enterprises, some 150 merchants

organized, in 1791, the Tontine coffee house. This enterprise was based

on the plan introduced into France in 1653 by Lorenzo Tonti, with slight

variations. According to the New York Tontine plan, each holder's share

reverted automatically to the surviving shareholders in the association,

instead of to his heirs. There were 157 original shareholders, and 203

shares of stock valued at £200 each.

[Illustration: NIBLO'S GARDEN, BROADWAY AND PRINCE STREET, 1828]

The directors bought the house and lot on the northwest corner of Wall

and Water Streets, where the original Merchants coffee house stood,

paying £1,970. They next acquired the adjoining lots on Wall and Water

Streets, paying £2,510 for the former, and £1,000 for the latter.

The cornerstone of the new coffee house was laid June 5, 1792; and a

year later to the day, 120 gentlemen sat down to a banquet in the

completed coffee house to celebrate the event of the year before. John

Hyde was the first landlord. The house had cost $43,000.

[Illustration: COFFEE RELICS OF DUTCH NEW YORK

Spice-grinder boat, coffee roaster, and coffee pots at the Van Cortlandt

Museum]

A contemporary account of how the Tontine coffee house looked in 1794 is

supplied by an Englishman visiting New York at the time:

The Tontine tavern and coffee house is a handsome large brick

building; you ascend six or eight steps under a portico, into a

large public room, which is the Stock Exchange of New York, where

all bargains are made. Here are two books kept, as at Lloyd's [in

London] of every ship's arrival and clearance. This house was built

for the accommodation of the merchants by Tontine shares of two

hundred pounds each. It is kept by Mr. Hyde, formerly a woolen

draper in London. You can lodge and board there at a common table,

and you pay ten shillings currency a day, whether you dine out or

not.

[Illustration: NEW YORK'S VAUXHALL GARDEN OF 1803

From an old print]

The stock market made its headquarters in the Tontine coffee house in

1817, and the early organization was elaborated and became the New York

Stock and Exchange Board. It was removed in 1827 to the Merchants

Exchange Building, where it remained until that place was destroyed by

fire in 1835.

It was stipulated in the original articles of the Tontine Association

that the house was to be kept and used as a coffee house, and this

agreement was adhered to up to the year 1834, when, by permission of the

Court of Chancery, the premises were let for general business-office

purposes. This change was due to the competition offered by the

Merchants Exchange, a short distance up Wall Street, which had been

opened soon after the completion of the Tontine coffee house building.

As the city grew, the business-office quarters of the original Tontine

coffee house became inadequate; and about the year 1850 a new five-story

building, costing some $60,000, succeeded it. By this time the building

had lost its old coffee-house characteristics. This new Tontine

structure is said to have been the first real office building in New

York City. Today the site is occupied by a large modern office building,

which still retains the name of Tontine. It was owned by John B. and

Charles A. O'Donohue, well known New York coffee merchants, until 1920,

when it was sold for $1,000,000 to the Federal Sugar Refining Company.

The Tontine coffee house did not figure so prominently in the historic

events of the nation and city as did its neighbor, the Merchants coffee

house. However, it became the Mecca for visitors from all parts of the

country, who did not consider their sojourn in the city complete until

they had at least inspected what was then one of the most pretentious

buildings in New York. Chroniclers of the Tontine coffee house always

say that most of the leaders of the nation, together with distinguished

visitors from abroad, had foregathered in the large room of the old

coffee house at some time during their careers.

It was on the walls of the Tontine coffee house that bulletins were

posted on Hamilton's struggle for life after the fatal duel forced on

him by Aaron Burr.

The changing of the Tontine coffee house into a purely mercantile

building marked the end of the coffee-house era in New York. Exchanges

and office buildings had come into existence to take the place of the

business features of the coffee houses; clubs were organized to take

care of the social functions; and restaurants and hotels had sprung up

to cater to the needs for beverages and food.

_New York's Pleasure Gardens_

There was a fairly successful attempt made to introduce the London

pleasure-garden idea into New York. First, tea gardens were added to

several of the taverns already provided with ball rooms. Then, on the

outskirts of the city, were opened the Vauxhall and the Ranelagh

gardens, so named after their famous London prototypes. The first

Vauxhall garden (there were three of this name) was on Greenwich Street,

between Warren and Chambers Streets. It fronted on the North River,

affording a beautiful view up the Hudson. Starting as the Bowling Green

garden, it changed to Vauxhall in 1750.

Ranelagh was on Broadway, between Duane and Worth Streets, on the site

where later the New York Hospital was erected. From advertisements of

the period (1765-69) we learn that there were band concerts twice a week

at the Ranelagh. The gardens were "for breakfasting as well as the

evening entertainment of ladies and gentlemen." There was a commodious

hall in the garden for dancing. Ranelagh lasted twenty years. Coffee,

tea, and hot rolls could be had in the pleasure gardens at any hour of

the day. Fireworks were featured at both Ranelagh and Vauxhall gardens.

The second Vauxhall was near the intersection of the present Mulberry

and Grand Streets, in 1798; the third was on Bowery Road, near Astor

Place, in 1803. The Astor library was built upon its site in 1853.

William Niblo, previously proprietor of the Bank coffee house in Pine

Street, opened, in 1828, a pleasure garden, that he named Sans Souci, on

the site of a circus building called the Stadium at Broadway and Prince

Street. In the center of the garden remained the stadium, which was

devoted to theatrical performances of "a gay and attractive character."

Later, he built a more pretentious theater that fronted on Broadway. The

interior of the garden was "spacious, and adorned with shrubbery and

walks, lighted with festoons of lamps." It was generally known as

Niblo's garden.

Among other well known pleasure gardens of old New York were Contoit's,

later the New York garden, and Cherry gardens, on old Cherry Hill.

[Illustration: TAVERN AND GROCERS' SIGNS USED IN OLD NEW YORK

Left, Smith Richards, grocer and confectioner, "at the sign of the tea

canister and two sugar loaves" (1773); center, the King's Arms,

originally Burns coffee house (1767); right, George Webster, Grocer, "at

the sign of the three sugar loaves"]

CHAPTER XIV

COFFEE HOUSES OF OLD PHILADELPHIA

_Ye Coffee House, Philadelphia's first coffee house, opened about

1700--The two London coffee houses--The City tavern, or Merchants

coffee house--How these, and other celebrated resorts, dominated

the social, political, and business life of the Quaker City in the

eighteenth century_

William Penn is generally credited with the introduction of coffee into

the Quaker colony which he founded on the Delaware in 1682. He also

brought to the "city of brotherly love" that other great drink of human

brotherhood, tea. At first (1700), "like tea, coffee was only a drink

for the well-to-do, except in sips."[93] As was the case in the other

English colonies, coffee languished for a time while tea rose in favor,

more especially in the home.

Following the stamp act of 1765, and the tea tax of 1767, the

Pennsylvania Colony joined hands with the others in a general tea

boycott; and coffee received the same impetus as elsewhere in the

colonies that became the thirteen original states.

The coffee houses of early Philadelphia loom large in the history of the

city and the republic. Picturesque in themselves, with their distinctive

colonial architecture, their associations also were romantic. Many a

civic, sociological, and industrial reform came into existence in the

low-ceilinged, sanded-floor main rooms of the city's early coffee

houses.

For many years, Ye coffee house, the two London coffee houses, and the

City tavern (also known as the Merchants coffee house) each in its turn

dominated the official and social life of Philadelphia. The earlier

houses were the regular meeting places of Quaker municipal officers,

ship captains, and merchants who came to transact public and private

business. As the outbreak of the Revolution drew near, fiery colonials,

many in Quaker garb, congregated there to argue against British

oppression of the colonies. After the Revolution, the leading citizens

resorted to the coffee house to dine and sup and to hold their social

functions.

When the city was founded in 1682, coffee cost too much to admit of its

being retailed to the general public at coffee houses. William Penn

wrote in his _Accounts_ that in 1683 coffee in the berry was sometimes

procured in New York at a cost of eighteen shillings nine pence the

pound, equal to about $4.68. He told also that meals were served in the

ordinaries at six pence (equal to twelve cents), to wit: "We have seven

ordinaries for the entertainment of strangers and for workmen that are

not housekeepers, and a good meal is to be had there for six pence

sterling." With green coffee costing $4.68 a pound, making the price of

a cup about seventeen cents, it is not likely that coffee was on the

menus of the ordinaries serving meals at twelve cents each. Ale was the

common meal-time beverage.

There were four classes of public houses--inns, taverns, ordinaries, and

coffee houses. The inn was a modest hotel that supplied lodgings, food,

and drink, the beverages consisting mostly of ale, port, Jamaica rum,

and Madeira wine. The tavern, though accommodating guests with bed and

board, was more of a drinking place than a lodging house. The ordinary

combined the characteristics of a restaurant and a boarding house. The

coffee house was a pretentious tavern, dispensing, in most cases,

intoxicating drinks as well as coffee.

_Philadelphia's First Coffee House_

The first house of public resort opened in Philadelphia bore the name of

the Blue Anchor tavern, and was probably established in 1683 or 1684;

colonial records do not state definitely. As its name indicates, this

was a tavern. The first coffee house came into existence about the year

1700. Watson, in one place in his _Annals_ of the city, says 1700, but

in another 1702. The earlier date is thought to be correct, and is

seemingly substantiated by the co-authors Scharf and Westcott in their

_History_ of the city, in which they say, "The first public house

designated as a coffee house was built in Penn's time [1682-1701] by

Samuel Carpenter, on the east side of Front Street, probably above

Walnut Street. That it was the first of its kind--the only one in fact

for some years--seems to be established beyond doubt. It was always

referred to in old times as 'Ye Coffee House.'"

Carpenter owned also the Globe inn, which was separated from Ye coffee

house by a public stairway running down from Front Street to Water

Street, and, it is supposed, to Carpenter's Wharf. The exact location of

the old house was recently established from the title to the original

patentee, Samuel Carpenter, by a Philadelphia real-estate

title-guarantee company, as being between Walnut and Chestnut Streets,

and occupying six and a half feet of what is now No. 137 South Front

Street and the whole of No. 139.

How long Ye coffee house endured is uncertain. It was last mentioned in

colonial records in a real estate conveyance from Carpenter to Samuel

Finney, dated April 26, 1703. In that document it is described as "That

brick Messuage, or Tenement, called Ye Coffee House, in the possession

of Henry Flower, and situate, lying and being upon or before the bank of

the Delaware River, containing in length about thirty feet and in

breadth about twenty-four."

The Henry Flower mentioned as the proprietor of Philadelphia's first

coffee house, was postmaster of the province for a number of years, and

it is believed that Ye coffee house also did duty as the post-office for

a time. Benjamin Franklin's _Pennsylvania Gazette_, in an issue

published in 1734, has this advertisement:

_All persons who are indebted to Henry Flower, late postmaster of

Pennsylvania, for Postage of Letters or otherwise, are desir'd to

pay the same to him at the old Coffee House in Philadelphia._

Flower's advertisement would indicate that Ye coffee house, then

venerable enough to be designated as old, was still in existence, and

that Flower was to be found there. Franklin also seems to have been in

the coffee business, for in several issues of the _Gazette_ around the

year 1740 he advertised: "Very good coffee sold by the Printer."

_The First London Coffee House_

Philadelphia's second coffee house bore the name of the London coffee

house, which title was later used for the resort William Bradford opened

in 1754. The first house of this name was built in 1702, but there seems

to be some doubt about its location. Writing in the _American Historical

Register_, Charles H. Browning says: "William Rodney came to

Philadelphia with Penn in 1682, and resided in Kent County, where he

died in 1708; he built the old London coffee house at Front and Market

Streets in 1702." Another chronicler gives its location as "above Walnut

Street, either on the east side of Water Street, or on Delaware Avenue,

or, as the streets are very close together, it may have been on both.

John Shewbert, its proprietor, was a parishioner of Christ Church, and

his establishment was largely patronized by Church of England people."

It was also the gathering place of the followers of Penn and the

Proprietary party, while their opponents, the political cohorts of

Colonel Quarry, frequented Ye coffee house.

The first London coffee house resembled a fashionable club house in its

later years, suitable for the "genteel" entertainments of the well-to-do

Philadelphians. Ye coffee house was more of a commercial or public

exchange. Evidence of the gentility of the London is given by John

William Wallace:

The appointments of the London Coffee House, if we may infer what

they were from the will of Mrs. Shubert [Shewbert] dated November

27, 1751, were genteel. By that instrument she makes bequest of

two silver quart tankards; a silver cup; a silver porringer; a

silver pepper pot; two sets of silver castors; a silver soup spoon;

a silver sauce spoon, and numerous silver tablespoons and tea

spoons, with a silver tea-pot.

[Illustration: THE SECOND LONDON COFFEE HOUSE, OPENED IN 1754 BY WILLIAM

BRADFORD, THE PRINTER

Up to the outbreak of the American Revolution, it was more frequented

than any other tavern in the Quaker city as a place of resort and

entertainment, and was famous throughout the colonies]

One of the many historic incidents connected with this old house was the

visit there by William Penn's eldest son, John, in 1733, when he

entertained the General Assembly of the province on one day and on the

next feasted the City Corporation.

_Roberts' Coffee House_

Another house with some fame in the middle of the eighteenth century was

Roberts' coffee house, which stood in Front Street near the first London

house. Though its opening date is unknown, it is believed to have come

into existence about 1740. In 1744 a British army officer recruiting

troops for service in Jamaica advertised in the newspaper of the day

that he could be seen at the Widow Roberts' coffee house. During the

French and Indian War, when Philadelphia was in grave danger of attack

by French and Spanish privateers, the citizens felt so great relief when

the British ship Otter came to the rescue, that they proposed a public

banquet in honor of the Otter's captain to be held at Roberts' coffee

house. For some unrecorded reason the entertainment was not given;

probably because the house was too small to accommodate all the citizens

desiring to attend. Widow Roberts retired in 1754.

_The James Coffee House_

Contemporary with Roberts' coffee house was the resort run first by

Widow James, and later by her son, James James. It was established in

1744, and occupied a large wooden building on the northwest corner of

Front and Walnut Streets. It was patronized by Governor Thomas and many

of his political followers, and its name frequently appeared in the news

and advertising columns of the _Pennsylvania Gazette_.

_The Second London Coffee House_

Probably the most celebrated coffee house in Penn's city was the one

established by William Bradford, printer of the _Pennsylvania Journal_.

It was on the southwest corner of Second and Market Streets, and was

named the London coffee house, the second house in Philadelphia to bear

that title. The building had stood since 1702, when Charles Reed, later

mayor of the city, put it up on land which he bought from Letitia Penn,

daughter of William Penn, the founder. Bradford was the first to use the

structure for coffee-house purposes, and he tells his reason for

entering upon the business in his petition to the governor for a

license: "Having been advised to keep a Coffee House for the benefit of

merchants and traders, and as some people may at times be desirous to be

furnished with other liquors besides coffee, your petitioner apprehends

it is necessary to have the Governor's license." This would indicate

that in that day coffee was drunk as a refreshment between meals, as

were spirituous liquors for so many years before, and thereafter up to

1920.

[Illustration: SELLING SLAVES AT THE OLD LONDON COFFEE HOUSE]

Bradford's London coffee house seems to have been a joint-stock

enterprise, for in his _Journal_ of April 11, 1754, appeared this

notice: "Subscribers to a public coffee house are invited to meet at the

Courthouse on Friday, the 19th instant, at 3 o'clock, to choose trustees

agreeably to the plan of subscription."

The building was a three-story wooden structure, with an attic that some

historians count as the fourth story. There was a wooden awning

one-story high extending out to cover the sidewalk before the coffee

house. The entrance was on Market (then known as High) Street.

The London coffee house was "the pulsating heart of excitement,

enterprise, and patriotism" of the early city. The most active citizens

congregated there--merchants, shipmasters, travelers from other colonies

and countries, crown and provincial officers. The governor and persons

of equal note went there at certain hours "to sip their coffee from the

hissing urn, and some of those stately visitors had their own stalls."

It had also the character of a mercantile exchange--carriages, horses,

foodstuffs, and the like being sold there at auction. It is further

related that the early slave-holding Philadelphians sold negro men,

women, and children at vendue, exhibiting the slaves on a platform set

up in the street before the coffee house.

The resort was the barometer of public sentiment. It was in the street

before this house that a newspaper published in Barbados, bearing a

stamp in accordance with the provisions of the stamp act, was publicly

burned in 1765, amid the cheers of bystanders. It was here that Captain

Wise of the brig Minerva, from Pool, England, who brought news of the

repeal of the act, was enthusiastically greeted by the crowd in May,

1766. Here, too, for several years the fishermen set up May poles.

Bradford gave up the coffee house when he joined the newly formed

Revolutionary army as major, later becoming a colonel. When the British

entered the city in September, 1777, the officers resorted to the London

coffee house, which was much frequented by Tory sympathizers. After the

British had evacuated the city, Colonel Bradford resumed proprietorship;

but he found a change in the public's attitude toward the old resort,

and thereafter its fortunes began to decline, probably hastened by the

keen competition offered by the City tavern, which had been opened a few

years before.

Bradford gave up the lease in 1780, transferring the property to John

Pemberton, who leased it to Gifford Dally. Pemberton was a Friend, and

his scruples about gambling and other sins are well exhibited in the

terms of the lease in which said Dally "covenants and agrees and

promises that he will exert his endeavors as a Christian to preserve

decency and order in said house, and to discourage the profanation of

the sacred name of God Almighty by cursing, swearing, etc., and that the

house on the first day of the week shall always be kept closed from

public use." It is further covenanted that "under a penalty of £100 he

will not allow or suffer any person to use, or play at, or divert

themselves with cards, dice, backgammon, or any other unlawful game."

[Illustration: THE CITY TAVERN, BUILT IN 1773, AND KNOWN AS THE

MERCHANTS COFFEE HOUSE

The tavern (at the left) was regarded as the largest inn of the colonies

and stood next to the Bank of Pennsylvania (center). From a print made

from a rare Birch engraving]

It would seem from the terms of the lease that what Pemberton thought

were ungodly things, were countenanced in other coffee houses of the

day. Perhaps the regulations were too strict; for a few years later the

house had passed into the hands of John Stokes, who used it as dwelling

and a store.

_City Tavern or Merchants Coffee House_

The last of the celebrated coffee houses in Philadelphia was built in

1773 under the name of the City tavern, which later became known as the

Merchants coffee house, possibly after the house of the same name that

was then famous in New York. It stood in Second Street near Walnut

Street, and in some respects was even more noted than Bradford's London

coffee house, with which it had to compete in its early days.

The City tavern was patterned after the best London coffee houses; and

when opened, it was looked upon as the finest and largest of its kind in

America. It was three stories high, built of brick, and had several

large club rooms, two of which were connected by a wide doorway that,

when open, made a large dining room fifty feet long.

Daniel Smith was the first proprietor, and he opened it to the public

early in 1774. Before the Revolution, Smith had a hard struggle trying

to win patronage from Bradford's London coffee house, standing only a

few blocks away. But during and after the war, the City tavern gradually

took the lead, and for more than a quarter of a century was the

principal gathering place of the city. At first, the house had various

names in the public mind, some calling it by its proper title, the City

tavern, others attaching the name of the proprietor and designating it

as Smith's tavern, while still others used the title, the New tavern.

The gentlefolk of the city resorted to the City tavern after the

Revolution as they had to Bradford's coffee house before. However,

before reaching this high estate, it once was near destruction at the

hands of the Tories, who threatened to tear it down. That was when it

was proposed to hold a banquet there in honor of Mrs. George Washington,

who had stopped in the city in 1776 while on the way to meet her

distinguished husband, then at Cambridge in Massachusetts, taking over

command of the American army. Trouble was averted by Mrs. Washington

tactfully declining to appear at the tavern.

After peace came, the house was the scene of many of the fashionable

entertainments of the period. Here met the City Dancing Assembly, and

here was held the brilliant fête given by M. Gerard, first accredited

representative from France to the United States, in honor of Louis XVI's

birthday. Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton, and other leaders of public

thought were more or less frequent visitors when in Philadelphia.

The exact date when the City tavern became the Merchants coffee house is

unknown. When James Kitchen became proprietor, at the beginning of the

nineteenth century, it was so called. In 1806 Kitchen turned the house

into a bourse, or mercantile exchange. By that time clubs and hotels had

come into fashion, and the coffee-house idea was losing caste with the

élite of the city.

In the year 1806 William Renshaw planned to open the Exchange coffee

house in the Bingham mansion on Third Street. He even solicited

subscriptions to the enterprise, saying that he proposed to keep a

marine diary and a registry of vessels for sale, to receive and to

forward ships' letter bags, and to have accommodations for holding

auctions. But he was persuaded from the idea, partly by the fact that

the Merchants coffee house seemed to be satisfactorily filling that

particular niche in the city life, and partly because the hotel business

offered better inducements. He abandoned the plan, and opened the

Mansion House hotel in the Bingham residence in 1807.

[Illustration: EXCHANGE COFFEE HOUSE SCENE IN "HAMILTON"

In this setting for the first act of the play by Mary P. Hamlin and

George Arliss, produced in 1918, the scenic artist aimed to give a true

historical background, and combined the features of several inns and

coffee houses in Philadelphia, Virginia, and New England as they existed

in Washington's first administration]

CHAPTER XV

THE BOTANY OF THE COFFEE PLANT

_Its complete classification by class, sub-class, order, family,

genus, and species--How the Coffea arabica grows, flowers, and

bears--Other species and hybrids described--Natural caffein-free

coffee--Fungoid diseases of coffee_

The coffee tree, scientifically known as _Coffea arabica_, is native to

Abyssinia and Ethiopia, but grows well in Java, Sumatra, and other

islands of the Dutch East Indies; in India, Arabia, equatorial Africa,

the islands of the Pacific, in Mexico, Central and South America, and

the West Indies. The plant belongs to the large sub-kingdom of plants

known scientifically as the Angiosperms, or _Angiospermæ_, which means

that the plant reproduces by seeds which are enclosed in a box-like

compartment, known as the ovary, at the base of the flower. The word

Angiosperm is derived from two Greek words, _sperma_, a seed, and

_aggeion_, pronounced angeion, a box, the box referred to being the

ovary.

This large sub-kingdom is subdivided into two classes. The basis for

this division is the number of leaves in the little plant which develops

from the seed. The coffee plant, as it develops from the seed, has two

little leaves, and therefore belongs to the class _Dicotyledoneæ_. This

word _dicotyledoneæ_ is made up of the two Greek words, _di(s)_, two,

and _kotyledon_, cavity or socket. It is not necessary to see the young

plant that develops from the seed in order to know that it had two seed

leaves; because the mature plant always shows certain characteristics

that accompany this condition of the seed.

In every plant having two seed leaves, the mature leaves are

netted-veined, which is a condition easily recognized even by the

layman; also the parts of the flowers are in circles containing two or

five parts, but never in threes or sixes. The stems of plants of this

class always increase in thickness by means of a layer of cells known as

a cambium, which is a tissue that continues to divide throughout its

whole existence. The fact that this cambium divides as long as it lives,

gives rise to a peculiar appearance in woody stems by which we can, on

looking at the stem of a tree of this type when it has been sawed

across, tell the age of the tree.

In the spring the cambium produces large open cells through which large

quantities of sap can run; in the fall it produces very thick-walled

cells, as there is not so much sap to be carried. Because these

thin-walled open cells of one spring are next to the thick-walled cells

of the last autumn, it is very easy to distinguish one year's growth

from the next; the marks so produced are called annual rings.

We have now classified coffee as far as the class; and so far we could

go if we had only the leaves and stem of the coffee plant. In order to

proceed farther, we must have the flowers of the plant, as botanical

classification goes from this point on the basis of the flowers. The

class _Dicotyledoneæ_ is separated into sub-classes according to whether

the flower's corolla (the showy part of the flower which ordinarily

gives it its color) is all in one piece, or is divided into a number of

parts. The coffee flower is arranged with its corolla all in one piece,

forming a tube-shaped arrangement, and accordingly the coffee plant

belongs to the sub-class _Sympetalæ_, or _Metachlamydeæ_, which means

that its petals are united.

[Illustration: THE COFFEE TREE, SHOWING DETAILS OF FLOWERS AND FRUIT

From a drawing by Ch. Emonts in Jardin's _Le Caféier et Le Café_]

The next step in classification is to place the plant in the proper

division under the sub-class, which is the order. Plants are separated

into orders according to their varied characteristics. The coffee plant

belongs to an order known as _Rubiales_. These orders are again divided

into families. Coffee is placed in the family _Rubiaceæ_, or Madder

Family, in which we find herbs, shrubs or trees, represented by a few

American plants, such as bluets, or Quaker ladies, small blue spring

flowers, common to open meadows in northern United States; and partridge

berries (_Mitchella repens_).

The Madder Family has more foreign representatives than native genera,

among which are _Coffea_, _Cinchona_, and _Ipecacuanha_ (_Uragoga_), all

of which are of economic importance. The members of this family are

noted for their action on the nervous system. Coffee, as is well known,

contains an active principle known as caffein which acts as a stimulant

to the nervous system and in small quantities is very beneficial.

_Cinchona_ supplies us with quinine, while _Ipecacuanha_ produces

ipecac, which is an emetic and purgative.

The families are divided into smaller sections known as genera, and to

the genus _Coffea_ belongs the coffee plant. Under this genus _Coffea_

are several sub-genera, and to the sub-genus _Eucoffea_ belongs our

common coffee, _Coffea arabica_. _Coffea arabica_ is the original or

common Java coffee of commerce. The term "common" coffee may seem

unnecessary, but there are many other species of coffee besides

_arabica_. These species have not been described very frequently;

because their native haunts are the tropics, and the tropics do not

always offer favorable conditions for the study of their plants.

All botanists do not agree in their classification of the species and

varieties of the _coffea_ genus. M.E. de Wildman, curator of the royal

botanical gardens at Brussels, in his _Les Plantes Tropicales de Grande

Culture_, says the systematic division of this interesting genus is far

from finished; in fact, it may be said hardly to be begun.

_Coffea arabica_ we know best because of the important rôle it plays in

commerce.

COMPLETE CLASSIFICATION OF COFFEE

Kingdom _Vegetable_

Sub-Kingdom _Angiospermæ_

Class _Dicotyledoneæ_

Sub-class _Sympetalæ or Metachlamydeæ_

Order _Rubiales_

Family _Rubiaceæ_

Genus _Coffea_

Sub-genus _Eucoffea_

Species _C. arabica_

The coffee plant most cultivated for its berries is, as already stated,

_Coffea arabica_, which is found in tropical regions, although it can

grow in temperate climates. Unlike most plants that grow best in the

tropics, it can stand low temperatures. It requires shade when it grows

in hot, low-lying districts; but when it grows on elevated land, it

thrives without such protection. Freeman[94] says there are about eight

recognized species of _coffea_.

[Illustration: DETAILS OF THE GERMINATION OF THE COFFEE PLANT

From a drawing by Ch. Emonts in Jardin's _Le Caféier et Le Café_]

_Coffea Arabica_

_Coffea arabica_ is a shrub with evergreen leaves, and reaches a height

of fourteen to twenty feet when fully grown. The shrub produces

dimorphic branches, _i.e._, branches of two forms, known as uprights and

laterals. When young, the plants have a main stem, the upright, which,

however, eventually sends out side shoots, the laterals. The laterals

may send out other laterals, known as secondary laterals; but no lateral

can ever produce an upright. The laterals are produced in pairs and are

opposite, the pairs being borne in whorls around the stem. The laterals

are produced only while the joint of the upright, to which they are

attached, is young; and if they are broken off at that point, the

upright has no power to reproduce them. The upright can produce new

uprights also; but if an upright is cut off, the laterals at that

position tend to thicken up. This is very desirable, as the laterals

produce the flowers, which seldom appear on the uprights. This fact is

utilized in pruning the coffee tree, the uprights being cut back, the

laterals then becoming more productive. Planters generally keep their

trees pruned down to about six feet.

The leaves are lanceolate, or lance-shaped, being borne in pairs

opposite each other. They are three to six inches in length, with an

acuminate apex, somewhat attenuate at the base, with very short petioles

which are united with the short interpetiolar stipules at the base. The

coffee leaves are thin, but of firm texture, slightly coriaceous. They

are very dark green on the upper surface, but much lighter underneath.

The margin of the leaf is entire and wavy. In some tropical countries

the natives brew a coffee tea from the leaves of the coffee tree.

[Illustration: BRAZIL COFFEE PLANTATION IN FLOWER]

The coffee flowers are small, white, and very fragrant, having a

delicate characteristic odor. They are borne in the axils of the leaves

in clusters, and several crops are produced in one season, depending on

the conditions of heat and moisture that prevail in the particular

season. The different blossomings are classed as main blossoming and

smaller blossomings. In semi-dry high districts, as in Costa Rica or

Guatemala, there is one blossoming season, about March, and flowers and

fruit are not found together, as a rule, on the trees. But in lowland

plantations where rain is perennial, blooming and fruiting continue

practically all the year; and ripe fruits, green fruits, open flowers,

and flower buds are to be found at the same time on the same branchlet,

not mixed together, but in the order indicated.

[Illustration: COFFEA ARABICA--PORTO RICO]

The flowers are also tubular, the tube of the corolla dividing into five

white segments. Dr. P.J.S. Cramer, chief of the division of plant

breeding, Department of Agriculture, Netherlands India, says the number

of petals is not at all constant, not even for flowers of the same tree.

The corolla segments are about one-half inch in length, while the tube

itself is about three-eighths of an inch long. The anthers of the

stamens, which are five in number, protrude from the top of the corolla

tube, together with the top of the two-cleft pistil. The calyx, which is

so small as to escape notice unless one is aware of its existence, is

annular, with small, tooth-like indentations.

While the usual color of the coffee flower is white, the fresh stamens

and pistils may have a greenish tinge, and in some cultivated species

the corolla is pale pink.

The size and condition of the flowers are entirely dependent on the

weather. The flowers are sometimes very small, very fragrant, and very

numerous; while at other times, when the weather is not hot and dry,

they are very large, but not so numerous. Both sets of flowers mentioned

above "set fruit," as it is called; but at times, especially in a very

dry season, they bear flowers that are few in number, small, and

imperfectly formed, the petals frequently being green instead of white.

These flowers do not set fruit. The flowers that open on a dry sunny day

show a greater yield of fruit than those that open on a wet day, as the

first mentioned have a better chance of being pollinated by the insects

and the wind. The beauty of a coffee estate in flower is of a very

fleeting character. One day it is a snowy expanse of fragrant white

blossoms for miles and miles, as far as the eye can see, and two days

later it reminds one of the lines from Villon's _Des Dames du Temps

Jadis_.

Where are the snows of yesterday?

The winter winds have blown them all away.

[Illustration: COFFEA ARABICA, FLOWER AND FRUIT--COSTA RICA]

But here, the winter winds are not to blame: the soft, gentle breezes of

the perpetual summer have wrought the havoc, leaving, however, a not

unpleasing picture of dark, cool, mossy green foliage.

The flowers are beautiful, but the eye of the planter sees in them not

alone beauty and fragrance. He looks far beyond, and in his mind's eye

he sees bags and bags of green coffee, representing to him the goal and

reward of all his toil. After the flowers droop, there appear what are

commercially known as the coffee berries. Botanically speaking, "berry"

is a misnomer. These little fruits are not berries, such as are well

represented by the grape; but are drupes, which are better exemplified

by the cherry and the peach. In the course of six or seven months, these

coffee drupes develop into little red balls about the size of an

ordinary cherry; but, instead of being round, they are somewhat

ellipsoidal, having at the outer end a small umbilicus. The drupe of the

coffee usually has two locules, each containing a little "stone" (the

seed and its parchment covering) from which the coffee bean (seed) is

obtained. Some few drupes contain three, while others, at the outer ends

of the branches, contain only one round bean, known as the peaberry. The

number of pickings corresponds to the different blossomings in the same

season; and one tree of the species _arabica_ may yield from one to

twelve pounds a year.

[Illustration: YOUNG COFFEA ARABICA TREE AT KONA, HAWAII]

In countries like India and Africa, the birds and monkeys eat the ripe

coffee berries. The so-called "monkey coffee" of India, according to

Arnold, is the undigested coffee beans passed through the alimentary

canal of the animal.

[Illustration: SURVIVORS OF THE FIRST LIBERIAN COFFEE TREES INTRODUCED

INTO JAVA IN 1876]

The pulp surrounding the coffee beans is at present of no commercial

importance. Although efforts have been made at various times by natives

to use it as a food, its flavor has not gained any great popularity, and

the birds are permitted a monopoly of the pulp as a food. From the human

standpoint the pulp, or sarcocarp, as it is scientifically called, is

rather an annoyance, as it must be removed in order to procure the

beans. This is done in one of two ways. The first is known as the dry

method, in which the entire fruit is allowed to dry, and is then cracked

open. The second way is called the wet method; the sarcocarp is removed

by machine, and two wet, slimy seed packets are obtained. These packets,

which look for all the world like seeds, are allowed to dry in such a

way that fermentation takes place. This rids them of all the slime; and,

after they are thoroughly dry, the endocarp, the so-called parchment

covering, is easily cracked open and removed. At the same time that the

parchment is removed, a thin silvery membrane, the silver skin, beneath

the parchment, comes off, too. There are always small fragments of this

silver skin to be found in the groove of the coffee bean contained

within the parchment packet.

[Illustration: COFFEA ARABICA IN FLOWER ON A JAVA ESTATE

From a photograph made at Dramaga, Preanger, Java, in 1907]

[Illustration: LIBERIAN COFFEE TREE AT LAMOA, P.I.]

We have said that the coffee tree yields from one to twelve pounds a

year, but of course this varies with the individual tree and also with

the region. In some countries the whole year's yield is less than 200

pounds per acre, while there is on record a patch in Brazil which yields

about seventeen pounds to the tree, bringing the yield per acre much

higher.

The beans do not retain their vitality for planting for any considerable

length of time; and, if they are thoroughly dried, or are kept for

longer than three or four months, they are useless for that purpose. It

takes the seed about six weeks to germinate and to appear above ground.

Trees raised from seed begin to blossom in about three years; but a good

crop can not be expected of them for the first five or six years. Their

usefulness, save in exceptional cases, is ended in about thirty years.

The coffee tree can be propagated in a way other than by seeds. The

upright branches can be used as slips, which, after taking root, will

produce seed-bearing laterals. The laterals themselves can not be used

as slips. In Central America the natives sometimes use coffee uprights

for fences and it is no uncommon sight to see the fence posts "growing."

The wood of the coffee tree is used also for cabinet work, as it is much

stronger than many of the native woods, weighing about forty-three

pounds to the cubic foot, having a crushing strength of 5,800 pounds per

square inch, and a breaking strength of 10,900 pounds per square inch.

The propagation of the coffee plant by cutting has two distinct

advantages over propagation by seed, in that it spares the expense of

seed production, which is enormous, and it gives also a method of

hybridization, which, if used, might lead not only to very interesting

but also to very profitable results.

[Illustration: TWO-AND-ONE-HALF-YEAR-OLD C. CONGENSIS]

The hybridization of the coffee plant was taken up in a thoroughly

scientific manner by the Dutch government at the experimental garden

established at Bangelan, Java, in 1900. In his studies, twelve varieties

of _Coffea arabica_ are recognized by Dr. P.J.S. Cramer[95], namely:

_Laurina_, a hybrid of _Coffea arabica_ with C. _mauritiana_,

having small narrow leaves, stiff, dense branches, young leaves

almost white, berry long and narrow, and beans narrow and oblong.

_Murta_, having small leaves, dense branches, beans as in the

typical _Coffea arabica_, and the plant able to stand bitter cold.

_Menosperma_, a distinct type, with narrow leaves and bent-down

branches resembling a willow, the berries seldom containing more

than one seed.

[Illustration: A HEAVY FLOWERING OF FIVE-YEAR-OLD COFFEA EXCELSA

This is a comparatively new species, discovered in the Tchad Lake

district of West Africa in 1905. It is a small-beaned variety of _Coffea

liberica_]

[Illustration: BRANCHES OF COFFEA EXCELSA GROWN AT THE LAMAO EXPERIMENT

STATION, P.I.]

_Mokka_ (_Coffea Mokkæ_), having small leaves, dense foliage, small

round berries, small round beans resembling split peas, and

possessed of a stronger flavor than _Coffea arabica_.

_Purpurescens_, a red-leaved variety, comparable with the

red-leaved hazel and copper beech, a little less productive than

the _Coffea arabica_.

_Variegata_, having variegated leaves striped and spotted with

white.

_Amarella_, having yellow berries, comparable with the

white-fruited variety of the strawberry, raspberry, etc.

_Bullata_, having broad, curled leaves; stiff, thick, fragile

branches, and round, fleshy berries containing a high percentage of

empty beans.

_Angustifolia_, a narrow-leaved variety, with berries somewhat more

oblong and, like the foregoing, a poor producer.

_Erecta_, a variety that is sturdier than the typical _arabica_,

better suited to windy places, and having a production as in the

common _arabica_.

_Maragogipe_, a well-defined variety with light green leaves having

colored edges: berries large, broad, sometimes narrower in the

middle; a light bearer, the whole crop sometimes being reduced to a

couple of berries per tree.[96]

[Illustration: C. STENOPHYLLA, FROM WHICH IS OBTAINED THE HIGHLAND

COFFEE OF SIERRA LEONE]

_Columnaris_, a vigorous variety, sometimes reaching a height of 25

feet, having leaves rounded at the base and rather broad, but a shy

bearer, recommended for dry climates.

_Coffea Stenophylla_

_Coffea arabica_ has a formidable rival in the species _stenophylla_.

The flavor of this variety is pronounced by some as surpassing that of

_arabica_. The great disadvantage of this plant is the fact that it

requires so long a time before a yield of any value can be secured.

Although the time required for the maturing of the crop is so long, when

once the plantation begins to yield, the crop is as large as that of

_Coffea arabica_, and occasionally somewhat larger. The leaves are

smaller than any of the species described, and the flowers bear their

parts in numbers varying from six to nine. The tree is a native of

Sierra Leone, where it grows wild.

[Illustration: Copyright, 1909, by The Tea and Coffee Trade Journal

NEAR VIEW OF COFFEE BERRIES OF COFFEA ARABICA]

_Coffea Liberica_

The bean of _Coffea arabica_, although the principal bean used in

commerce, is not the only one; and it may not be out of place here to

describe briefly some of the other varieties that are produced

commercially. _Coffea liberica_ is one of these plants. The quality of

the beverage made from its berries is inferior to that of _Coffea

arabica_, but the plant itself offers distinct advantages in its hardy

growing qualities. This makes it attractive for hybridization.

[Illustration: WILD "CAFFEIN-FREE" COFFEE TREE

_Mantsaka_ or _Café Sauvage_--Madagascar]

The _Coffea liberica_ tree is much larger and sturdier than the _Coffea

arabica_, and in its native haunts it reaches a height of 30 feet. It

will grow in a much more torrid climate and can stand exposure to strong

sunlight. The leaves are about twice as long as those of _arabica_,

being six to twelve inches in length, and are very thick, tough, and

leathery. The apex of the leaf is acute. The flowers are larger than

those of _arabica_, and are borne in dense clusters. At any time during

the season, the same tree may bear flowers, white or pinkish, and

fragrant, or even green, together with fruits, some green, some ripe and

of a brilliant red. The corolla has been known to have seven segments,

though as a rule it has five. The fruits are large, round, and dull red;

the pulps are not juicy, and are somewhat bitter. Unlike _Coffea

arabica_, the ripened drupes do not fall from the trees, and so the

picking can be delayed at the planter's convenience.

[Illustration: DIFFERENTIATING CHARACTERISTICS OF COFFEE BEANS, IN

CROSS-SECTION

Col. I. Mature bean. Col. II. Embryo.

_A. Coffea arabica, R. Coffea robusta, L. Coffea liberica_]

Among the allied Liberian species Dr. Cramer recognizes:

_Abeokutæ_, having small leaves of a bright green, flower buds

often pink just before opening (in Liberian coffee never), fruit

smaller with sharply striped red and yellow shiny skin, and

producing somewhat smaller beans than Liberian coffee, but beans

whose flavor and taste are praised by brokers;

_Dewevrei_, having curled edged leaves, stiff branches,

thick-skinned berries, sometimes pink flowers, beans generally

smaller than in _C. liberica_, but of little interest to the trade;

_Arnoldiana_, a species near to _Coffea Abeokutæ_ having darker

foliage and the even colored small berries;

_Laurentii Gillet_, a species not to be confused with the _C.

Laurentii_ belonging to the _robusta_ coffee, but standing near to

_C. liberica_, characterized by oblong rather than thin-skinned

berries;

_Excelsa_, a vigorous, disease-resisting species discovered in 1905

by Aug. Chevalier in West Africa, in the region of the Chari River,

not far from Lake Tchad. The broad, dark-green leaves have an under

side of light green with a bluish tinge; the flowers are large and

white, borne in axillary clusters of one to five; the berries are

short and broad, in color crimson, the bean smaller than _robusta_,

very like _Mocha_, but in color a bright yellow like _liberica_.

The caffein content of the coffee is high, and the aroma is very

pronounced;

_Dybowskii_, another disease-resisting variety similar to

_excelsa_, but having different leaf and fruit characteristics;

_Lamboray_, having bent gutter-like leaves, and soft-skinned,

oblong fruit;

_Wanni Rukula_, having large leaves, a vigorous growth, and small

berries;

_Coffea aruwimensis_, being a mixture of different types.

[Illustration: COFFEA ARABICA BERRIES GROWN IN THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS]

The last three types were received by Dr. Cramer at Bangelan from Frère

Gillet in the Belgian Congo, and were still under trial in Java in 1919.

_Coffea Robusta_

Emil Laurent, in 1898, discovered a species of coffee growing wild in

Congo. This was taken up by a horticultural firm of Brussels, and

cultivated for the market. This firm gave to the coffee the name _Coffea

robusta_, although it had already been given the name of the discoverer,

being known as _Coffea Laurentii_. The plant differs widely from both

_arabica_ and _liberica_, being considerably larger than either. The

tree is umbrella-shaped, due to the fact that its branches are very long

and bend toward the ground.

The leaves of _robusta_ are much thinner than those of _liberica_,

though not as thin as those of _arabica_. The tree, as a whole, is a

very hardy variety and even bears blossoms when it is less than a year

old. It blossoms throughout the entire year, the flowers having

six-parted corollas. The drupes are smaller than those of _liberica;_

but are much thinner skinned, so that the coffee bean is actually not

any smaller. The drupes mature in ten months. Although the plants bear

as early as the first year, the yield for the first two years is of no

account; but by the fourth year the crop is large.

[Illustration: ROBUSTA COFFEE IN FLOWER, PREANGER, JAVA]

[Illustration: COFFEE ESTATE IN THE LUQUILLO MOUNTAINS, PORTO RICO]

[Illustration: JAPANESE LABORERS PICKING COFFEE ON KONA SIDE, ISLAND OF

HAWAII]

[Illustration: COFFEE UNDER THE STARS AND STRIPES]

Arno Viehoever, pharmacognosist in charge of the pharmacognosy

laboratory of the Bureau of Chemistry, United States Department of

Agriculture, has recently announced findings confirming Hartwich which

appear to permit of differentiation between _robusta, arabica_, and

_liberica_.[97] These are mainly the peculiar folding of the endosperm,

showing quite generally a distinct hook in the case of the _robusta_

coffee bean. The size of the embryo, and especially the relation of the

rootlet to hypercotyl, will be found useful in the differentiation of

the species _Coffea arabica, liberica_, and _robusta_ (see cut, page

142).

[Illustration: ONE-YEAR-OLD ROBUSTA ESTATE, ON SUMATRA'S WEST COAST]

Viehoever and Lepper carried on a series of cup tests of _robusta_, the

results as to taste and flavor being distinctly favorable. They

summarized their studies and tests as follows:

The time when coffee could be limited to beans obtained from plants

of _Coffea arabica_ and _Coffea liberica_ has passed. Other

species, with qualities which make them desirable, even in

preference to the well reputed named ones, have been discovered and

cultivated. Among them, the species or group of _Coffea robusta_

has attained a great economic significance, and is grown in

increasing amounts. While it has, as reports seem to indicate, not

as yet been possible to obtain a strain that would be as desirable

in flavor as the old "standard" _Coffea_ _arabica_, well known as

Java or "Fancy Java" coffee, its merits have been established.

The botanical origin is not quite cleared up, and the

classification of the varieties belonging to the _robusta_ group

deserves further study. Anatomical means of differentiating

_robusta_ coffee from other species or groups, may be applied as

distinctly helpful....

As is usual in most of the coffee species, caffein is present. The

amount appears to be, on an average, somewhat larger (even

exceeding 2.0 percent) than in the South American coffee species.

In no instance, however, did the amount exceed the maximum limits

observed in coffee in general....

Due to its rapid growth, early and prolific yield, resistance to

coffee blight, and many other desirable qualities, _Coffea robusta_

has established "its own". In the writers' judgment, _robusta_

coffee deserves consideration and recognition.

Among the _robusta_ varieties, _Coffea canephora_ is a distinct species,

well characterized by growth, leaves, and berries. The branches are

slender and thinner than _robusta_; the leaves are dark green and

narrower; the flowers are often tinged with red; the unripe berries are

purple, the ripe berries bright red and oblong. The produce is like

_robusta_, only the shape of the bean, somewhat narrower and more

oblong, makes it look more attractive. _Coffea canephora_, like _C.

robusta_, seems better fitted to higher altitudes.

Other _canephora_ varieties include:

_Madagascar_, having small, slightly striped, bright red berries and

small round beans;

_Quillouensis_, having dark green foliage and reddish brown young

leaves; and,

_Stenophylla Paris_, with purplish young berries.

These last two named were under test at the Bangelan gardens in 1919.

Among other allied _robusta_ species are:

_Ugandæ_:, whose produce is said to possess a better flavor than

_robusta_;

_Bukobensis_, different from _Ugandæ_ in the color of its berries, which

are a dark red; and

_Quillou_, having bright red fruit, a copper-colored silver skin, three

pounds of fruit producing one pound of market coffee. Some people prefer

_Quillou_ to _robusta_ because of the difference in the taste of the

roasted bean.

_Some Interesting Hybrids_

The most popular hybrid belongs to a crossing of _liberica_ and

_arabica_. Cramer states that the beans of this hybrid make an excellent

coffee combining the strong taste of the _liberica_ with the fine flavor

of the old Government Java _(arabica_), adding:

The hybrids are not only of value to the roaster, but also to the

planter. They are vigorous trees, practically free from leaf

disease; they stand drought well and also heavy rains; they are not

particular in regard to shade and upkeep; never fail to give a fair

and often a rather heavy crop. The fruit ripens all the year

around, and does not fall so easily as in the case of _arabica_.

Among other hybrids (many were still under trial in 1919) may be

mentioned: _Coffea excelsia x liberica_; _C. Abeokutæ x liberica_; _C.

Dybowskii x excelsa_; _C. stenophylla x Abeokutæ_; _C. congensis x

Ugandæ_; _C. Ugandæ x congensis_; and _C. robusta x Maragogipe_.

There are many species of _Coffea_ that stand quite apart from the main

groups, _arabica, robusta_ and _liberica_; but while some are of

commercial value, most of them are interesting only from the scientific

point of view. Among the latter may be mentioned: _Coffea bengalensis_,

_C. Perieri_, _C. mauritiana_, _C. macrocarpa_, _C. madagascariensis_,

and _C. schumanniana_.

[Illustration: COFFEA QUILLOU FLOWERS IN FULL BLOOM]

M. Teyssonnier, of the experimental garden at Camayenne, French Guinea,

West Africa, has produced a promising species of coffee known as

_affinis_. It is a hybrid of _C. stenophylla_ with a species of

_liberica_.

Among other promising species recognized by Dr. Cramer are:

_Coffea congensis_, whose berry resembles that of _C. arabica_, when

well prepared for the market being green or bluish; and

_Coffea congensis var. Chalotii_, probably a hybrid of _C. congensis_

with _C. canephora_.

_Caffein-free Coffee_

Certain trees growing wild in the Comoro Islands and Madagascar are

known as caffein-free coffee trees. Just whether they are entitled to

this classification or not is a question. Some of the French and German

investigators have reported coffee from these regions that was

absolutely devoid of caffein. It was thought at first that they must

represent an entirely new genus; but upon investigation, it was found

that they belonged to the genus _Coffea_, to which all our common

coffees belong. Professor Dubard, of the French National Museum and

Colonial Garden, studied these trees botanically and classified them as

_C. Gallienii_, _C. Bonnieri_, _C. Mogeneti_, and _C. Augagneuri_. The

beans of berries from these trees were analyzed by Professor Bertrand

and pronounced caffein-free; but Labroy, in writing of the same coffee,

states that, while the bean is caffein-free, it contains a very bitter

substance, cafamarine, which makes the infusion unfit for use. Dr. O.W.

Willcox[98], in examining some specimens of wild coffee from Madagascar,

found that the bean was not caffein-free; and though the caffein content

was low, it was no lower than in some of the Porto Rican varieties.

Hartwich[99] reports that Hanausek found no caffein in _C. mauritiana_,

_C. humboltiana_, _C. Gallienii_, _C. Bonnerii_, and _C. Mogeneti_.

_Fungoid Disease of Coffee_

The coffee tree, like every other living thing, has specific diseases

and enemies, the most common of which are certain fungoid diseases where

the mycelium of the fungus grows into the tissue and spots the leaves,

eventually causing them to fall, thus robbing the plant of its only

means of elaborating food. Its most deadly enemy in the insect world is

a small insect of the lepidopterous variety, which is known as the

coffee-leaf miner. It is closely related to the clothes moth and, like

the moth, bores in its larval stage, feeding on the mesophyl of the

leaves. This gives the leaves an appearance of being shriveled or dried

by heat.

[Illustration: AN EIGHTEEN-MONTHS'-OLD COFFEA QUILLOU TREE IN BLOSSOM]

There are three principal diseases, due to fungi, from which the coffee

plants suffer. The most common is known as the leaf-blight fungus,

_Pellicularia tokeroga_, which is a slow-spreading disease, but one that

causes great loss. Although the fungus does not produce spores, the

leaves die and dry, and are blown away, carrying with them the dried

mycelium of the fungus. This mycelium will start to grow as soon as it

is supplied with a new moist coffee leaf to nourish it. The method of

getting rid of this disease is to spray the trees in seasons of drought.

It was a fungoid disease known as the _Hemileia vastatrix_ that attacked

Ceylon's coffee industry in 1869, and eventually destroyed it. It is a

microscopic fungus whose spores, carried by the wind, adhere to and

germinate upon the leaves of the coffee tree[100].

Another common disease is known as the root disease, which eventually

kills the tree by girdling it below the soil. It spreads slowly, but

seems to be favored by collections of decaying matter around the base of

the tree. Sometimes the digging of ditches around the roots is

sufficient to protect it. The other common disease is due to _Stilbium

flavidum_, and is found only in regions of great humidity. It affects

both the leaf and the fruit and is known as the spot of leaf and fruit.

[Illustration: COFFEA UGANDÆ BENT OVER BY A HEAVY CROP]

CHAPTER XVI

THE MICROSCOPY OF THE COFFEE FRUIT

_How the beans may be examined under the microscope, and what is

revealed--Structure of the berry, the green, and the roasted

bean--The coffee leaf disease under the microscope--Value of

microscopic analysis in detecting adulteration_

The microscopy of coffee is, on the whole, more important to the planter

than to the consumer and the dealer; while, on the other hand, the

microscopy is of paramount importance to the consumer and the dealer as

furnishing the best means of determining whether the product offered is

adulterated or not. Also, from this standpoint, the microscopy of the

plant is less important than that of the bean.

[Illustration: Fig. 331. Coffee (_Coffea arabica_). I--Cross-section of

berry, natural size; _Pk_, outer pericarp; _Mk_, endocarp; _Ek_,

spermoderm; _Sa_, hard endosperm; Sp, soft endosperm. II--Longitudinal

section of berry, natural size; _Dis_, bordered disk; _Se_, remains of

sepals; _Em_, embryo. III--Embryo, enlarged; _cot_, cotyledon; _rad_,

radicle. (Tschirch and Oesterle.)]

_The Fruit and the Bean_

The fruit, as stated in chapter XV, consists of two parts, each one

containing a single seed, or bean. These beans are flattened laterally,

so as to fit together, except in the following instances: in the

peaberry, where one of the ovules never develops, the single ovule,

having no pressure upon it, is spherical; in the rare instances where

three seeds are found, the grains are angular.

The coffee bean with which the consumer is familiar is only a small part

of the fruit. The fruit, which is the size of a small cherry, has, like

the cherry, an outer fleshy portion called the pericarp. Beneath this is

a part like tissue paper, spoken of technically as the parchment, but

known scientifically as the endocarp. Next in position to this, and

covering the seed, is the so-called spermoderm, which means the seed

skin, referred to in the trade as the silver skin. Small portions of

this silver skin are always to be found in the cleft of the coffee bean.

The coffee bean is the embryo and its food supply; the embryo is that

part of the seed which, when supplied with food and moisture, develops

into a new plant. The embryo of the coffee is very minute (Fig. 331,

II, _Em_)[101]; and the greater part of the seed is taken up by the food

supply, consisting of hard and soft endosperm (Fig. 331, I and II, _Sa_,

_Sp_). The minute embryo consists of two small thick leaves, the

cotyledons (Fig. 331, III, _cot_), a short stem, invisible in the

undissected embryo, and a small root, the radicle (Fig. 331, III,

_rad_).

[Illustration: Fig. 332. Coffee. Cross section of bean showing folded

endosperm with hard and soft tissues. x6. (Moeller)]

_Fruit Structure_

In order to examine the structure of these layers of the fruit under the

microscope, it is necessary to use the pericarp dry, as it is not easily

obtainable in its natural condition. If desired, an alcoholic specimen

may be used, but it has been found that the dry method gives more

satisfactory results. The dried pericarp is about 0.5 mm thick. Great

difficulty is experienced in cutting microtome sections of pericarp when

the specimen is embedded in paraffin, because the outer layers are soft

and the endocarp is hard, and the two parts of the section separate at

this point. To overcome this, the sections might also be embedded in

celloidin. When the sections are satisfactory, they may be stained with

any of the double stains ordinarily used in the study of plant

histology.

[Illustration: Fig. 333. Coffee. Cross section of hull and bean.

Pericarp consists of: 1, epicarp; 2-3, layers of mesocarp, with 4,

fibro-vascular bundle; 5, palisade layer; and 6, endocarp; _ss_,

spermoderm, consists of 8, sclerenchyma, and 9, parenchyma; _End_,

endosperm (Tschirch and Oesterle)]

A section cut crosswise through the entire fruit would present the

appearance shown in Fig. 333. The cells of the epicarp are broad and

polygonal, sometimes regularly four-sided, about 15-35 µ broad. At

intervals along the surface of the epicarp are stomata, or breathing

pores, surrounded by guard cells. The next layer of the pericarp is the

mesocarp (Figs. 333, 334, 335), the cells of which are larger and more

regular in outline than the epicarp. The cells of the mesocarp become as

large as 100 µ broad, but in the inner parts of the layer they become

very much flattened. Fibrovascular bundles are scattered through the

compressed cells of the mesocarp. The cell walls are thick; and large,

amorphous, brown masses are found within the cell; occasionally, large

crystals are found in the outer part of the layer. The fibro-vascular

bundles consist mainly of bast and wood fibers and vessels. The bast

fibers are as large as 1 mm long and 25 µ broad, with thick walls and

very small _lumina_. Spiral and pitted vessels are also present.

[Illustration: Fig. 334. Coffee. Surface view of _ep_, epicarp, and _p_,

outer parenchyma of mesocarp. x160. (Moeller)]

The layer next to this is a soft tissue, parenchyma (Fig. 333, 5; Fig.

334, _p_). The parenchyma, or palisade cells as they are called, is a

thin-walled tissue in which the cells are elongated, from which fact

they receive their name. The walls of these cells, though very thin, are

mucilaginous, and capable of taking up large amounts of water. They

stain well with the aniline stains.

The endocarp (Fig. 336) is closely connected with the palisade layer and

has thin-walled cells that closely resemble, in all respects, the

endocarp of the apple. The outer layer consists of thick-walled fibers,

which are remarkably porous (Fig. 333, 6; Fig. 336) while the fibers of

the inner layer are thin-walled and run in the transverse direction.

_The Bean Structure_

Spermoderm, or silver skin, is not difficult to secure for microscopic

analysis; because shreds of it remain in the groove of the berry, and

these shreds are ample for examination. It can readily be removed

without tearing, if soaked in water for a few hours. The spermoderm is

thin enough not to need sectioning. It consists of two

elements--sclerenchyma and parenchyma cells. (Figs. 333, 337, _st_,

_p_).

[Illustration: Fig. 335. Coffee. Elements of pericarp in surface view.

_p_, parenchyma; _bp_, parenchyma of fibro-vascular bundle; _b_, bast

fiber; _sp_, spiral vessel. x160. (Moeller)]

Sclerenchyma forms an uninterrupted covering in the early stages of the

seed; but as the seed develops, surrounding tissues grow more rapidly

than the sclerenchyma, and the cells are pushed apart and scattered. The

cells occurring in the cleft of the berry are straight, narrow, and

long, becoming as long as 1 mm, and resemble bast fibers somewhat. On

the surface of the berry, and sometimes in the cleft, there are found

smaller, thicker cells, which are irregular in outline, club-shaped and

vermiform types predominating.

Parenchyma cells form the remainder of the spermoderm; and these are

partially obliterated, so that the structure is not easily seen,

appearing almost like a solid membrane. The raphe runs through the

parenchyma found in the cleft of the berry.

The endosperm (Figs. 333; 338) consist of small cells in the outer part,

and large cells, frequently as thick as 100 µ, in the inner part. The

cell walls are thickened and knotted. Certain of the inner cells have

mucilaginous walls which when treated with water disappear, leaving only

the middle lamellae, which gives the section a peculiar appearance. The

cells contain no starch, the reserve food supply being stored cellulose,

protein, and aleurone grains. Various investigators report the presence

of sugar, tannin, iron, salts, and caffein.

The embryo (Fig. 331, III) may be obtained by soaking the bean in water

for several hours, cutting through the cleft and carefully breaking

apart the endosperm. If it is now soaked in diluted alkali, the embryo

protrudes through the lower end of the endosperm. It is then cleared in

alkali, or in chloral hydrate. The cotyledons shown have three pairs of

veins, which are slightly netted. The radicle is blunt and is about 3/4

mm in length, while the cotyledons are 1/2 mm long.

[Illustration: Fig. 336. Coffee. Sclerenchyma fibers of endocarp. x160.

(Moeller)]

_The Coffee-Leaf Disease_

The coffee tree has many pests and diseases; but the disease most feared

by planters is that generally referred to as the coffee-leaf disease,

and by this is meant the fungoid _Hemileia vastatrix_, which as told in

chapter XV, destroyed Ceylon's once prosperous coffee industry. As it

has since been found in nearly all coffee-producing countries, it has

become a nightmare in the dreams of all coffee planters. The microscope

shows how the spores of this dreaded fungus, carried by the winds upon a

leaf of the coffee tree, proceed to germinate at the expense of the

leaf; robbing it of its nourishment, and causing it to droop and to die.

A mixture of powdered lime and sulphur has been found to be an effective

germicide, if used in time and diligently applied.

[Illustration: Fig. 337. Coffee. Spermoderm in surface view. _st._

sclerenchyma; _p_, compressed parenchyma. x160. (Moeller)]

[Illustration: Fig. 338. Coffee. Cross-section of outer layers of

endosperm, showing knotty thickenings of cell walls. x160. (Moeller)]

[Illustration: Fig. 339. Coffee. Tissues of embryo in section. x160.

(Moeller)]

_Value of Microscopic Analysis_

The value of the microscopic analysis of coffee may not be apparent at

first sight; but when one realizes that in many cases the microscopic

examination is the only way to detect adulteration in coffee, its

importance at once becomes apparent. In many instances the chemical

analysis fails to get at the root of the trouble, and then the only

method to which the tester has recourse is the examination of the

suspected material under the scope. The mixing of chicory with coffee

has in the past been one of the commonest forms of adulteration. The

microscopic examination in this connection is the most reliable. The

coffee grain will have the appearance already described.

Microscopically, chicory shows numerous thin-walled parenchymatous

cells, lactiferous vessels, and sieve tubes with transverse plates.

There are also present large vessels with huge, well-defined pits.

[Illustration: COFFEE LEAF DISEASE (HEMILEIA VASTATRIX)

1. under surface of affected leaf, x 1/2; 2, section through same

showing mycelium, haustoria, and a spore-cluster; 3, a spore-cluster

seen from below; 4, a uredospore; 5, germinating uredospore; 6,

appressorial swellings at tips of germ-tubes; 7, infection through stoma

of leaf; 8, teleutospores; 9, teleutospore germinating with promycelium

and sporidia; 10, sporidia and their germination (2 after Zimmermann, 3

after Delacroix, 4-10 after Ward)]

Roasted date stones have been used as adulterants, and these can be

detected quite readily with the aid of the microscope, as they have a

very characteristic microscopic appearance. The epidermal cells are

almost oblong, while the parenchymatous cells are large, irregular and

contain large quantities of tannin.

Adulteration and adulterants are considered more fully in chapter XVII.

[Illustration: GREEN AND ROASTED COFFEE UNDER THE MICROSCOPE

Green bean, showing the size and form of the cells as well as the drops

of oil contained within their cavities. Drawn with the camera lucida,

and magnified 140 diameters.

A fragment of roasted coffee under the microscope. Drawn with the camera

lucida, and magnified 140 diameters.]

[Illustration: BOGOTA, GREEN

Longitudinal--Magnified 200 diameters]

[Illustration: BOGOTA, GREEN

Cross Section--Magnified 200 diameters]

[Illustration: BOGOTA, GREEN

Tangential--Magnified 200 diameters]

[Illustration: BOGOTA, ROASTED

Tangential--Magnified 200 diameters]

[Illustration: GREEN AND ROASTED BOGOTA COFFEE UNDER THE MICROSCOPE

These pictures serve to demonstrate that the coffee bean is made up of

minute cells that are not broken down to any extent by the roasting

process. Note that the oil globules are more prominent in the green than

in the roasted product]

CHAPTER XVII

THE CHEMISTRY OF THE COFFEE BEAN

_Chemistry of the preparation and treatment of the green

bean--Artificial aging--Renovating damaged

coffees--Extracts--"Caffetannic acid"--Caffein, caffein-free

coffee--Caffeol--Fats and oils--Carbohydrates--Roasting--Scientific

aspects of grinding and packaging--The coffee brew--Soluble

coffee--Adulterants and substitutes--Official methods of analysis_

By Charles W. Trigg

Industrial Fellow of the Mellon Institute of Industrial Research,

Pittsburgh, 1916-1920

When the vast extent of the coffee business is considered, together with

the intimate connection which coffee has with the daily life of the

average human, the relatively small amount of accurate knowledge which

we possess regarding the chemical constituents and the physiological

action of coffee is productive of amazement.

True, a painstaking compilation of all the scientific and

semi-scientific work done upon coffee furnishes quite a compendium of

data, the value of which is not commensurate with its quantity, because

of the spasmodic nature of the investigations and the non-conclusive

character of the results so far obtained. The following general survey

of the field argues in favor of the promulgation of well-ordered and

systematic research, of the type now in progress at several places in

the United States, into the chemical behavior of coffee throughout the

various processes to which it is subjected in the course of its

preparation for human consumption.

_Green Coffee_

One of the few chemical investigations of the growing tree is the

examination by Graf of flowers from 20-year-old coffee trees, in which

he found 0.9 percent caffein, a reducing sugar, caffetannic acid, and

phytosterol. Power and Chestnut[102] found 0.82 percent caffein in

air-dried coffee leaves, but only 0.087 percent of the alkaloid in the

stems of the plant separated from the leaves. In the course of a

study[103] instituted for the purpose of determining the best

fertilizers for coffee trees, it developed that the cherries in

different stages of growth show a preponderance of potash throughout,

while the proportion of P_2_O_5 attains a maximum in the fourth month

and then steadily declines.

Experiments are still in progress to ascertain the precise mineral

requirements of the crop as well as the most suitable stage at which to

apply them. During the first five months the moisture content undergoes

a steady decrease, from 87.13 percent to 65.77 percent, but during the

final ripening stage in the last month there is a rise of nearly 1

percent. This may explain the premature falling and failure to ripen of

the crop on certain soils, especially in years of low rainfall.

Malnutrition of the trees may result also in the production of oily

beans.[104]

The coffee berry comprises about 68 percent pulp, 6 percent parchment,

and 26 percent clean coffee beans. The pulp is easily removed by

mechanical means; but in order to separate the soft, glutinous,

saccharine parchment, it is necessary to resort to fermentation, which

loosens the skin so that it may be removed easily, after which the

coffee is properly dried and aged. There is first a yeast fermentation

producing alcohol; and then a bacterial action giving mainly inactive

lactic acid, which is the main factor in loosening the parchment. For

the production of the best coffee, acetic acid fermentation (which

changes the color of the bean) and temperature above 60° should be

avoided, as these inhibit subsequent enzymatic action.[105]

Various schemes have been proposed for utilizing the large amount of

pulp so obtained in preparing coffee for market. Most of these depend

upon using the pulp as fertilizer, since fresh pulp contains 2.61

percent nitrogen, 0.81 percent P_2_O_5, 2.38 percent potassium, and

0.57 percent calcium. One procedure[106] in particular is to mix pulp

with sawdust, urine, and a little lime, and then to leave this mixture

covered in a pit for a year before using. In addition to these mineral

matters, the pulp also contains about 0.88 percent of caffein and 18 to

37 percent sugars. Accordingly, it has been proposed[107] to extract the

caffein with chloroform, and the sugars with acidulated water. The

aqueous solution so obtained is then fermented to alcohol. The insoluble

portion left after extraction can be used as fuel, and the resulting ash

as fertilizer.

The pulp has been dried and roasted for use in place of the berry, and

has been imported to England for this purpose. It is stated that the

Arabs in the vicinity of Jiddah discard the kernel of the coffee berries

and make an infusion of the husk.[108]

Quality of green coffee is largely dependent upon the methods used and

the care taken in curing it, and upon the conditions obtaining in

shipment and storage. True, the soil and climatic conditions play a

determinative rôle in the creation of the characteristics of coffee, but

these do not offer any greater opportunity for constructive research and

remunerative improvement than does the development of methods and

control in the processes employed in the preparation of green coffee for

the market.

[Illustration: CROSS-SECTION OF THE ENDOSPERM OR HARD STRUCTURE OF THE

GREEN BEAN]

Storage prior and subsequent to shipment, and circumstances existing

during transportation, are not to be disregarded as factors contributory

to the final quality of the coffee. The sweating of mules carrying bags

of poorly packed coffee, and the absorption of strong foreign aromas and

flavors from odoriferous substances stored in too close proximity to the

coffee beans, are classic examples of damage that bear iterative

mention. Damage by sea water, due more to the excessive moisture than to

the salt, is not so common an occurrence now as heretofore. However, a

cheap and thoroughly effective means of ethically renovating coffee

which has been damaged in this manner would not go begging for

commercial application.

That green coffee improves with age, is a tenet generally accepted by

the trade. Shipments long in transit, subjected to the effects of

tropical heat under closely battened hatches in poorly ventilated holds,

have developed into much-prized yellow matured coffee. Were it not for

the large capital required and the attendant prohibitive carrying

charges, many roasters would permit their coffees to age more thoroughly

before roasting. In fact, some roasters do indulge this desire in regard

to a portion of their stock. But were it feasible to treat and hold

coffees long enough to develop their attributes to a maximum, still the

exact conditions which would favor such development are not definitely

known. What are the optimum temperature and the correct humidity to

maintain, and should the green coffee be well ventilated or not while in

storage? How long should coffee be stored under the most favorable

conditions best to develop it? Aging for too long a period will develop

flavor at the expense of body; and the general cup efficiency of some

coffees will suffer if they be kept too long.

[Illustration: PORTION OF THE INVESTING MEMBRANE, SHOWING ITS STRUCTURE

Drawn with the camera lucida, and magnified 140 diameters]

The exact reason for improvement upon aging is in no wise certain, but

it is highly probable that the changes ensuing are somewhat analogous to

those occurring in the aging of grain. Primarily an undefined enzymatic

and mold action most likely occurs, the nature of the enzymes and molds

being largely dependent upon the previous treatment of the coffee. Along

with this are a loss of moisture and an oxidation, all three actions

having more evident effects with the passage of time.

_Artificial Aging_

In consideration of the higher prices which aged products demand,

attempts have naturally been made to shorten by artificial means the

time necessary for their natural production. Some of these methods

depend upon obtaining the most favorable conditions for acceleration of

the enzyme action; others, upon the effects of micro-organisms; and

still others, upon direct chemical reaction or physical alteration of

the green bean.

One of the first efforts toward artificial maturing was that of

Ashcroft[109], who argued from the improved nature of coffee which had

experienced a delayed voyage. His method consisted of inclosing the

coffee in sweat-boxes having perforated bottoms and subjecting it to the

sweating action of steam, the boxes being enclosed in an oven or room

maintained at the temperature of steam.

[Illustration: STRUCTURE OF THE GREEN BEAN

Showing thick-walled cells enclosing drops of oil]

Timby[110] claimed to remove dusts, foreign odors, and impurities, while

attaining in a few hours or days a ripening effect normally secured only

in several seasons. In this process, the bagged coffee is placed in

autoclaves and subjected to the action of air at a pressure of 2 to 3

atmospheres and a temperature of 40° to 100° F. The temperature should

seldom be allowed to rise above 150° F. The pressure is then allowed to

escape and a partial vacuum created in the apparatus. This alteration of

pressure and vacuum is continued until the desired maturation is

obtained. Desvignes[111] employs a similar procedure, although he

accomplishes seasoning by treating the coffee also with oxygen or

ozone.[112] First the coffee is rendered porous by storage in a hot

chamber, which is then exhausted prior to admission of the oxygen. The

oxygen can be ozonized in the closed vessel while in contact with the

coffee. Complete aging in a few days is claimed.

Weitzmann[113] adopts a novel operation, by exposing bags of raw coffee

to the action of a powerful magnetic field, obtained with two adjustable

electro-magnets. The claim that a maturation naturally produced in

several years is thus obtained in 1/2 to 2 hours is open to considerable

doubt. A process that is probably attended with more commercial success

is that of Gram[114] in which the coffee is treated with gaseous

nitrogen dioxid.

By far the most notable progress in this field, both scientifically and

commercially, has been made by Robison[115] with his "culturing" method.

Here the green coffee is washed with water, and then inoculated with

selected strains of micro-organisms, such as _Ochraeceus_ or

_Aspergillus Wintii_. Incubation is then conducted for 6 to 7 days at

90° F. and 85 percent relative humidity. Subsequent to this incubation,

the coffee is stored in bins for about ten days; after which it is

tumbled and scoured. With this process it is possible to improve the

cupping qualities of a coffee to a surprising degree.

_Renovating Damaged Coffees_

Sophistication has often been resorted to in order ostensibly to improve

damaged or cheap coffee. Glazing, coloring, and polishing of the green

beans was openly and covertly practised until restricted by law. The

steps employed did not actually improve the coffee by any means, but

merely put it into condition for more ready sale. An apparently sincere

endeavor to renovate damaged coffee was made by Evans[116] when he

treated it with an aqueous solution of sulphuric acid having a density

of 10.5° Baumé. After agitation in this solution, the beans were washed

free from acid and dried. In this manner discolorations and impurities

were removed and the beans given a fuller appearance.

The addition of glucose, sucrose, lactose, or dextrin to green coffees

is practised by von Niessen[117] and by Winter[118], with the object of

giving a mild taste and strong aroma to "hard" coffees. The addition is

accomplished by impregnating, with or without the aid of vacuum, the

beans with a moderately concentrated solution of the sugar, the liquid

being of insufficient quantity to effect extraction. When the solution

has completely disseminated through the kernels, they are removed and

dried. Upon subsequent roasting, a decided amelioration of flavor is

secured.

Another method developed by von Niessen[119] comprises the softening of

the outer layers of the beans by steam, cold or warm water, or brine,

and then surrounding them with an absorbent paste or powder, such as

china clay, to which a neutralizing agent such as magnesium oxid may be

added. After drying, the clay can be removed by brushing or by causing

the beans to travel between oppositely reciprocated wet cloths. In the

development of this process, von Niessen evidently argued that the

so-called "caffetannic acid" is the "harmful" substance in coffee, and

that it is concentrated in the outer layers of the coffee beans. If

these be his precepts, the question of their correctness and of the

efficiency of his process becomes a moot one.

A procedure which aims at cleaning and refining raw coffee, and which

has been the subject of much polemical discussion, is that of Thum[120].

It entails the placing of the green beans in a perforated drum; just

covering them with water, or a solution of sodium chloride or sodium

carbonate, at 65° to 70° C.; and subjecting them to a vigorous brushing

for from 1 to 5 minutes, according to the grade of coffee being treated.

The value of this method is somewhat doubtful, as it would not seem to

accomplish any more than simple washing. In fact, if anything, the

process is undesirable; as some of the extractive matters present in the

coffee, and particularly caffein, will be lost. Both Freund[121] and

Harnack[122] hold briefs for the product produced by this method, and

the latter endeavors analytically to prove its merits; but as his

experimental data are questionable, his conclusions do not carry much

weight.

_The Acids of Coffee_

The study of the acids of coffee has been productive of much controversy

and many contradictory results, few of which possess any value. The acid

of coffee is generally spoken of as "caffetannic acid." Quite a few

attempts have been made to determine the composition and structure of

this compound and to assign it a formula. Among them may be noted those

of Allen,[123] who gives it the empirical formula C_14_H_16_O_7;

Hlasiwetz,[124] who represents it as C_15_H_18_O_8; Richter, as

C_30_H_18_O_16; Griebel,[125] as C_18_H_24_O_10, and Cazeneuve

and Haddon,[126] as C_21_H_28_O_14. It is variously supposed to

exist in coffee as the potassium, calcium, or magnesium salt. In regard

to the physical appearance of the isolated substance there is also some

doubt, Thorpe[127] describing it as an amorphous powder, and Howard[128]

as a brownish, syrup-like mass, having a slight acid and astringent

taste.

The chemical reactions of "caffetannic acid" are generally agreed upon.

A dark green coloration is given with ferric chloride; and upon boiling

it with alkalies or dilute acids, caffeic acid and glucose are formed.

Fusion with alkali produces protocatechuic acid.

K. Gorter[129] has made an extensive and accurate investigation into the

matter, and in reporting upon the same has made some very pertinent

observations. His claim is that the name "caffetannic acid" is a

misnomer and should be abandoned. The so-called "caffetannic acid" is

really a mixture which has among its constituents chlorogenic acid

(C_32_H_38_O_19), which is not a tannic acid, and coffalic acid.

Tatlock and Thompson[130] have expressed the opinion that roasted coffee

contains no tannin, and that the lead precipitate contains mostly

coloring matter. They found only 4.5 percent of tannin (precipitable by

gelatin or alkaloids) in raw coffee.

Hanausek[131] demonstrated the presence of oxalic acid in unripe beans,

and citric acid has been isolated from Liberian coffee. It also has been

claimed that viridic acid, C_14_H_20_O_11, is present in coffee. In

addition to these, the fat of coffee contains a certain percentage of

free fatty acids.

It is thus apparent that even in green coffee there is no definite

compound "caffetannic acid," and there is even less likelihood of its

being present in roasted coffee. The conditions, high heat and

oxidation, to which coffee is subjected in roasting would suffice to

decompose this hypothetical acid if it were present.

In the method of analysis for caffetannic acid (No. 24) given at the end

of this chapter, there are many chances of error, although this

procedure is the best yet devised. Lead acetate forms three different

compounds with "caffetannic acid," so that this reagent must be added

with extreme care in order to precipitate the compound desired. The

precipitate, upon forming, mechanically carries down with it any fats

which may be present, and which are removed from it only with

difficulty. The majority of the mineral salts in the solution will come

down simultaneously. All of the above-mentioned organic acids form

insoluble salts with lead acetate, and there will also be a tendency

toward precipitation of certain of the components of caramel, the acidic

polymerization products of acrolein, glycerol, etc., and of the proteins

and their decomposition products.

In view of this condition of uncertainty in composition, necessity for

great care in manipulation, and ever-present danger of contamination,

the significance of "caffetannic acid analysis" fades. It is highly

desirable that the nomenclature relevant to this analytical procedure be

changed to one, such as "lead number," which will be more truly

indicative of its significance.

_The Alkaloids of Coffee_

In addition to caffein, the main alkaloid of coffee, trigonellin--the

methylbetaine of nicotinic acid--sometimes known as caffearine, has been

isolated from coffee.[132] This alkaloid, having the formula

C_14_H_16_O_4_N_2, is also found in fenugreek, _Trigonella

foenum-græcum_, in various leguminous plants, and in the seeds of

strophanthus. When pure it forms colorless needles melting at 140° C.,

and, as with all alkaloids, gives a weak basic reaction. It is very

soluble in water, slightly soluble in alcohol, and only very slightly

soluble in ether, chloroform or benzol, so that it does not contaminate

the caffein in the determination of the latter. Its effects on the body

have not been studied, but they are probably not very great, as

Polstorff obtained only 0.23 percent from the coffee which he examined.

Caffein, thein, trimethylxanthin, or C_5_H(CH_3)_3_N_4_O_2, in

addition to being in the coffee bean is also found in guarana leaves,

the kola nut, maté, or Paraguay tea, and, in small quantities, in cocoa.

It is also found in other parts of these plants besides those commonly

used for food purposes.

A neat test for detecting the presence of caffein is that of A.

Viehoever,[133] in which the caffein is sublimed directly from the plant

tissue in a special apparatus. The presence of caffein in the sublimate

is verified by observing its melting point, determined on a special

heating stage used in connection with a microscope.

The chief commercial source of this alkaloid is waste and damaged tea,

from which it is prepared by extraction with boiling water, the tannin

precipitated from the solution with litharge, and the solution then

concentrated to crystallize out the caffein. It is further purified by

sublimation or recrystallization from water. Coffee chaff and

roaster-flue dust have been proposed as sources for medicinal caffein,

but the extraction of the alkaloid from the former has not proven to be

a commercial success. Several manufacturers of pharmaceuticals are now

extracting caffein from roaster-flue dust, probably by an adaptation of

the Faunce[134] process. The recovery of caffein from roaster-flue gases

may be facilitated and increased by the use of a condenser such as

proposed Ewé.[135]

Pure caffein forms long, white, silky, flexible needles, which readily

felt together to form light, fleecy masses. It melts at 235-7° C. and

sublimes completely at 178° C., though the sublimation starts at 120°.

Salts of an unstable nature are formed with caffein by most acids. The

solubility of caffein as determined by Seidell[136] is given in Table I.

TABLE I--THE SOLUBILITY OF CAFFEIN

Solubility:

Grm. Caffein

per 100

Grm. of Sp. Gr. of

Sp. Gr. of Temperature Saturated Saturated

Solvent Solvent of Solution Solution Solution

Water 0.997 25 2.14

Ether 0.716 25 0.27

Chloroform 1.476 25 11.0

Acetone 0.809 30-1 2.18 0.832

Benzene 0.872 30-1 1.22 0.875

Benzaldehyde 1.055 30-1 11.62 1.087

Amylacetate 0.860 30-1 0.72 0.862

Aniline 1.02 30-1 22.89 1.080

Amyl alcohol 0.814 25 0.49 0.810

Acetic acid 1.055 21.5 2.44

Xylene 0.847 32.5 1.11 0.847

Toluene 0.862 25 0.57 0.861

The similarity between caffein and theobromin (the chief alkaloid of

cocoa), xanthin (one of the constituents of meat), and uric acid, is

shown by the accompanying structural formulæ.

These formulæ show merely the relative position occupied by caffein in

the purin group, and do not in any wise indicate, because of its

similarity of structure to the other compounds, that it has the same

physiological action. The presence and position of the methyl groups

(CH_3) in caffein is probably the controlling factor which makes its

action differ from the behavior of other members of the series. The

structure of these compounds was established, and their syntheses

accomplished, in the course of various classic researches by Emil

Fischer.[137]

[Illustration: FORMULA FOR CAFFEIN, SHOWING ITS RELATION TO THE PURIN

GROUP]

Gorter states that caffein exists in coffee in combination with

chlorogenic acid as a potassium chlorogenate, C_32_H_36_O_19,

K_2(C_8_H_10_O_2_N_4)_2·2H_2_O, which he isolated in colorless

prisms. This compound is water-soluble, but caffein can not be extracted

from the crystals with anhydrous solvents. To this behavior can probably

be attributed the difficulty experienced in extracting caffein from

coffee with dry organic solvents. However, the fact that a small

percentage can be extracted from the green bean in this manner indicates

that some of the caffein content exists therein in a free state. This

acid compound of caffein will be largely decomposed during the process

of torrefaction, so that in roasted coffee a larger percentage will be

present in the free state. Microscopical examination of the roasted bean

lends verisimilitude to this contention.

[Illustration: PLANTER'S BUNGALOW WITH COFFEE TREES IN FLOWER, MYSORE]

[Illustration: COOLIES BAGGING COFFEE ON THE DRYING GROUNDS]

[Illustration: COFFEE SCENES IN BRITISH INDIA]

TABLE II--COFFEE ANALYSES

Santos Green

| Santos Roasted

| | Padang Green

| | | Padang Roasted

| | | | Guatemala Green

| | | | | Guatemala Roasted

| | | | | | Mocha Green

| | | | | | | Mocha

| | | | | | | Roasted

| | | | | | | |

Moisture 8.75 3.75 8.78 2.72 9.59 3.40 9.06 3.36

April 20th

Moisture

September 20th 8.12 6.45 8.05 6.03 8.68 6.92 8.15 7.10

Ash 4.41 4.49 4.23 4.70 3.93 4.48 4.20 4.43

Oil 12.96 13.76 12.28 13.33 12.42 13.07 14.04 14.18

Caffein 1.87 1.81 1.56 1.47 1.26 1.22 1.31 1.28

Caffein,

dry basis 2.03 .... 1.69 .... 1.39 .... 1.44 ....

Crude fiber 20.70 14.75 21.92 14.95 22.23 15.23 22.46 15.41

Protein 9.50 12.93 12.62 14.75 10.43 11.69 8.56 9.57

Protein,

dry basis 10.41 .... 13.68 .... 11.53 .... 9.41 ....

Water extract 31.11 30.30 30.83 30.21 31.04 30.47 31.27 30.44

Specific

gravity,

10 percent

extract 1.0109 1.0101 1.0107 1.0104 1.0105 1.0104 1.0108 1.0108

Bushelweight 47.0 28.2 45.2 27.8 52.2 27.2 48.8 30.2

1,000 kernel

weight 130.60 120.20 167.30 151.35 189.20 165.80 119.52 100.00

1,000 kernel

weight,

dry basis 119.1 115.7 154.1 147.2 171.0 160.1 108.6 96.6

Dextrose .... 0.72 .... 0.81 .... 0.54 .... 0.46

Caffetannic

acid 15.58 17.44 15.37 16.93 16.27 17.13 15.61 16.89

Acidity by

titration

apparent 1.50 2.08 1.47 2.00 1.39 2.13 1.11 1.87

As may be seen in Table II,[138] the caffein content of coffee varies

with the different kinds, a fair average of the caffein content being

about 1.5 percent for _C. arabica_, to which class most of our coffees

belong. However, aside from these may be mentioned _C. canephora_, which

yields 1.97 percent caffein; _C. mauritiana_, which contains 0.07

percent of the alkaloid (less than the average "caffein-free coffee");

and _C. humboltiana_, which contains no caffein, but a bitter principle,

cafemarin. Neither do the berries of _C. Gallienii_, _C. Bonnieri_, or

_C. Mogeneti_ contain any caffein; and there has also been reported[139]

a "Congo coffee" which contained no crystallizable alkaloid whatever.

Apparently the variation in caffein content is largely due to the genus

of the tree from which the berry comes, but it is also quite probable

that the nature of the soil and climatic conditions play an important

part. In the light of what has been accomplished in the field of

agricultural research, it does not seem improbable that a man of

Burbank's ability and foresight could successfully develop a series of

coffees possessed of all the cup qualities inherent in those now used,

but totally devoid of caffein. Whether this is desirable or not is a

question to be considered in an entirely different light from the

possibility of its accomplishment.

TABLE III--CAFFEIN IN DIFFERENT ROASTS

Rio Santos Guatemala

Green 1.68% 1.85% 1.82%

Cinnamon 1.70 1.72 1.80

Medium 1.66 1.66 1.56

City 1.36 1.66 1.46

The variation in the caffein content of coffee at different intensities

of roasting, as shown in Table III[140] is, of course, primarily

dependent upon the original content of the green. A considerable portion

of the caffein is sublimed off during roasting, thus decreasing the

amount in the bean. The higher the roast is carried, the greater the

shrinkage; but, as the analyses in the above table show, the loss of

caffein proceeds out of proportion to the shrinkage, for the percentage

of caffein constantly decreases with the increase in color. If the roast

be carried almost to the point of carbonization, as in the case of the

"Italian roast," the caffein content will be almost nil. This is not a

suitable coffee for one desiring an almost caffein-free drink, for the

empyreumatic products produced by this excessive roasting will be more

toxic by far than the caffein itself would have been.

_Caffein-free Coffee_

The demand for a caffein-free coffee may be attributed to two causes,

namely: the objectionable effect which caffein has upon neurasthenics;

and the questionable advertising of the "coffee-substitute" dealers, who

have by this means persuaded many normal persons into believing that

they are decidedly sub-normal. As a result of this demand, a variety of

decaffeinated coffees have been placed on the market. Just why the

coffee men have not taken advantage of naturally caffein-free coffees,

or of the possibility of obtaining coffees low in caffein content by

chemical selection from the lines now used, is a difficult question to

answer.

In the endeavor to develop a commercial decaffeinated coffee the first

method of procedure was to extract the caffein from roasted coffee. This

method had its advantages and its disadvantages, of which the latter

predominated. The caffein in the roasted coffee is not as tightly bound

chemically as in the green coffee, and is, therefore, more easily

extracted. Also, the structure of the roasted bean renders it more

readily penetrable by solvents than does that of the green bean.

However, the great objection to this method arises from the fact that at

the same time as the caffein is extracted, the volatile aromatic and

flavoring constituents of the coffee are removed also. These substances,

which are essential for the maintenance of quality by the coffee, though

readily separated from the caffein, can not be returned to the roasted

bean with any degree of certainty. This virtually insurmountable

obstacle forced the abandonment of this mode of attack.

In order to avoid this action, the attention of investigators was

directed to extraction of the alkaloid in question from the green bean.

Because of the difficulty of causing the solvent to penetrate the bean,

recourse to grinding resulted. This greatly facilitated the desired

extraction, but a difficulty was encountered when the subsequent

roasting was attempted. The irregular and broken character of the ground

green beans resisted all attempts to produce practically a uniformly

roasted, highly aromatic product from the ground material.

Avoidance of this lack of uniformity in the product, and the great

desirability to duplicate the normal bean as far as possible,

necessitated the development of a method of extraction of the caffein

from the whole raw bean without a permanent alteration of the shape

thereof. The close structure of the green bean, and its consequent

resistance to penetration by solvents, and the existence of the caffein

in the bean as an acid salt, which is not easily soluble, offered

resistance to successful extraction.

As a means of overcoming the difficulty of structure, the beans were

allowed to stand in water in order to swell, or the cells were expanded

by treatment with steam, or the beans were subjected to the action of

some "cellulose-softening acids," such as acetic acid or sulphur dioxid.

As a method of facilitating the mechanical side of extraction without

deleterious effects, the treatment of the coffee with steam under

pressure, as utilized in the patented process of Myer, Roselius, and

Wimmer,[141] is probably the safest.

Many ingenious methods have been devised for the ready removal of the

caffein from this point on. Several processes employ an alkali, such as

ammonium hydroxid, to free the caffein from the acid; or an acid, such

as acetic, hydrochloric, or sulphurous, is used to form a more soluble

salt of caffein. Other procedures effect the dissociation of the

caffein-acid salt by dampening or immersion in a liquid and subjecting

the mass to the action of an electric current.

The caffein is usually extracted from the beans by benzol or chloroform,

but a variety of solvents may be employed, such as petrolic ether,

water, alcohol, carbon tetrachloride, ethylene chloride, acetone, ethyl

ether, or mixtures or emulsions of these. After extraction, the beans

may be steam distilled to remove and to recover any residual traces of

solvent, and then dried and roasted. It is said[142] that by heating the

beans before bringing them into contact with steam, not only is an

economy of steam effected, but the quality of the resultant product is

improved.

One clever but expensive method[143] of preparing caffein-free coffee

consists in heating the beans under pressure, with some substance, such

as sodium salicylate, with the resultant formation of a more soluble and

more easily steam-distillable compound of caffein. The beans are then

steam distilled to remove the caffein, dried, and roasted.

Another process of peculiar interest is that of Hubner,[144] in which

the coffee beans are well washed and then spread in layers and kept

covered with water at 15° C. until limited germination has taken place,

whereupon the beans are removed and the caffein extracted with water at

50° C. It is claimed by the inventor that sprouting serves to remove

some of the caffein, but it is quite probable that the process does

nothing more than accomplish simple aqueous extraction.

In the majority of these processes the flavor of the resultant product

should be very similar to natural roasted coffee. However, in the cases

where aqueous extraction is employed, other substances besides caffein

are removed that are replaced in the bean only with difficulty. The

resultant product accordingly is very likely to have a flavor not

entirely natural. On the other hand, beans from which the caffein is

extracted with volatile solvents, if the operation be conducted

carefully, should give a natural-tasting roast. Any residual traces of

the solvent left in the bean are volatilized upon roasting.

Some of the caffein-free coffees on the market show upon analysis almost

as much caffein as the natural bean. Those manufactured by reliable

concerns, however, are virtually caffein-free, their content of the

alkaloid varying from 0.3 to 0.07 percent as opposed to 1.5 percent in

the untreated coffee. Thus, although actually only caffein-poor, in

order to get the reaction of one cup of ordinary coffee one would have

to drink an unusual amount of the brew made from these coffees.

_The Aromatic Principles of Coffee_

To ascertain just what substance or substances give the pleasing and

characteristic aroma to coffee has long been the great desire of both

practical and scientific men interested in the coffee business. This

elusive material has been variously called caffeol, caffeone, "the

essential oil of coffee," etc., the terms having acquired an ambiguous

and incorrect significance. It is now generally agreed that the aromatic

constituent of coffee is not an essential oil, but a complex of

compounds which usage has caused to be collectively called "caffeol."

These substances are not present in the green bean, but are produced

during the process of roasting. Attempts at identification and location

of origin have been numerous; and although not conclusive, still have

not proven entirely futile. One of the first observations along this

line was that of Benjamin Thompson in 1812. "This fragrance of coffee is

certainly owing to the escape of a volatile aromatic substance which did

not originally exist as such in the grain, but which is formed in the

process of roasting it." Later, Graham, Stenhouse, and Campbell started

on the way to the identification of this aroma by noting that "in common

with all the valuable constituents of coffee, caffeone is found to come

from the soluble portion of the roasted seed."[145]

Comparison of the aroma given off by coffee during the roasting process

with that of fresh-ground roasted coffee shows that the two aromas,

although somewhat different, may be attributed to the same substances

present in different proportions in the two cases. Recovery and

identification of the aromatic principles escaping from the roaster

would go far toward answering the question regarding the nature of the

aroma. Bernheimer[146] reported water, caffein, caffeol, acetic acid,

quinol, methylamin, acetone, fatty acids and pyrrol in the distillate

coming from roasting coffee. The caffeol obtained by Bernheimer in this

work was believed by him to be a methyl derivative of saligenin.

Jaeckle[147] examined a similar product and found considerable

quantities of caffein, furfurol, and acetic acid, together with small

amounts of acetone, ammonia, trimethylamin, and formic acid. The caffeol

of Bernheimer could not be detected. Another substance was separated

also, but in too small a quantity to permit complete identification.

This substance consisted of colorless crystals, which readily sublimed,

melted at 115° to 117° C., and contained sulphur. The crystals were

insoluble in water, almost insoluble in alcohol, but readily soluble in

ether.

By distilling roasted coffee with superheated steam, Erdmann[148]

obtained an oil consisting of an indifferent portion of 58 percent and

an acid portion of 42 percent, consisting mainly of a valeric acid,

probably alphamethylbutyric acid. The indifferent portion was found to

contain about 50 percent furfuryl alcohol, together with a number of

phenols. The fraction containing the characteristic odorous constituent

of coffee boiled at 93° C. under 13 mm. pressure. The yield of this

latter principle was extremely small, only about 0.89 gram being

procured from 65 kilos of coffee.

Pyridin was also shown to be present in coffee by Betrand and

Weisweiller[149] and by Sayre.[150] As high as 200 to 500 milligrams of

this toxic compound have been obtained from 1 kilogram of freshly

roasted coffee.

As stated above, the empyreumatic volatile aromatic constituents of the

coffee are without question formed during and by the roasting process.

According to Thorpe,[151] the most favorable temperature for development

of coffee odor and flavor is about 200° C. Erdmann claimed to have

produced caffeol by gently heating together caffetannic acid, caffein,

and cane sugar. Other investigators have been unable to duplicate this

work. Another authority,[152] giving it the empirical formula

C_8_H_10_O_2, states that it is produced during roasting, probably

at the expense of a portion of the caffein. These conceptions are in the

main incomplete and inaccurate.

By means of careful work, Grafe[153] came closer to ascertaining the

origin of the fugacious aromatic materials. His work with normal,

caffein-free coffee and with Thum's purified coffee led him to state

that a part of these substances was derived from the crude fiber,

probably from the hemi-cellulose of the thick endosperm cells.

Sayre[154] makes the most plausible proposal regarding the origin of

caffeol. He considers the roasting of coffee as a destructive

distillation process, summarizing the results, briefly, as the

production of furfuraldehyde from the carbohydrates, acrolein from the

fats, catechol and pyrogallol from the tannins, and ammonia, amins, and

pyrrols from the proteins. The products of roasting inter-react to

produce many compounds of varying degrees of complexity and toxicity.

The great difficulty which arises in the attempt to identify the

aromatic constituents of coffee is that the caffeols of no two coffees

may be said to be the same. The reason for this is apparent; for the

green coffees themselves vary in composition, and those of the same

constitution are not roasted under identical conditions. Therefore, it

is not to be expected that the decomposition products formed by the

action of the different greens would be the same. Also, these volatile

products occur in the roasted coffee in such a small amount that the

ascertaining of their percentage relationship and the recognition of all

that are present are not possible with the methods of analysis at

present at our disposal. Until better analytical procedures have been

developed we can not hope to establish a chemical basis for the grading

of coffees from this standpoint.

_Coffee Oil and Fat_

It is well to distinguish between the "coffee oils," as they are termed

by the trade, and true coffee oil. In speaking of the qualities of

coffee, connoisseurs frequently use erroneous terms, particularly when

they designate certain of the flavoring and aromatic constituents of

coffee as "oils" or "essential oils." Coffee does not contain any

essential oils, the aromatic constituent corresponding to essential oil

in coffee being caffeol, a complex which is water-soluble, a property

not possessed by any true oil. True, the oil when isolated from roasted

coffee does possess, before purification, considerable of the aromatic

and flavoring constituents of coffee. They are, however, no part of the

coffee fat, but are held in it no doubt by an enfleurage action in much

the same way that perfumes of roses, etc., are absorbed and retained by

fats and oils in the commercial preparation of pomades and perfumes.

This affinity of the coffee oil for caffeol assists in the retention of

aromatic substances by the whole roasted bean. However, upon extraction

of ground roasted coffee with water, the caffeol shows a preferential

solubility in water, and is dissolved out from the oil, going into the

brew.

The true oil of coffee has been investigated to a fair degree and has

been found to be inodorous when purified. Analysis of green and roasted

coffees shows them to possess between 12 percent and 20 percent fat.

Warnier[155] extracted ground unroasted coffee with petroleum ether,

washed the extract with water, and distilled off the solvent, obtaining

a yellow-brownish oil possessing a sharp taste. From his examination of

this oil he reported these constants: d_24-5, 0.942; refraction at

25°, 81.5; solidifying point, 6° to 5°; melting point, 8° to 9°;

saponification number, 177.5; esterification number, 166.7; acid number,

6.2; acetyl number, 0; iodin number, 84.5 to 86.3. Meyer and Eckert[156]

carefully purified coffee oil and saponified it with Li_2_O in alcohol.

In the saponifiable portion, glycerol was the only alcohol present, the

acids being carnaubic, 10 percent; daturinic acid, 1 to 1.5 percent;

palmitic acid, 25 to 28 percent; capric acid, 0.5 percent; oleic acid,

2 percent, and linoleic acid, 50 percent. The unsaponifiable wax

amounted to 21.2 percent, was nitrogen-free, gave a phytostearin

reaction, and saponification and oxidation indicated that it was

probably a tannol carnaubate. Von-Bitto[157] examined the fat extracted

from the inner husk of the coffee berry and found it to be faint yellow

in color, and to solidify only gradually after melting. Upon analysis,

it showed: saponification value, 141.2; palmitic acid, 37.84 percent,

and glycerids as tripalmitin, 28.03 percent.

_Carbohydrates of the Coffee Berry_

There has been considerable diversity of opinion regarding the sugar of

coffee. Bell believed the sugar to be of a peculiar species allied to

melezitose, but Ewell,[158] G.L. Spencer, and others definitely proved

the presence of sucrose in coffee. In fat-free coffee 6 percent of

sucrose was found extractable by 70 percent alcohol. Baker[159] claimed

that manno-arabinose, or manno-xylose, formed one of the most important

constituents of the coffee-berry substance and yielded mannose on

hydrolysis. Schultze and Maxwell state that raw coffee contains

galactan, mannan, and pentosans, the latter present to the extent of 5

percent in raw and 3 percent in roasted coffee. By distilling coffee

with hydrochloric acid Ewell obtained furfurol equivalent to 9 percent

pentose. He also obtained a gummy substance which, on hydrolysis, gave

rise to a reducing sugar; and as it gave mucic acid and furfurol on

oxidation, he concluded that it was a compound of pentose and galactose.

In undressed Mysore coffee Commaille[160] found 2.6 percent of glucose

and no dextrin. This claim of the presence of glucose in coffee was

substantiated by the work of Hlasiwetz,[161] who resolved a caffetannic

acid, which he had isolated, into glucose and a peculiar crystallizable

acid, C_8_H_8_O_4, which he named caffeic acid.

The starch content of coffee is very low. Cereals may readily be

detected and identified in coffee mixtures by the presence and

characteristics of their starch, in view of the fact that coffee

(chicory, too) is practically free from starch. On this score it is

inadvisable for diabetics to use any of the many cereal substitutes for

coffee. It is pertinent to note in this connection that persons

suffering from diabetes may sweeten their coffee with saccharin (1/2 to

1 grain per cup) or glycerol, thus obtaining perfect satisfaction

without endangering their health.

The cellulose in coffee is of a very hard and horny character in the

green bean, but it is made softer and more brittle during the process of

roasting. It is rather difficult to define under the microscope,

particularly after roasting, even though the chief characteristics of

the cellular tissue are more or less retained. Coffee cellulose gives a

blue color with sulphuric acid and iodin, and is dissolved by an

ammoniacal solution of copper oxid. Even after roasting, remnants of the

silver skin are always present, the structure of which, a thin membrane

with adherent, thick-walled, spindle-shaped, hollow cells, is peculiar

to coffee.

_The Chemistry of Roasting_

The effect of the heat in the roasting of coffee is largely evidenced as

a destructive distillation and also as a partial dehydration. At the

same time, oxidizing and reducing reactions probably occur within the

bean, as well as some polymerization and inter-reactions.

A loss of water is to be expected as the natural outcome of the

application of heat; and analyses show that the moisture content of raw

coffee varies from 8 to 14 percent, while after roasting it rarely

exceeds 3 percent, and frequently falls as low as 0.5 percent. The loss

of the original water content of the green bean is not the only moisture

loss; for many of the constituents of coffee, notably the carbohydrates,

are decomposed upon heating to give off water, so that analysis before

and after roasting is no direct indication of the exact amount of water

driven off in the process. If it be desired to ascertain this quantity

accurately, catching of the products which are driven off and

determination of their water content becomes necessary.

The carbohydrates both dehydrate and decompose. The result of the

dehydration is the formation of caramel and related products, which

comprise the principal coloring matters in coffee infusion. That portion

of the carbohydrates known as pentosans gives rise to furfuraldehyde,

one of the important components of caffeol.

The effect of roasting upon the fat content of the beans is to reduce

its actual weight, but not to change appreciably the percentage

present, since the decrease in quantity keeps pace fairly well with the

shrinkage. Some of the more volatile fatty acids are driven off, and the

fats break down to give a larger percentage of free fatty acids, some

light esters, acrolein, and formic acid. If the roast be a very heavy

one, or is brought up too rapidly, the fat will come to the surface,

through breaking of the fat cells, with a decided alteration in the

chemical nature of the fat and with pronounced expansion and cracking.

Decomposition of the caffein acid-salt and considerable sublimation of

the caffein also occur. The majority of the caffein undergoes this

volatilization unchanged, but a portion of it is probably oxidized with

the formation of ammonia, methylamin, di-methylparabanic acid, and

carbon dioxid. This reaction partly explains why the amount of caffein

recovered from the roaster flues is not commensurate with the amount

lost from the roasting coffee; although incomplete condensation is also

an important factor. Microscopic examination of the roasted beans will

show occasional small crystals of caffein in the indentations on the

surface, where they have been deposited during the cooling process.

The compound, or compounds, known as "caffetannic acid" are probably the

source of catechol, as the proteins are of ammonia, amins, and pyrrols.

The crude fiber and other unnamed constituents of the raw beans react

analogously to similar compounds in the destructive distillation of

wood, giving rise to acetone, various fatty acids, carbon dioxid and

other uncondensable gases, and many compounds of unknown identity.

During the course of roasting and subsequent cooling these decomposition

products probably interact and polymerize to form aromatic tar-like

materials and other complexes which play an important rôle among the

delicate flavors of coffee. In fact, it is not unlikely that these

reactions continue throughout the storage time after roasting, and that

upon them the deterioration of roasted coffee is largely dependent.

Speculation upon what complex compounds are thus formed offers much

attraction. A notable one by Sayre[162] postulates the reaction between

acrolein and ammonia to give methyl pyridin, which in turn with furfurol

forms furfurol vinyl pyridin. This upon reduction would produce the

alkaloid, conin, traces of which have been found in coffee.

Although furfuraldehyde is the natural decomposition product of

pentosans, furfuryl alcohol is the main furane body of coffee aroma.

This would indicate that active reducing conditions prevail within the

bean during roasting; and the further fact that carbon monoxid is given

off during roasting makes this seem quite probable. If one admits that

caffetannic acid exists in the green bean; that upon oxidation it gives

viridic acid; and that it is concentrated in the outer layers of the

bean, as certain investigators have claimed, then there is chemical

proof of the existence of oxidizing conditions about the exterior of the

bean. In any event, however, the fact that oxidizing conditions

predominate on the external portion of the bean is obvious. Accordingly,

our meager knowledge of the chemistry of roasting indicates that while

the external layers of the roasting beans are subjected to oxidizing

conditions, reducing ones exist in the interior. Future experimentation

will, no doubt, prove this to be the case.

Attempts have been made to retain in the beans the volatile products,

which normally escape, both by coating previous to roasting[163] and by

conducting the process under pressure.[164] However, the results so

obtained were not practical, since the cup values were decreased in the

majority of cases, and the physiological effects produced were

undesirable. In cases where the quality was improved, the gain was not

sufficient to recompense the roaster for the additional expense and

difficulty of operation.

Various persons have essayed to control the roasting process

automatically; but the extreme variance in composition of different

coffees, the effect of changing atmospheric conditions, and the lack of

constancy in the calorific power of fuels have conspired to defeat the

automatic roasting machine.[165] It is even doubtful whether De

Mattia's[166] process for roasting until the vapors evolved produce a

violet color when passed into a solution of fuchsin decolorized with

sulphur dioxid is commercially reliable.

Many patents have been granted for the treatment of coffees immediately

prior to or during roasting with the object of thus improving the

product. The majority of these depend upon adding solutions of

sugar,[167] calcium saccharate,[168] or other carbohydrates,[169] and in

the case of Eckhardt,[170] of small percentages of tannic acid and fat.

In direct opposition to this latter practise, Jurgens and Westphal[171]

apply alkali, ostensibly to lessen the "tannic acid" content.

Brougier[172] sprays a solution containing caffein upon the roasting

berries; and Potter[173] roasts the coffee together with chicory,

effecting a separation at the end.

[Illustration: GROUND COFFEE UNDER THE MICROSCOPE]

The exact effect which roasting with sugars has upon the flavor is not

well understood; but it is known that it causes the beans to absorb more

moisture, due to the hygroscopicity of the caramel formed. For instance,

berries roasted with the addition of glucose syrup hold an additional 7

percent of water and give a darker infusion than normally roasted

coffee. When the green coffee is glazed with cane sugar prior to

roasting, the losses during the process are much higher than ordinarily,

on account of the higher temperature required to attain the desired

results. Losses for ordinary coffee taken to a 16-percent roast are 9.7

percent of the original fat and 21.1 percent of the original caffein;

while for "sugar glazed" coffee the losses were 18.3 percent of the

original fat and 44.3 percent of the original caffein, using 8 to 9

percent sugar with Java coffee.

_Grinding and Packaging_

It is a curious fact that green coffee improves upon aging, whereas

after roasting it deteriorates with time. Even when packed in the best

containers, age shows to a disadvantage on the roasted bean. This is due

to a number of causes, among which are oxidation, volatilization of the

aroma, absorption of moisture and consequent hydrolysis, and alteration

in the character of the aromatic principles. Doolittle and Wright[174]

in the course of some extensive experiments found that roasted coffee

showed a continual gain in weight throughout 60 weeks, this gain being

mostly due to moisture absorption. An investigation by Gould[175] also

demonstrated that roasted coffee gives off carbon dioxid and carbon

monoxid upon standing. The latter, apparently produced during roasting

and retained by the cellular structure of the bean, diffuses therefrom;

whereas the former comes from an ante-roasting decomposition of unstable

compounds present.[176]

The surface of the whole bean forms a natural protection against

atmospheric influences, and as soon as this is broken, deterioration

sets in. On this account, coffee should be ground immediately before

extraction if maximum efficiency is to be obtained. The cells of the

beans tend to retain the fugacious aromatic principles to a certain

extent; so that the more of these which are broken in grinding, the

greater will be the initial loss and the more rapid the vitiation of the

coffee. It might, therefore, seem desirable to grind coarsely in order

to avoid this as much as possible. However, the coarser the grind, the

slower and more incomplete will be the extraction. A patent[177] has

been granted for a grind which contains about 90 percent fine coffee and

10 percent coarse, the patentee's claim being that in his "irregular

grind" the coarse coffee retains enough of the volatile constituents to

flavor the beverage, while the fine coffee gives a very high

extraction, thus giving an efficient brew without sacrificing

individuality.

In packaging roasted coffee the whole bean is naturally the best form to

employ, but if the coffee is ground first, King[178] found that

deterioration is most rapid with the coarse ground coffee, the speed

decreasing with the size of the ground particles. He explains this on

the ground of "ventilation"--the finer the grind, the closer the

particles pack together, the less the circulation of air through the

mass, and the smaller the amount of aroma which is carried away. He also

found that glass makes the best container for coffee, with the tin can,

and the foil-lined bag with an inner lining of glassine, not greatly

inferior.

Considerable publicity has been given recently to the method of packing

coffee in a sealed tin under reduced pressure. While thus packing in a

partial vacuum undoubtedly retards oxidation and precludes escape of

aroma from the original package, it would seem likely to hasten the

initial volatilizing of the aroma. Also, it would appear from

Gould's[179] work that roasted coffee evolves carbon dioxid until a

certain positive pressure is attained, regardless of the initial

pressure in the container. Accordingly, vacuum-packing apparently

enhances decomposition of certain constituents of coffee. Whether this

result is beneficial or otherwise is not quite clear.

_Brewing_

The old-time boiling method of making coffee has gone out of style,

because the average consumer is becoming aware of the fact that it does

not give a drink of maximum efficiency. Boiling the ground coffee with

water results in a large loss of aromatic principles by steam

distillation, a partial hydrolysis of insoluble portions of the grounds,

and a subsequent extraction of the products thus formed, which give a

bitter flavor to the beverage. Also, the maintenance of a high

temperature by the direct application of heat has a deleterious effect

upon the substances in solution. This is also true in the case of the

pumping percolator, and any other device wherein the solution is caused

to pass directly into steam at the point where heat is applied. Warm and

cold water extract about the same amount of material from coffee; but

with different rates of speed, an increase in temperature decreasing the

time necessary to effect the desired result.

It is a well known fact that re-warming a coffee brew has an undesirable

effect upon it. This is very probably due to the precipitation of some

of the water-soluble proteins when the solution cools, and their

subsequent decomposition when heat is applied directly to them in

reheating the solution. The absorption of air by the solution upon

cooling, with attendant oxidation, which is accentuated by the

application of heat in re-warming, must also be considered. It is

likewise probable that when an extract of coffee cools upon standing,

some of the aromatic principles separate out and are lost by

volatilization.

The method of extracting coffee which gives the most satisfaction is

practised by using a grind just coarse enough to retain the

individualistic flavoring components, retaining the ground coffee in a

fine cloth bag, as in the urn system, or on a filter paper, as in the

Tricolator, and pouring water at boiling temperature over the coffee.

During the extraction, a top should be kept on the device to minimize

volatilization, and the temperature of the extract should be maintained

constant at about 200° F. after being made. Whether a repouring is

necessary or not is dependent upon the speed with which the water passes

through the coffee, which in turn is controlled by the fineness of the

grind and of the filtering medium.

_The Water Extract_

Although many analyses of the whole coffee bean are available, but

little work has been reported upon the aqueous extracts. The total water

extract of roasted coffee varies from 20 to 31 percent in different

kinds of coffee. The following analysis of the extract from a Santos

coffee may be taken as a fair average example of the water-soluble

material.[180]

TABLE IV--ANALYSIS OF SANTOS COFFEE EXTRACT

(DRY BASIS)

Ether extract, fixed 1.06%

Total nitrogen 3.40%

Caffein 5.42%

Crude fiber 0.25%

Total ash 17.43%

Reducing sugar 2.70%

Caffetannic acid 15.33%

Protein 7.71%

It is difficult to make the trade terms, such as acidity, astringency,

etc., used in describing a cup of coffee, conform with the chemical

meanings of the same terms. However, a fair explanation of the cause of

some of these qualities can be made. Careful work by Warnier[181] showed

the actual acidities of some East India coffees to be:

TABLE V--ACIDITY OF SOME EAST INDIA COFFEES

Coffee from Acid Content

Sindjai 0.033%

Timor 0.028%

Bauthain 0.019%

Boengei 0.016%

Loewae 0.021%

Waloe Pengenten 0.018%

Kawi Redjo 0.015%

Palman Tjiasem 0.022%

Malang 0.013%

These figures may be taken as reliable examples of the true acid content

of coffee; and though they seem very low, it is not at all

incomprehensible that the acids which they indicate produce the acidity

in a cup of coffee. They probably are mainly volatile organic acids,

together with other acidic-natured products of roasting. We know that

very small quantities of acids are readily detected in fruit juices and

beer, and that variation in their percentage is quickly noticed, while

the neutralization of this small amount of acidity leaves an insipid

drink. Hence, it seems quite likely that this small acid content gives

to the coffee brew its essential acidity. A few minor experiments on

neutralization have proven that a very insipid beverage is produced by

thus treating a coffee infusion.

The body, or what might be called the licorice-like character, of

coffee, is due conceivably to the presence of bodies of a glucosidic

nature and to caramel. Astringency, or bitterness, is dependent upon the

decomposition products of crude fiber and chlorogenic acid, and upon the

soluble mineral content of the bean. The degree to which a coffee is

sweet-tasting or not is, of course, dependent upon its other

characteristics, but probably varies with the reducing sugar content.

Aside from the effects of these constituents upon cup quality, the

influence of volatile aromatic and flavoring constituents is always

evident in the cup valuation, and introduces a controlling factor in the

production of an individualistic drink.

_Coffee Extracts_

The uncertainty of the quality of coffee brews as made from day to day,

the inconvenience to the housewife of conducting the extraction, and the

inevitable trend of the human race toward labor-saving devices, have

combined their influences to produce a demand for a substance which will

give a good cup of coffee when added to water. This gave rise to a

number of concentrated liquid and solid "extracts of coffee," which,

because of their general poor quality, soon brought this type of product

into disrepute. This is not surprising; for these preparations were

mainly mixtures of caramel and carelessly prepared extracts of chicory,

roasted cereals, and cheap coffee.

Liquid extracts of coffee galore have appeared on the market only soon

to disappear. Difficulty is experienced in having them maintain their

quality over a protracted period of time, primarily due to the

hydrolyzing action of water on the dissolved substances. They also

ferment readily, although a small percentage of preservative, such as

benzoate of soda, will halt spoilage.[182]

So much trouble is not encountered with coffee-extract powders--the

so-called "soluble" or "instant" coffees. The majority of these powdered

dry extracts do, however, show great affinity for atmospheric moisture.

Their hygroscopicity necessitates packing and keeping them in air-tight

containers to prevent them running into a solid, slowly soluble mass.

The general method of procedure employed in the preparation of these

powders is to extract ground roasted coffee with water, and to evaporate

the aqueous solution to dryness with great care. The major difficulty

which seems to arise is that the heat needed to effect evaporation

changes the character of the soluble material, at the same time driving

off some volatile constituents which are essential to a natural flavor.

Many complex and clever processes have been developed for avoiding these

difficulties, and quite a number of patents on processes, and several on

the resultant product, have been allowed; but the commercial production

of a soluble coffee of freshly-brewed-coffee-duplicating-power is yet to

be accomplished. However, there are now on the market several

coffee-extract powders which dissolve readily in water, giving quite a

fair approximation of freshly brewed coffee. The improvement shown

since they first appeared augurs well for the eventual attainment of

their ultimate goal.

_Adulterants and Substitutes_

There would appear to be three reasons why substitutes for coffee are

sought--the high cost, or absence, of the real product; the acquiring of

a preferential taste, by the consumer, for the substitute; and the

injurious effects of coffee when used to excess. Makers of coffee

substitutes usually emphasize the latter reason; but many substitutes,

which are, or have been, on the market, seem to depend for their

existence on the other two. Properly speaking, there are scarcely any

real substitutes for coffee. The substances used to replace it are

mostly like it only in appearance, and barely simulate it in taste.

Besides, many of them are not used alone, but are mixed with real coffee

as adulterants.

The two main coffee substitutes are chicory and cereals. Chicory,

succory, _Cichorium Intybus_, is a perennial plant, growing to a height

of about three feet, bearing blue flowers, having a long tap root, and

possessing a foliage which is sometimes used as cattle food. The plant

is cultivated generally for the sake of its root, which is cut into

slices, kiln-dried, and then roasted in the same manner as coffee,

usually with the addition of a small proportion of some kind of fat. The

preparation and use of roasted chicory originated in Holland, about

1750. Fresh chicory[183] contains about 77 percent water, 7.5 gummy

matter, 1.1 of glucose, 4.0 of bitter extractive, 0.6 fat, 9.0

cellulose, inulin and fiber, and 0.8 ash. Pure roasted chicory[184]

contains 74.2 percent water-soluble material, comprised of 16.3 percent

water, 26.1 glucose, 9.6 dextrin and inulin, 3.2 protein, 16.4 coloring

matter, and 2.6 ash; and 25.8 percent insoluble substances, namely, 3.2

percent protein, 5.7 fat, 12.3 cellulose, and 4.6 ash. The effect of

roasting upon chicory is to drive off a large percentage of water,

increasing the reducing sugars, changing a large proportion of the

bitter extractives and inulin, and forming dextrin and caramel as well

as the characteristic chicory flavor.

The cereal substitutes contain almost every type of grain, mainly wheat,

rye, oats, buckwheat, and bran. They are prepared in two general ways,

by roasting the grains, or the mixtures of grains, with or without the

addition of such substances as sugar, molasses, tannin, citric acid,

etc., or by first making the floured grains into a dough, and then

baking, grinding, and roasting. Prior to these treatments, the grains

may be subjected to a variety of other treatments, such as impregnation

with various compounds, or germination. The effect of roasting on these

grains and other substitutes is the production of a destructive

distillation, as in the case of coffee; the crude fiber, starches, and

other carbohydrates, etc., being decomposed, with the production of a

flavor and an aroma faintly suggesting coffee.

The number, of other substitutes and imitations which have been employed

are too numerous to warrant their complete description; but it will

prove interesting to enumerate a few of the more important ones, such as

malt, starch, acorns, soya beans, beet roots, figs, prunes, date stones,

ivory nuts, sweet potatoes, beets, carrots, peas, and other vegetables,

bananas, dried pears, grape seeds, dandelion roots, rinds of citrus

fruits, lupine seeds, whey, peanuts, juniper berries, rice, the fruit of

the wax palm, cola nuts, chick peas, cassia seeds, and the seeds of any

trees and plants indigenous to the country in which the substitute is

produced.

Aside from adulteration by mixing substitutes with ground coffee, and an

occasional case of factitious molded berries, the main sophistications

of coffee comprise coating and coloring the whole beans. Coloring of

green and roasted coffees is practised to conceal damaged and inferior

beans. Lead and zinc chromates, Prussian blue, ferric oxid, coal-tar

colors, and other substances of a harmful nature, have been employed for

this purpose, being made to adhere to the beans with adhesives. As

glazes and coatings, a variety of substances have been employed, such as

butter, margarin, vegetable oils, paraffin, vaseline, gums, dextrin,

gelatin, resins, glue, milk, glycerin, salt, sodium bicarbonate,

vinegar, Irish moss, isinglass, albumen, etc. It is usually claimed that

coating is applied to retain aroma and to act as a clarifying agent; but

the real reasons are usually to increase weight through absorption of

water, to render low-grade coffees more attractive, to eliminate

by-products, and to assist in advertising.

METHODS OF ANALYSIS OF COFFEES[185]

(_Official and Tentative_)

(Sole responsibility for any errors in compilation or printing of

these methods is assumed by the author.)

GREEN COFFEE

1. _Macroscopic Examination--Tentative_

A macroscopic examination is usually sufficient to show the presence of

excessive amounts of black and blighted coffee beans, coffee hulls,

stones, and other foreign matter. These can be separated by hand-picking

and determined gravi-metrically.

2. _Coloring Matters--Tentative_

Shake vigorously 100 grams or more of the sample with cold water or 70

percent alcohol by volume. Strain through a coarse sieve and allow to

settle. Identify soluble colors in the solution and insoluble pigments

in the sediment.

ROASTED COFFEE

3. _Macroscopic Examination--Tentative_

Artificial coffee beans are apparent from their exact regularity of

form. Roasted legumes and lumps of chicory, when present in whole

roasted coffee, can be picked out and identified microscopically. In the

case of ground coffee, sprinkle some of the sample on cold water and

stir lightly. Fragments of pure coffee, if not over-roasted, will float;

while fragments of chicory, legumes, cereals, etc., will sink

immediately, chicory coloring the water a decided brown. In all cases

identify the particles that sink by microscopical examination.

4. _Preparation of Sample--Official_

Grind the sample to pass through a sieve having holes 0.5 mm. in

diameter and preserve in a tightly stoppered bottle.

5. _Moisture--Tentative_

Dry 5 grams of the sample at 105°--110°C. for 5 hours and subsequent

periods of an hour each until constant weight is obtained. The same

procedure may be used, drying _in vacuo_ at the temperature of boiling

water. In the case of whole coffee, grind rapidly to a coarse powder and

weigh at once portions for the determination without sifting and without

unnecessary exposure to the air.

6. _Soluble Solids--Tentative_

Place 4 grams of the sample in a 200-cc. flask, add water to the mark,

and allow the mass to infuse for eight hours, with occasional shaking;

let stand 16 hours longer without shaking, filter, evaporate 50 cc. of

filtrate to dryness in a flat-bottomed dish, dry at 100° C., cool and

weigh.

7. _Ash--Official_

Char a quantity of the substance, representing about 2 grams of the dry

material, and burn until free of carbon at a low heat, not to exceed

dull redness. If a carbon-free ash can not be obtained in this manner,

exhaust the charred mass with hot water, collect the insoluble residue

on a filter, burn till the ash is white or nearly so, and then add the

filtrate to the ash and evaporate to dryness. Heat to low redness, until

ash is white or grayish white, and weigh.

8. _Ash Insoluble in Acid--Official_

Boil the water-insoluble residue, obtained as directed under 9, or the

total ash obtained as directed under 7, with 25 cc. of 10-percent

hydrochloric acid (sp. gr. 1.050) for 5 minutes, collect the insoluble

matter on a Gooch crucible or an ashless filter, wash with hot water,

ignite and weigh.

9. _Soluble and Insoluble Ash--Official_

Heat 5 to 10 grams of the sample in a platinum dish of from 50 to 100

cc. capacity at 100° C. until the water is expelled, and add a few drops

of pure olive oil and heat slowly over a flame until swelling ceases.

Then place the dish in a muffle and heat at low redness until a white

ash is obtained. Add water to the ash, in the platinum dish, heat nearly

to boiling, filter through ash-free filter paper, and wash with hot

water until the combined filtrate and washings measure to about 60 cc.

Return the filter and contents to the platinum dish, carefully ignite,

cool and weigh. Compute percentages of water-insoluble ash and

water-soluble ash.

10. _Alkalinity of the Soluble Ash--Official_

Cool the filtrate from 9 and titrate with N/10 hydrochloric acid, using

methyl orange as an indicator.

Express the alkalinity in terms of the number of cc. of N/10 acid per 1

gram of the sample.

11. _Soluble Phosphoric Acid in the Ash--Official_

Acidify the solution of soluble ash, obtained in 9, with dilute nitric

acid and determine phosphoric acid (P_2_O_5). For percentages up to 5

use an aliquot corresponding to 0.4 gram of substance, for percentages

between 5 and 20 use an aliquot corresponding to 0.2 gram of substance,

and for percentages above 20 use an aliquot corresponding to 0.1 gram of

substance. Dilute to 75-100 cc., heat in a water-bath to 60°-65° C., and

for percentages below 5 add 20-25 cc. of freshly filtered molybdate

solution. For percentages between 5 and 20 add 30-35 cc. of molybdate

solution. For percentages greater than 20 add sufficient molybdate

solution to insure complete precipitation. Stir, let stand in the bath

for about 15 minutes, filter _at once_, wash once or twice with water by

decantation, using 25-30 cc. each time, agitate the precipitate

thoroughly and allow to settle; transfer to the filter and wash with

cold water until the filtrate from two fillings of the filter yields a

pink color upon the addition of phenolphthalein and one drop of the

standard alkali. Transfer the precipitate and filter to the beaker, or

precipitating vessel, dissolve the precipitate in a small excess of the

standard alkali, add a few drops of phenolphthalein solution, and

titrate with the standard acid.

12. _Insoluble Phosphoric Acid in the Ash--Official_

Determine phosphoric acid (P_2_O_5) in the Insoluble ash by the

foregoing method.

13. _Chlorides--Official_

Moisten 5 grams of the substance in a platinum dish with 20 cc. of a

5-percent solution of sodium carbonate, evaporate to dryness and ignite

as thoroughly as possible at a temperature not exceeding dull redness.

Extract with hot water, filter and wash. Return the residue to the

platinum dish and ignite to an ash; dissolve in nitric acid, and add

this solution to the water extract. Add a known volume of N/10 silver

nitrate in slight excess to the combined solutions. Stir well, filter

and wash the silver chloride precipitate thoroughly. To the filtrate and

washings add 5 cc. of a saturated solution of ferric alum and a few cc.

of nitric acid. Titrate the excess silver with N/10 ammonium or

potassium thiocyanate until a permanent light brown color appears.

Calculate the amount of chlorin.

14. _Caffein--The Fendler and Stüber Method--Tentative_

Pulverize the coffee to pass without residue through a sieve having

circular openings 1 mm. in diameter. Treat a 10-gram sample with 10

grams of 10-percent ammonium hydroxid and 200 grams of chloroform in a

glass-stoppered bottle and shake continuously by machine or hand for

one-half hour. Pour the entire contents of the bottle on a 12.5-cm.

folded filter, covering with a watch glass. Weigh 150 grams of the

filtrate into a 250-cc. flask and evaporate on the steam bath, removing

the last chloroform with a blast of air. Digest the residue with 80 cc.

of hot water for ten minutes on a steam bath with frequent shaking, and

let cool. Treat the solution with 20 cc. (for roasted coffee) or 10 cc.

(for unroasted coffee) of 1-percent potassium permanganate and let stand

for 15 minutes at room temperature. Add 2 cc. of 3-percent hydrogen

peroxid (containing 1 cc. of glacial acetic acid in 100 cc.). If the

liquid is still red or reddish, add hydrogen peroxid, 1 cc. at a time,

until the excess of potassium permanganate is destroyed. Place the flask

on the steam bath for 15 minutes, adding hydrogen peroxid in 0.5-cc.

portions until the liquid becomes no lighter in color. Cool and filter

into a separatory funnel, washing with cold water. Extract four times

with 25 cc. of chloroform. Evaporate the chloroform extract from a

weighed flask with aid of an air blast and dry at 100° C. to constant

weight (one-half hour is usually sufficient). Weigh the residue as

caffein and calculate on 7.5 grams of coffee. Test the purity of the

residue by determining nitrogen and multiplying by 3.464 to obtain

caffein.

15. _Caffein--Power-Chestnut Method--Official_

Moisten 10 grams of the finely powdered sample with alcohol, transfer to

a Soxhlet, or similar extraction apparatus, and extract with alcohol for

8 hours. (Care should be exercised to assure complete extraction.)

Transfer the extract with the aid of hot water to a porcelain dish

containing 10 grams of heavy magnesium oxid in suspension in 100 cc. of

water. (This reagent should meet the U.S.P. requirements.) Evaporate

slowly on the steam bath with frequent stirring to a dry, powdery mass.

Rub the residue with a pestle into a paste with boiling water. Transfer

with hot water to a smooth filter, cleaning the dish with a

rubber-tipped glass rod. Collect the filtrate in a liter flask marked at

250 cc. and wash with boiling water until the filtrate reaches the mark.

Add 10 cc. of 10-percent sulphuric acid and boil gently for 30 minutes

with a funnel in the neck of the flask. Cool and filter through a

moistened double paper into a separatory funnel and wash with small

portions of 0.5-percent sulphuric acid. Extract with six successive

25-cc. portions of chloroform. Wash the combined chloroform extracts in

a separatory funnel with 5 cc. of 1-percent potassium hydroxid solution.

Filter the chloroform into an Erlenmeyer flask. Wash the potassium

hydroxid with 2 portions of chloroform of 10 cc. each, adding them to

the flask together with the chloroform washings of the filter paper.

Evaporate or distil on the steam bath to a small volume (10-15 cc.),

transfer with chloroform to a tared beaker, evaporate carefully, dry for

30 minutes in a water oven, and weigh. The purity of the residue can be

tested by determining nitrogen and multiplying by the factor 3.464.

16. _Crude Fiber--Official_

Prepare solutions of sulphuric acid and sodium hydroxid of exactly

1.25-percent strength, determined by titration. Extract a quantity of

the substance representing about 2 grams of the dry material with

ordinary ether, or use residue from the determination of the ether

extract. To this residue in a 500-cc. flask add 200 cc. of boiling

1.25-percent sulphuric acid; connect the flask with a reflux condenser,

the tube of which passes only a short distance beyond the rubber stopper

into the flask, or simply cover a tall conical flask, which is well

suited for this determination, with a watch glass or short stemmed

funnel. Boil at once and continue boiling gently for thirty minutes. A

blast of air conducted into the flask may serve to reduce the frothing

of the liquid. Filter through linen, and wash with boiling water until

the washings are no longer acid; rinse the substance back into the flask

with 200 cc. of the boiling 1.25-percent solution of sodium hydroxid

free, or nearly so, of sodium carbonate; boil at once and continue

boiling gently for thirty minutes in the same manner as directed above

for the treatment with acid. Filter at once rapidly, wash with boiling

water until the washings are neutral. The last filtration may be

performed upon a Gooch crucible, a linen filter, or a tared filter

paper. If a linen filter is used, rinse the crude fiber, after washing

is completed, into a flat-bottomed platinum dish by means of a jet of

water; evaporate to dryness on a steam bath, dry to constant weight at

110° C., weigh, incinerate completely, and weigh again. The loss in

weight is considered to be crude fiber. If a tared filter paper is used,

weigh in a weighing bottle. In any case, the crude fiber after drying to

constant weight at 110° C., must be incinerated and the amount of the

ash deducted from the original weight.

17. _Starch--Tentative_

Extract 5 grams of the finely pulverized sample on a hardened filter

with five successive portions (10 cc. each) of ether, wash with small

portions of 95-percent alcohol by volume until a total of 200 cc. have

passed through, place the residue in a beaker with 50 cc. of water,

immerse the beaker in boiling water and stir constantly for 15 minutes

or until all the starch is gelatinized; cool to 55° C., add 20 cc. of

malt extract and maintain at this temperature for an hour. Heat again to

boiling for a few minutes, cool to 55° C., add 20 cc. of malt extract

and maintain at this temperature for an hour or until the residue

treated with iodin shows no blue color upon microscopic examination.

Cool, make up directly to 250 cc., and filter. Place 200 cc. of the

filtrate in a flask with 20 cc. of hydrochloric acid (sp. gr. 1.125);

connect with a reflux condenser and heat in a boiling water bath for 2.5

hours. Cool, nearly neutralize with sodium hydroxid solution, and make

up to 500 cc. Mix the solution well, pour through a dry filter and

determine the dextrose in an aliquot. Conduct a blank determination upon

the same volume of the malt extract as used upon the sample, and correct

the weight of reduced copper accordingly. The weight of the dextrose

obtained multiplied by 0.90 gives the weight of starch.

18. _Sugars--Tentative_

See original.[186]

19. _Petroleum Ether Extract--Official_

Dry 2 grams of coffee at 100° C., extract with petroleum ether (boiling

point 35° to 50° C.) for 16 hours, evaporate the solvent, dry the

residue at 100° C., cool, and weigh.

20. _Total Acidity--Tentative_

Treat 10 grams of the sample, prepared as directed under 4, with 75 cc.

of 80-percent alcohol by volume in an Erlenmeyer flask, stopper, and

allow to stand 16 hours, shaking occasionally. Filter and transfer an

aliquot of the filtrate (25 cc. in the case of green coffee, 10 cc. in

the case of roasted coffee) to a beaker, dilute to about 100 cc. with

water and titrate with N/10 alkali, using phenolphthalein as an

indicator. Express the result as the number of cc. of N/10 alkali

required to neutralize the acidity of 100 grams of the sample.

21. _Volatile Acidity--Tentative_

Into a volatile acid apparatus introduce a few glass beads, and over

these place 20 grams of the unground sample. Add 100 cc. of recently

boiled water to the sample, place a sufficient quantity of recently

boiled water in the outer flask and distil until the distillate is no

longer acid to litmus paper. Usually 100 cc. of distillate will be

collected. Titrate the distillate with N/10 alkali, using

phenolphthalein as an indicator. Express the result as the number of cc.

of N/10 alkali required to neutralize the acidity of 100 grams of the

sample.

UNOFFICIAL METHODS

22. _Protein_

Determine nitrogen in 3 grams of the sample by the Kjeldahl or Gunning

method. This gives the total nitrogen due to both the proteids and the

caffein. To obtain the protein nitrogen, subtract from the total

nitrogen the nitrogen due to caffein, obtained by direct determination

on the separated caffein or by calculation (caffein divided by 3.464

gives nitrogen). Multiply by 6.25 to obtain the amount of protein.

23. _Ten Percent Extract--McGill Method_

Weigh into a tared flask the equivalent of 10 grains of the dried

substance, add water until the contents of the flask weigh 110 grams,

connect with a reflux condenser and heat, beginning the boiling in 10 to

15 minutes. Boil for 1 hour, cool for 15 minutes, weigh again, making up

any loss by the addition of water, filter, and take the specific gravity

of the filtrate at 15° C.

According to McGill, a 10-percent extract of pure coffee has a specific

gravity of 1.00986 at 15° C., and under the same treatment chicory gives

an extract with a specific gravity of 1.02821. In mixtures of coffee and

chicory the approximate percentage of chicory may be calculated by the

following formula:

(1.02821 - sp. gr.)

Percent of chicory = 100 ------------------

0.01835

The index of refraction of the above solution may be taken with the

Zeiss immersion refractometer or with the Abbe refractometer.

With a 10-percent coffee extract, n_d 20° = 1.3377.

With a 10-percent chicory extract, n_d 20° = 1.3448.

Determinations of the solids, ash, sugar, nitrogen, etc., may be made in

the 10-percent extract, if desired.

24. _Caffetannic Acid--Krug's Method_[187]

Treat 2 grains of the coffee with 10 cc. of water and digest for 36

hours; add 25 cc. of 90-percent alcohol and digest 24 hours more,

filter, and wash with 90-percent alcohol. The filtrate contains tannin,

caffein, color, and fat. Heat the filtrate to the boiling point and add

a saturated solution of lead acetate. If this is carefully done, a

caffetannate of lead will be precipitated containing 49 percent of lead.

As soon as the precipitate has become flocculent, collect on a tared

filter, wash with 90-percent alcohol until free from lead, wash with

ether, dry and weigh. The precipitate multiplied by 0.51597 gives the

weight of the caffetannic acid.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XVIII

PHARMACOLOGY OF THE COFFEE DRINK

_General physiological action--Effect on children--Effect on

longevity--Behavior in the alimentary régime--Place in

dietary--Action on bacteria--Use in medicine--Physiological action

of "caffetannic acid"--Of caffeol--Of caffein--Effect of caffein on

mental and motor efficiency--Conclusions_

By Charles W. Trigg

Industrial Fellow of the Mellon Institute of Industrial Research,

Pittsburgh, 1916-1920

The published information regarding the effects of coffee drinking on

the human system is so contradictory in its nature that it is hazardous

to make many generalizations about the physiological behavior of coffee.

Most of the investigations that have been conducted to date have been

characterized by incompleteness and a failure to be sufficiently

comprehensive to eliminate the element of individual idiosyncrasy from

the results obtained. Accordingly, it is possible to select statements

from literature to the effect either that coffee is an "elixir of life,"

or even a poison.

This is a deplorable state of affairs, not calculated to promote the

dissemination of accurate knowledge among the consuming public, but it

may be partly excused upon the grounds that experimental apparatus has

not always been at the level of perfection that it now occupies. Also,

to do justice to some of the able men who have interested themselves in

this problem, it should be said that some of their results were obtained

in researches, distinguished by painstaking accuracy, which have

effected the establishment of the major reactions of ingested coffee.

_The Physiological Action of Coffee_

Drinking of coffee by mankind may be attributed to three causes: the

demand for, and the pleasing effects of, a hot drink (a very small

percentage of the coffee consumed is taken cold), the pleasing reaction

which its flavors excite on the gustatory nerve, and the stimulating

effect which it has upon the body. The flavor is due largely to the

volatile aromatic constituents, "caffeol," which, when isolated, have a

general depressant action on the system; and the stimulation is caused

by the caffein. The general and specific actions of these individual

components, together with that of the hypothetical "caffetannic acid,"

are considered under separate headings.

Coffee may be considered a member of the general class of adjuvant, or

auxiliary, foods to which other beverages and condiments of negligible

inherent food value belong. Its position on the average menu may be

attributed largely to its palatability and comforting effects. However,

the medicinal value of coffee in the dietary and _per se_ must not be

overlooked.

The ingestion of coffee infusion is always followed by evidences of

stimulation. It acts upon the nervous system as a powerful

cerebro-spinal stimulant, increasing mental activity and quickening the

power of perception, thus making the thoughts more precise and clear,

and intellectual work easier without any evident subsequent depression.

The muscles are caused to contract more vigorously, increasing their

working power without there being any secondary reaction leading to a

diminished capacity for work. Its action upon the circulation is

somewhat antagonistic; for while it tends to increase the rate of the

heart by acting directly on the heart muscle, it tends to decrease it by

stimulating the inhibitory center in the medulla.[188]

The effect on the kidneys is more marked, the diuretic effect being

shown by an increase in water, soluble solids, and of uric acid directly

attributable to the caffein content of the coffee taken. In the

alimentary tract coffee seems to stimulate the oxyntic cells and

slightly to increase the secretion of hydrochloric acid, as well as to

favor intestinal peristalsis. It is difficult to accept reports of

coffee accomplishing both a decrease in metabolism and an increase in

body heat; but if the production of heat by the demethylation of caffein

to form uric acid and a possible repression of perspiration by coffee be

considered, the simultaneous occurrence of these two physiological

reactions may be credited.

The disagreement of medical authorities over the physiological effects

of coffee is quite pronounced. This may be observed by a careful perusal

of the following statements made by these men. It will be noticed that

the majority opinion is that coffee in moderation is not harmful. Just

how much coffee a person may drink, and still remain within the limits

of moderation and temperance, is dependent solely upon the individual

constitution, and should be decided from personal experience rather than

by accepting an arbitrary standard set by some one who professes to be

an authority on the matter.

A writer in the _British Homeopathic Review_[189] says that "the

exciting effects of coffee upon the nervous system exhibit themselves in

all its departments as a temporary exaltation. The emotions are raised

in pitch, the fancies are lively and vivid, benevolence is excited, the

religious sense is stimulated, there is great loquacity.... The

intellectual powers are stimulated, both memory and judgment are

rendered more keen and unusual vivacity of verbal expression rules for a

short time." He continues:

Hahnemann gives a characteristically careful account of the coffee

headache. If the quantity of coffee taken be immoderately great and

the body be very excitable and quite unused to coffee, there occurs

a semilateral headache from the upper part of the parietal bone to

the base of the brain. The cerebral membranes of this side also

seem to be painfully sensitive, the hands and feet becoming cold,

and sweat appears on the brows and palms. The disposition becomes

irritable and intolerant, anxiety, trembling and restlessness are

apparent.... I have met with headaches of this type which yielded

readily to coffee and with many more in which the indicated remedy

failed to act until the use of coffee as a beverage was abandoned.

The eyes and ears suffer alike from the super-excitation of coffee.

There is a characteristic toothache associated with coffee.

In apparent contradiction of this opinion, Dr. Valentin Nalpasse,[190]

of the Faculty of Medicine of Paris, states:

When coffee is properly made and taken in moderation, it is a most

valuable drink. It facilitates the digestion because it produces a

local excitement. Its principal action gives clear and stable

imaginative power to the brain. By doing that, it makes

intellectual work easy, and, to a certain extent, regulates the

functions of the brain. The thoughts become more precise and clear,

and mental combinations are formed with much greater rapidity.

Under the influence of coffee, the memory is sometimes surprisingly

active, and ideas and words flow with ease and elegance.... Many

people abuse coffee without feeling any bad effect.

Discussing the use and abuse of coffee, I.N. Love[191] says:

The world has in the infusion of coffee one of its most valuable

beverages. It is a prompt diffusible stimulant, antiseptic and

encourager of elimination. In season it supports, tides over

danger, helps the appropriate powers of the system, whips up the

flagging energies, enhances the endurance; but it is in no sense a

food, and for this reason it should be used temperately.

Also Dr. Jonathan Hutchinson[192] makes the following weighty

pronouncement:

In reference to my suggestion to give children tea and coffee. I

may explain that it is done advisedly. There is probably no

objection to their use even at early ages. They arouse the dull,

calm the excitable, prevent headaches, and fit the brain for work.

They preserve the teeth, keep them tight in their place, strengthen

the vocal chords, and prevent sore throat. To stigmatize these

invaluable articles of diet as "nerve stimulants" is an erroneous

expression, for they undoubtedly have a right to rank as nerve

nutrients.

But Dr. Harvey Wiley[193] comes forth with evidence on the other side,

saying:

The effects of the excessive use of coffee, tea, and other natural

caffein beverages is well known. Although the caffein is combined

in these beverages naturally, and they are as a rule taken at meal

times, which mitigates the effects of the caffein, they are

recognized by every one as tending to produce sleeplessness, and

often indigestion, stomach disorders, and a condition which, for

lack of a better term, is described as nervousness.... The

excessive drinking of tea and coffee is acknowledged to be

injurious by practically all specialists.

Dr. V.C. Vaughn,[194] of the University of Michigan, speaking of tea and

coffee, expresses this opinion:

I believe that caffein used as a beverage and in moderation not

only is harmless to the majority of adults, but is beneficial.

This verdict is upheld by the results of a symposium[195] conducted by

the _Medical Times_, in which a large majority of the medical experts

participating, among whom may be enumerated Drs. Lockwood, Wood,

Hollingworth, Robinson, and Barnes, agreed that the drinking of coffee

is not harmful _per se_, but that over-indulgence is the real cause of

any ill effects. This is also true of any ingested material.

Insomnia is a condition frequently attributed to coffee, but that the

authorities disagree on this ground is shown by Wiley's[196] contention,

"We know beyond doubt that the caffein (in coffee) makes a direct attack

on the nerves and causes insomnia." While Woods Hutchinson[197]

observes:

Oddly enough, a cup of hot, weak tea or coffee, with plenty of

cream and sugar, will often help you to sleep, for the grateful

warmth and stimulus to the lining of the stomach, drawing the blood

into it and away from the head, will produce more soothing effects

than the small amount of caffein will produce stimulating and

wakeful ones.

The writer has often had people remark to him that while black coffee

sometimes kept them awake, coffee with cream or sugar or both made them

drowsy.

In the course of experiments conducted by Montuori and Pollitzer[198] it

was found that coffee prepared by hot infusion when given by mouth or

hypodermically with the addition of a small dose of alcohol proved an

efficient means of combating the pernicious effects of low temperatures.

Coffee prepared by boiling, and tea, showed negative effects.

The value of coffee as a strength-conserver, and its function of

increasing endurance, morale, and healthfulness, was demonstrated by the

great stress which the military authorities, in the late and in previous

wars, placed upon furnishing the soldiers with plenty of good coffee,

particularly at times when they were under the greatest strain. Various

articles[199] record this fact; and these statements are further borne

out by the data given below in the discussion of the physiological

effects of caffein, to which the majority of the stimulating effects of

coffee may be attributed.

According to Fauvel,[200] with a healthy patient on a vegetable diet,

chocolate and coffee increase the excretion of purins, diminishing the

excretion of uric acid and apparently hindering the precipitation of

uric acid in the organism. This diminution, however, was not due to

retention of uric acid in the organism.

"Habit-forming" is one of the adjectives often used in describing

coffee, but it is a fact that coffee is much less likely than alcoholic

liquors to cause ill effects. A man rarely becomes a slave of coffee;

and excessive drinking of this beverage never produces a state of moral

irresponsibility or leads to the commission of crime. Dr. J.W.

Mallet,[201] in testimony given before a Federal Court, stated that

caffein and coffee were not habit-forming in the correct sense of the

term. His definition of the expression is that the habit formed must be

a detrimental and injurious one--one which becomes so firmly fixed upon

a person forming it that it is thrown off with great difficulty and with

considerable suffering, continuous exercise of the habit increasing the

demand for the habit-forming drug. It is well known that the desire

ceases in a very short period of time after cessation of use of

caffein-containing beverages, so that in that sense, coffee is not

habit-forming.

[Illustration: MEN AND WOMEN LABORERS PICKING COFFEE ON A SÃO PAULO

ESTATE]

[Illustration: SACKING COFFEE IN A WAREHOUSE AT THE PORT OF SANTOS]

[Illustration: PICKING AND SACKING COFFEE IN BRAZIL]

It has been shown by Gourewitsch[202] that the daily administration of

coffee produces a certain degree of tolerance, and that the doses must

be increased to obtain toxic results. Harkness[203] has been quoted as

stating that "taken in moderation; coffee is one of the most wholesome

beverages known. It assists digestion, exhilarates the spirits, and

counteracts the tendency to sleep." Carl V. Voit,[204] the German

physiological chemist, says this about coffee:

The effect of coffee is that we are bothered less by unpleasant

experiences and become more able to conquer difficulties;

therefore, for the feasting rich, it makes intestinal work after a

meal less evident and drives away the deadly ennui; for the student

it is a means to keep wide awake and fresh; for the worker it makes

the day's fatigue more bearable.

Dr. Brady[205] believes that the so-called harmfulness of coffee is

mainly psychological, as evidenced by his expression, "Most of the

prejudice which exists against coffee as a beverage is based upon

nothing more than morbid fancy. People of dyspeptic or neurotic

temperament are fond of assuming that coffee must be bad because it is

so good, and accordingly, denying themselves the pleasure of drinking

it."

The recounting of evidence, both _pro_ and _con_, relevant to the

general effects of coffee could continue almost _ad infinitum_, but the

fairest unification of the various opinions is best quoted from Woods

Hutchinson[206]:

Somewhere from 1 to 3 percent of the community are distinctly

injured or poisoned by tea or coffee, even small amounts producing

burning of the stomach, palpitation of the heart, headache,

eruptions of the skin, sensations of extreme nervousness, and so

on; though the remaining 97 percent are not injured by them in any

appreciable way if consumed in moderation.

So, if one is personally satisfied that he belongs to the abnormal

minority, and has not been argued by fallacious reasoning into his

belief that coffee injures him, he should either reduce his consumption

of coffee or let it alone. Even those most vitally interested in the

commercial side of coffee will admit that this is the logical procedure.

_Effects of Coffee on Children_

The same sort of controversy has raged around the question of the

advisability of giving coffee to children as has occurred regarding its

general action. Dr. J. Hutchinson[207] advocates furnishing children

with coffee, while Dr. Charlotte Abbey[208] is strongly against such a

practise, claiming that use of caffein-containing beverages before the

attainment of full growth will weaken nerve power. Nalpasse[209]

observes that until fully developed the young are immoderately excited

by coffee; and Hawk[210] is of the opinion that to give such a stimulant

to an active school-child is both logically and dietetically incorrect.

Dr. Vaughn[211] advances this scientific argument against the drinking

of coffee by children under seven years of age:

In proportion to body weight the young contain more of the xanthin

bases than adults. They are already laden with these physiological

stimulants, and the additional dose given in tea or coffee may be

harmful.

In a study of the effects of coffee drinking upon 464 school children,

C.K. Taylor[212] found a slight difference in mental ability and

behavior, unfavorable to coffee. About 29 percent of these children

drank no coffee; 46 percent drank a cup a day; 12 percent, 2 cups; 8

percent, 3 cups; and the remainder, 4 or more cups a day. The

measurements of height, weight, and hand strength also showed a slight

advantage in favor of the non-coffee drinkers. If these results be taken

as truly representative, their indication is obvious. However, it seems

desirable to repeat these experiments upon other groups; at the same

time noting carefully the factors of environment, and other diet, before

any criterion is made.

As a refutation to this experimental evidence is the practical

experience of the inhabitants of the Island of Groix, off the Brittany

coast, whose annual consumption of coffee is nearly 30 pounds per

capita, being ingested both as the roasted bean and as an infusion. It

is reported that many of the children are nourished almost entirely on

coffee soup up to ten years of age, yet the mentality and physique of

the populace does not fall below that of others of the same stock and

educational opportunities.[213]

Pertinent in this connection is Hawk's[214] statement that young mothers

should refrain from the use of coffee, as caffein stimulates the action

of the kidneys and tends to bring about a loss from the body of some of

the salts necessary to the development of the unborn child as well as

for the proper production of milk during the nursing period. The caffein

of coffee also increases the flow of milk, but the milk produced is

correspondingly dilute and a later decreased secretion may be expected.

Furthermore, some of the caffein of the coffee may pass into the

mother's milk, thus reaching the child, so that the use of coffee during

the nursing period is undesirable on this ground also. Naturally, the

question arises as to whether this arraignment is purely theoretical or

based upon analytical and clinical data.

It is a difficult matter definitely to set an age below which coffee

should not be drunk, as the time of reaching maturity varies with

climate and ancestral origin. Yet, from a theoretical standpoint,

children before or during the adolescent period should be limited to the

use of a rather small amount of tea and coffee as beverages, as their

poise and nerve control have not reached a stage of development

sufficient to warrant the stimulation incident to the consumption of an

appreciable quantity of caffein.

_Coffee Drinking and Longevity_

There are many who would have us believe that the use of coffee is only

a means toward the end of quickly reaching the great beyond; but it is

known that the habitual coffee drinker generally enjoys good health, and

some of the longest-lived people have used it from their earliest youth

without any apparent injury to their health. Nearly every one has an

acquaintance who has lived to a ripe old age despite the use of coffee.

Quoting Metchnikoff[215]:

In some cases centenarians have been much addicted to the drinking

of coffee. The reader will recall Voltaire's reply when his doctor

described the grave harm that comes from the abuse of coffee, which

acts as a real poison. "Well", said Voltaire, "I have been

poisoning myself for nearly eighty years." There are centenarians

who have lived longer than Voltaire and have drunk still more

coffee. Elizabeth Durieux, a native of Savoy, reached the age of

114. Her principal food was coffee, of which she took daily as many

as forty small cups. She was jovial and a boon table companion, and

used black coffee in quantities that would have surprised an Arab.

Her coffee-pot was always on the fire, like the tea-pot in an

English cottage (Lejoncourt, p. 84; Chemin, p. 147).

The entire matter resolves itself into one of individual tolerance,

resistivity, and constitution. Numerous examples of young abstainers who

have died and coffee drinkers who have still lived on can be found, and

_vice versa_, the preponderance of instances being in neither direction.

Bodies of persons killed by accident have been painstakingly examined

for physiological changes attributable to coffee; but no difference

between those of coffee and of non-coffee drinkers (ascertained by

careful investigation of their life history) could be discerned.[216] In

the long run, it is safe to say that the effect of coffee drinking upon

the prolongation or shortening of life is neutral.

_Coffee in the Alimentary Tract_

When coffee is taken _per os_ it passes directly to the stomach, where

its sole immediate action is to dilute the previous contents, just as

other ingested liquids do. Eventually the caffein content is absorbed by

the system, and from thence on a stimulation is apparent. Considerable

conjecture has occurred over the difference in the effects of tea and

coffee, the most feasible explanation advanced being one appearing in

the London _Lancet_.[217]

The caffein tannate of tea is precipitated by weak acids, and the

presumption is that it is precipitated by the gastric juice and,

therefore, the caffein is probably not absorbed until it reaches

the alkaline alimentary tract. In the case of coffee, however, in

whatever form the caffein may be present, it is soluble in both

alkaline and acid fluids, and, therefore, the absorption of the

alkaloid probably takes place in the stomach.

This theory, if true, goes far toward explaining the more rapid

stimulation of coffee.

The statement has sometimes been made that milk or cream causes the

coffee liquid to become coagulated when it comes into contact with the

acids of the stomach. This is true, but does not carry with it the

inference that indigestibility accompanies this coagulation. Milk and

cream, upon reaching the stomach, are coagulated by the gastric juice;

but the casein product formed is not indigestible. These liquids, when

added to coffee, are partially acted upon by the small acid content of

the brew, so that the gastric juice action is not so pronounced, for the

coagulation was started before ingestion, and the coagulable

constituent, casein, is more dilute in the cup as consumed than it is in

milk. Accordingly, the particles formed by it in the stomach will be

relatively smaller and more quickly and easily digested than milk _per

se_. It has been observed that coffee containing milk or cream is not as

stimulating as black coffee. The writer believes that this is probably

due to mechanical inclusion of caffein in the casein and fat particles,

and also to some adsorption of the alkaloid by them. This would

materially retard the absorption of the caffein by the body, spread the

action over a longer period of time, and hence decrease the maximum

stimulation attained.

In a few instances, a small fraction of one percent of coffee users,

there is a certain type of distress, localized chiefly in the alimentary

tract, caused by coffee, which can not be blamed upon the much-maligned

caffein. The irritating elements may be generally classified as

compounds formed upon the addition of cream or milk to the coffee

liquor, volatile constituents, and products formed by hydrolysis of the

fibrous part of the grounds. It may be generally postulated that the

main causation of this discomfort is due to substances formed in the

incorrect brewing of coffee, the effect of which is accentuated by the

addition of cream or milk, when the condition of individual idiosyncrasy

is present.

Without enlarging upon his reason, Lorand[218] concludes that neither

tea nor coffee is advisable for weak stomachs. Nalpasse,[219] however,

believes that coffee taken after meals makes the digestion more perfect

and more rapid, augmenting the secretions, and that it agrees equally

well with people inclined to embonpoint and heavy eaters whose digestion

is slow and difficult. Thompson[220] also observes that coffee drunk in

moderation is a mild stimulant to gastric digestion.

Eder[221] reported, as the result of an inquiry into the action of

coffee on the activity of the stomachs of ruminants, that coffee

infusions produced a transitory increase in the number and intensity of

the movements of the paunch, but that the influence exercised was very

irregular.

An elaborate investigation of the action of tea and coffee on digestion

in the stomach was made by Fraser,[222] in which he found that both

retard peptic digestion, the former to a greater degree than the latter.

The digestion of white of egg, ham, salt beef, and roast beef was much

less affected than that of lamb, fowl, or bread. Coffee seemed actually

to aid the digestion of egg and ham. He attributed the retarding effect

to the tannic acid of the tea and the volatile constituents of the

coffee--the caffein itself favoring digestion rather than otherwise. Tea

increased the production of gas in all but salt foods, whereas coffee

did not. Coffee is, therefore, to be preferred in cases of flatulent

dyspepsia.

Hutchinson, in his _Food and Dietetics_, opines:

As regards the practical inferences to be drawn from experiences

and observations, it may be said that in health the disturbance of

digestion produced by the infused beverages (tea and coffee) is

negligible. Roberts, indeed, goes so far as to suggest that the

slight slowing of digestion which they produce may be favored

rather than otherwise, as tending to compensate for too rapid

digestibility which refinements of manufacture and preparation have

made characteristic of modern foods.

Regarding increase in secretory activity, Moore and Allanston[223]

report that in their experience meat extracts, tea, caffein solution,

and coffee call forth a greater gastric secretion than does water, while

with milk the flow of gastric juice seems to be retarded. Cushing[224]

and others support this statement. This action is partially explained by

Voit on the grounds that all tasty foods increase gastric secretion, the

action being partly psychological; but Cushing observed the same effects

upon introducing coffee directly into the stomachs of animals.

In general, a moderate amount of coffee stimulates appetite, improves

digestion and relieves the sense of plenitude in the stomach. It

increases intestinal peristalsis, acts as a mild laxative, and slightly

stimulates secretion of bile. Excessive use, however, profoundly

disturbs digestive function, and promotes constipation and

hemorrhoids.[225] There is much evidence to support the view that

"neither tea, coffee, nor chicory in dilute solutions has any

deleterious action on the digestive ferments, although in strong

solutions such an action may be manifest."[226] After conducting

exhaustive experiments with various types of coffee, Lehmann[227]

concluded that ordinary coffee is without effect on the digestion of the

majority of sound persons, and may be used with impunity.

_Coffee in the Dietary--Food Value_

There are three things to be considered in deciding upon the inclusion

of a substance in the dietary--palatability, digestibility without

toxicity or disarrangement, and calorific value. Coffee is as

satisfactory from these viewpoints as any other food product.

The palatability of a well-made cup of good coffee needs no eulogizing;

it speaks for itself. It adds enormously to the attractiveness of the

meal, and to our ability to eat with relish and appetite large amounts

of solid foods, without a subsequent uncomfortable feeling. Wiley[228]

says that the feeling of drowsiness after a full meal is a natural

condition incidental to the proper conduct of digestion, and that to

drive away this natural feeling with coffee must be an interference with

the normal condition. However, if by so doing, we can increase our

over-all efficiency without material harm to our digestive organs (and

we can and do), the procedure has much in its favor both psychologically

and dietetically.

The fact that coffee favors digestion without eventual disarrangement

has been demonstrated above. On the subject of the relative agreement

with the constitution of foods of daily consumption, Dr. English[229]

said:

It is well known that there is no species of diet which invariably

suits all constitutions, nor will that which is palatable and

salutary at one time be equally palatable and salutary at another

time to the same individual. I think the most natural food provided

for us is milk; yet I will engage to show twenty instances where

milk disagrees more than coffee.

Further in this regard, Hutchinson[230] considers that ninety percent of

the "dyspepsias" attributed to coffee are due to malnutrition, or to

food simultaneously ingested, no disease known to the medical profession

being directly attributable to it.

No one cognizant of the facts will contend that a cup of black coffee

has any direct food value; but not so with the roasted bean. This has

quite an appreciable content of protein and fat, both substances of high

calorific value. The inhabitants of the Island of Groix eat the whole

roasted coffee bean in considerable quantity, and seem to obtain

considerable nourishment therefrom. Also, the Galla, a wandering tribe

of Africa, make large use of food balls, about the size of billiard

balls, consisting of pulverized coffee held in shape with fat. One ball

is said to contain a day's ration; and, because of its food content and

stimulating power, serves to sustain them on long marches of days'

duration.

When an infusion, or decoction, of roasted coffee is made, about 1.25

percent of the extracted matter is protein, it being accompanied by

traces of dextrin and sugar. The same dearth of extraction of food

materials occurs upon infusing coffee substitutes. This small amount can

have but little dietetic significance. However, upon addition of sugar

and of milk or cream, with their content of protein, fat, and lactose,

the calorific value of the cup of coffee rises. Lusk and Gephart[231]

give the food value of an ordinary restaurant cup of coffee as 195.5

calories, and Locke[232] gives it as 156.

Mattei[233] found that 8 cc. of an infusion of roasted Mocha coffee of

five-percent strength suppressed incipient polyneuritis in pigeons

within a few hours' time. Their weight did not improve, but otherwise

they were completely restored to health. However, in from four to six

weeks after the apparent cure, the symptoms rapidly returned and the

pigeons perished, with symptoms of paralysis and cerebral complications.

The temporary cure was probably due to caffein stimulation and secondary

actions of the volatile constituents of coffee, which may be related to

the vitamines; for it is not likely that the vitamines would withstand

the heat of roasting. If B-vitamine does occur in roasted coffee, it is

present only in traces.[234]

The inclusion of coffee in the average dietary is warranted because of

its evident worth as an aid to digestion and for its assimilating power,

thus earning its characterization as an "adjuvant food."

_Action of Coffee on Bacteria_

The employment of coffee as an aid to sanitation has been but little

considered. Coffee, when freshly roasted and ground, is deodorant,

antiseptic, and germicidal, probably due to the empyreumatic products

developed during the process of roasting. An infusion of 0.5 percent

inhibits the growth of many pathogenic organisms, and those of 10

percent kill anthrax bacteria in three hours, cholera spirilla in four

hours, and many other bacteria, including those producing typhoid, in

two to six days.[235]

The maintenance of a low rate of contraction of typhoid fever has often

been attributed to drinking of coffee instead of water, the action of

the coffee being partly due to the bactericidal effect of the caffeol

and partly to the boiling of the water before infusion. The stimulating

tendency of the caffein to sustain and to "tide over" those of low

vitalities is also evidenced.

_Use of Coffee in Medicine_

Coffee has been employed in medicinal practise as a direct specific, as

a preventive, and as an antidote. The _United States Dispensatory_[236]

summarizes the uses of caffein and coffee as follows:

Caffein is a valuable remedy in practical medicine as a cerebral

and cardiac stimulant and as a diuretic. In undue _somnolence_, in

_nervous headache_, in _narcotism_, also, at times when the

exigencies of life require excessively prolonged wakefulness,

caffein may be used as the most powerful agent known for producing

wakefulness. In a series of experiments, J. Hughes Bennett found

that within narrow limits there is a direct physiological

antagonism between caffein and morphine. Coffee and caffein in

narcotic poisoning are of value as a means of keeping the patient

awake, and of stimulating the respiratory centres.

As a cardiac stimulant, caffein may be used in any form of heart

failure; the indications for its use are those which call for the

employment of digitalis. It is superior to digitalis in never

disagreeing with the stomach, in having no distinctive cumulative

tendency, and in the promptness of its action. It is pronouncedly

inferior to digitalis in the power and certainty of its action, and

in the permanence of its influence once asserted. As a diuretic it

is superior; it is very valuable in the treatment of _cardiac

dropsies_, and is often useful in _chronic Bright's disease_ when

there is no irritation of the kidneys.

On account of its tendency to produce wakefulness, it is usually

better to mass the doses early in the day, at least six hours being

left between the last dose and the ordinary time for sleep. From

eight to fifteen grams (of caffein) may be given in the course of a

day in severe cases. If tried, it would probably prove a useful

drug in cases of _sudden collapse_ from various causes.

Good effects of coffee are recounted by Thompson.[237]

It removes the sensation of fatigue in the muscles, and increases

their functional activity; it allays hunger to a limited extent; it

strengthens the heart action; it acts as a diuretic, and increases

the excretion of urea; it has a mildly sudorific influence; it

counteracts nervous exhaustion and stimulates nerve centers. It is

used sometimes as a nervine in cases of migraine, and there are

many persons who can sustain prolonged mental fatigue and strain

from anxiety and worry much better by the use of strong black

coffee. In low delirium, or when the nervous system is overcome by

the use of narcotics or by excessive hemorrhage, strong black

coffee is serviceable to keep the patient from falling into the

drowsiness which soon merges into coma. In such cases as much as

half a pint of strong black coffee may be injected into the rectum.

Strong coffee with a little lemon juice or brandy is often useful

in overcoming a malarial chill or a paroxysm of asthma. It is a

useful temporary cardiac stimulant for children suffering collapse.

Dr. Restrepo,[238] of Medellin, Colombia, claims to have cured many

cases of chronic malaria and related diseases with infusion of green

coffee, after quinine had failed. Wallace[239] states that tincture of

green coffee is a natural and efficacious specific for cholera, and that

she knows of more than a thousand eases of cholera and diarrhea which

have been treated with it without an isolated case of failure.

Landanabileo has been quoted as using raw coffee infusion in hepatic and

nephritic diseases, venal and hepatic colics, and in diabetes.

In the Civil War, surgeons utilized coffee in allaying malarial fever

and other maladies with which they had to contend, often under the most

trying conditions, and with severely limited means of combating

disease.[240] Its effect is to counteract the depressant action of low

and miasmatic atmospheres, opening the secretions which they have

checked. Travelers from the colder climes soon find that the fragrant

cup of coffee is a corrective to derangements of the liver resulting

from climatic conditions.[241]

Dr. Guillasse, of the French Navy, in a paper on typhoid fever, says:

Coffee has given us unhoped for satisfaction, and after having

dispensed it we find, to our great surprise, that its action is as

prompt as it is decisive. No sooner have our patients taken a few

tablespoonfuls of it, than their features become relaxed and they

come to their senses. The next day the improvement is such that we

are tempted to look upon coffee as a specific against typhoid

fever. Under its influence the stupor is dispelled, and the patient

arouses from the state of somnolency in which he has been since

the invasion of the disease. Soon all the functions take their

natural course, and he enters upon convalescence.[242]

Also it has been reported that in extreme cases of yellow fever, coffee

has been used most effectively by many physicians as the main reliance

after all other well known remedies have been administered and failed.

According to Lorand,[243] the use of coffee in gout is strictly

prohibited by Umber and Schittenhelm; but he considered it a mistake

absolutely to forbid coffee, as, when a person has good kidneys, the

small amount of uric acid furnished by the caffein can readily be

eliminated. A curious remedy for gout and rheumatism, the efficacy of

which the writer scouts, is said to be[244]--a pint of hot, strong,

black coffee, which must be perfectly pure, and seasoned with a

teaspoonful of pure black pepper, thoroughly mixed before drinking, and

the preparation taken just before going to bed. If this has any value,

it is probably purely psychological in its function.

Several writers[245] attribute amblyopia and other affections of the

sight to coffee and chicory, without giving much conclusive experimental

data. Beer,[246] a Vienna oculist, however, held that the vapor from

pure, hot, freshly-made coffee is beneficial to the eyes.

Coffee and caffein are physiologically antagonistic to the common

narcotics, nicotine, morphine, opium, alcohol, etc., and are frequently

used as antidotes for these poisons. Binz found that dogs that have been

stupified with alcohol could be awakened with coffee. It may thus be

prescribed for hard drinkers to counteract the baleful excitability

produced by alcohol; in fact, many topers taper off after a long debauch

with coffee containing small amounts of alcoholic beverages. Considering

its ability to counteract the slow intoxication of tobacco, it may be

inferred that coffee is indispensable for hard smokers.

In general, the medicinal value of coffee may be said to be directly

attributable to its caffein content, although its antiseptic properties

are dependent upon the volatile aromatic constituents. Its function is

to raise and to sustain vitalities which have been lowered by disease or

drugs. Although some of the cures attributed to it are probably purely

traditional; still, it must be admitted, that by utilizing its

stimulating qualities in many illnesses the patient may be carried past

the danger point into convalescence.

_Physiological Action of "Caffetannic Acid_"

It has been demonstrated in chapter XVII that there is no definite

compound "caffetannic acid," and that the heterogeneous material

designated by this name does not possess the properties of tanning.

Further substantiation of this contention, and more evidence of the

innocuous character of the tannin-like compounds in coffee, are

contained in the testimony of Sollmann.[247] "Tannins precipitate

proteins, gelatine, and connective tissue, and thus act as astringents,

styptics, and antiseptics. The different tannins are not equivalent in

these respects. Some (which are perhaps misnamed) such as those of

coffee and ipecac, are practically non-precipitant.... On the whole, one

may say that the small quantities of tannin ordinarily taken with the

food and drink are not injurious, but that large quantities (excessive

tea drinking) are certainly deleterious. The tannin of coffee is

scarcely astringent, and, therefore, lacks this action," which is proven

by the fact that it does not precipitate proteins.

"It has been claimed that 'caffetannic acid' injures the stomach walls,

but there is no evidence that this is so."[248] Wiley,[249] in reporting

some of his experiments, says: "Apparently the efforts to saddle the

injurious effects of coffee-drinking upon caffetannic acid in any form

in which it may exist in the coffee-extract are not supported by these

recent data." The fact that tannins retard intestinal peristalsis,

whereas coffee promotes this digestive action, lends further proof to

the non-existence of tannin in coffee. These statements by eminent

authorities may be consolidated into the verity that there is no tannin,

in the true sense of the term, in coffee; and that the constituents of

the coffee brew which have been so designated are physiologically

harmless.

_Physiological Action of Caffeol_

The evidence regarding the physiological action of caffeol is

contradictory in many cases. J. Lehmann found in 1853, that the

"empyreumatic oil of coffee, _caffeone_," is active; but more recent

investigations have yielded results at variance with this. Hare and

Marshall[250] believe that they proved it to be active. E.T.

Reichert,[251] however, found it inactive in dogs, excepting in so far

that, when given intravenously, it mechanically interfered with the

circulation. With it Binz[252] was able to produce in man only feeble

nervous excitement, with restlessness and increase in the rate and depth

of respirations.

The general effects, as summated by Sollmann[253] are, for _small

doses_, pleasant stimulation; increased respiration; increased heart

rate, but fall of blood pressure; muscular restlessness; insomnia;

perspiration; congestion; for _large doses_, increased peristalsis and

defecation; depression of respiration and heart; fall of blood pressure

and temperature; paralytic phenomena. It is doubtful whether the

quantities taken in the beverage cause any direct central stimulation.

Investigations have also been conducted with the various known

constituents of this "coffee oil." Erdmann[254] found that in doses of

between 0.5 and 0.6 gram per kilo of body weight, furane-alcohol kills a

rabbit by respiratory paralysis; and that the symptoms of poisoning are

a short primary excitement, salivation, diarrhea, respiratory

depression, continuous fall of the body temperature, and death from

collapse with respiratory failure. In man, doses of from 0.6 to 1 gram

of furane-alcohol increased respiratory activity without producing other

symptoms.

However, man is not as susceptible to these compounds as are the smaller

animals. But even if their relative susceptibility be assumed to be the

same, the lethal dose given the rabbit is equivalent to giving a

140-pound man one dose containing the furane-alcohol content of over

5,000 cups of coffee. Thus, in view of the very apparent minuteness of

the quantity of this compound present in one cup of coffee, together

with the fact that it is not cumulative in its physiological action, the

importance of its toxic properties becomes very inconsequential to even

the most profuse and inveterate coffee drinkers.

Burmann[255] reported the volatile principle to have a reducing action

on the hemoglobin; a depressing effect on the blood pressure; a

depressant action on the central nervous system, disturbing the cardiac

rhythm; and an action on the respiratory centers, causing dyspnea. The

report of Sayre[256] regarding the minimum lethal dose of the

concentrated combined active principles of coffee obtained from dry

distillation is, for frogs, administered intraperitoneally and

subcutaneously, 0.03 cubic centimeters per gram of body weight; for

guinea pigs per stomach, 7.0 cc. per kilogram of body weight, and

administered intravenously and intraperitoneally, about 1.0 cc. per

kilogram.

This evidence regarding the physiological action of caffeol can not in

any wise be construed to indicate a harmfulness of coffee. The

percentage of these volatile substances in a cup of coffee infusion is

so low as to be relatively negligible in its action. And, again, the

caffein content of the brew, as will be seen, tends to counteract any

possible desultory effects of the caffeol.

_General Physiological Action of Caffein_

More attention has been given to the study of the physiological action

of caffein than to that of the other individual constituents of coffee.

Since certain of the effects of coffee drinking have been attributed to

this alkaloid, a brief presentment of the pharmacology of caffein will

be given as an exposition of the many statements made regarding it.

According to the _British Pharmaceutical Codex_[257]:

Caffein exerts three important actions: (1) on the central nervous

system: (2) on muscles, including cardiac: and (3) on the kidney.

The action on the central nervous system is mainly on that part of

the brain connected with psychical functions. It produces a

condition of wakefulness and increased mental activity. The

interpretation of sensory impressions is more perfect and correct,

and thought becomes clearer and quicker. With larger doses of

caffein the action extends from the psychical areas to the motor

area and to the cord, and the patient becomes at first restless and

noisy, and later may show convulsive movements.

Caffein facilitates the performance of all forms of physical work,

and actually increases the total work which can be obtained from

muscle. On the normal man, however, it is impossible to say how

much of the action on the muscle is central and how much

peripheral, but, as fatigue shows itself first by an action on the

center, it is probable that the action of caffein in diminishing

fatigue is mainly central. Caffein accelerates the pulse and

slightly raises blood pressure. It has no action in any way

resembling digitalis; by increasing the irritability of the cardiac

muscle, its prolonged use rather tends to fatigue than to rest the

heart.

Caffein and its allies form a very important group of diuretics.

The urine is generally of a lower specific gravity than normal,

since it contains a lesser proportion of salt and urea; but the

total excretion of solids, both as regards urea, uric acid, and

salts, is increased. Caffein, by exciting the medulla, produces an

initial vaso-constriction of the kidneys, which tends at first to

retard the flow of urine. So in recent years, other drugs have been

introduced, allies of caffein, which act like it on the kidneys,

but are without the stimulant action on the brain. Theobromine is

such a drug.

Another authority states that[258]:

One of the most constant symptoms produced in man by over-doses of

caffein is excessive diuresis, and experiments made upon the lower

animals show that caffein acts as a diuretic not only by

influencing the circulation, but also by directly affecting the

secreting cells, the probabilities being in favor of the first of

these theories of action. According to Schroeder, not only the

water but also the solids of the urine are increased.

The question whether caffein has an influence upon tissue changes

and the consequent nitrogenous elimination can not be considered as

distinctly answered, though the most probable conclusion is that

the action of caffein upon urea elimination and upon general

nutrition is not direct or pronounced. While the therapeutic dose

of caffein is broken up in the body with the formation of

methylxanthin, which escapes with the urine, the toxic dose is at

least in part eliminated by the kidney unchanged.

The metabolism of the methyl purins, of which group caffein is a member,

appears to vary with the quantity ingested. The manner in which the

methyl group is liberated by the cell protoplasm is said[259] to

determine the amount of stimulus which the tissues receive from these

substances. The xanthin group is almost without any excitatory action,

and its metabolic end products are constant. Perhaps the variation in

the excretions of unchanged methylpurins is dependent upon the amount of

total reactive energy they invoke.

Baldi[260] found that caffein in small doses increases muscular

excitability in dogs and frogs. The spinal and muscular hyperic

excitability produced by caffein is, in his opinion, due to the methyl

groups attached to the xanthin nucleus. Fredericq[261] states that

caffein increases the irritability of the cardiac vagus and accelerates

the appearance of pseudofatigue of the vagus which is produced by

prolonged stimulation of the nerve. The action of caffein on the

mammalian heart has also been investigated by Pilcher,[262] who found

that, following the rapid intravenous injection of caffein, there is an

acute fall of blood pressure; and with a maximal quantity of caffein, 10

milligrams per kilogram, the cardiac volume and the amplitude of the

excursions are usually unchanged. With larger quantities, the volume

progressively increases and the amplitude of the excursion decreases.

Salant[263] found that the intravenous injection of 15 to 25 milligrams

of caffein per kilogram in animals was followed by a fall of blood

pressure amounting to 7 to 35 percent in most cases, which was

transitory, although in some animals it remained unchanged. A moderate

rise was rarely observed. Caffein aids the action of nitrates,

acetanilid, ethyl alcohol and amyl alcohol, and increases the toxicity

of barium chloride. In a very thorough study of the toxicity of caffein

which he made with Reiger,[264] a greater toxicity of about 15 to 20

percent by subcutaneous injection than by mouth, and but about one-half

this when injected peritoneally, was found. Intramuscularly the toxicity

is 30 percent greater than subcutaneously. In making the tests on

animals, they found that individuality, season, age, species, and

certain pathological conditions caused variation in the toxic effect of

the administered caffein. Low protein diet tends to decrease resistance

to caffein in dogs, and a milk or meat diet does the same for growing

dogs. Caffein is not cumulative for the rabbit or dog.

As a result of experiments on the action of caffein on the bronchiospasm

caused by peptone (Witte), silk peptone, B-imidoazolyl-ethylamin,

curare, vasodilation, and mucarin, Pal[265] concluded that caffein

stimulates certain branches of the peripheral sympathetic and is thus

enabled to widen the bronchi or remove bronchiospasm.

According to Lapicque[266], caffein produces a change in the

excitability of the medulla of the frog similar to that produced by

raising the temperature of the nerve centers. Schürhoff[267] has

pointed out that the continued use of large quantities of caffein will

produce cardiac irregularity and sleeplessness.

Cochrane[268] cited three cases where caffein was hypodermically

administered in cases of acute indigestion, etc., and concluded that the

cases prove that caffein, or a compound containing it as a synergist,

does indirectly make the injection of morphia a safe proceeding, and

directly increases the force of the heart and arterial tension. However,

Wood[269] found that medium doses of caffein do not produce any marked

rise in blood pressure, and cause a reduction in pulse rate. He

attributes the contradictory results which prior investigations gave, to

employment of unusually large doses and to inaccurate experimental

methods.

Caffein was found by Nonnenbruch and Szyszka[270] to have a slight

action toward accelerating the coagulation time of the blood, being

active over several hours. It inhibits coagulation _in vitrio_. Its

action in the body apparently rests on an increase of the fibrin

ferment. There is no reason to believe that the behavior is dependent on

a toxic action, but there is probably an action on the spleen; for in

several rabbits from which the spleen was removed, no action was

observed.

Experiments conducted by Levinthal[271] gave no positive information as

to the formation of uric acid from caffein in the human organism. The

elimination of caffein has also been studied by Salant and Reiger[272],

who found that larger amounts of caffein are demethylated in carnivora

than in herbivora, and resistance to caffein is inversely as

demethylation, caffein being much more toxic in the former class. In a

similar investigation, Zenetz[273] observed that caffein is very

slightly eliminated from the system by the kidneys, and that its action

on the heart is cumulative; therefore he concludes that it is

contra-indicated in all renal diseases, in arterio-sclerosis, and in

cardiac affections secondary to them. The inaccuracy of these

conclusions regarding the non-elimination of caffein and those of

Albanese,[274] Bondzynski and Gottlieb[275], Leven[276],

Schurtzkwer[277], and Minkowski[278], has been shown by Mendel and

Wardell[279], who point out that many of these experimenters worked with

dogs, in which the chief end-product of purin metabolism is not uric

acid, but allantoin. They observe that the increase in excretion of uric

acid after the addition of caffein to the diet seems to be proportional

to the quantity of caffein taken, and equivalent to from 10 to 15

percent of the ingested caffein. The remainder of the caffein is

probably eliminated as mono-methylpurins.

Regarding the alleged cumulative action of caffein, Pletzer[280],

Liebreich,[281] Szekacs[282], Pawinski,[283] and Seifert[284] all

concluded from their investigations that the action of caffein is

usually of brief duration, and does not have a cumulative effect,

because of its rapid elimination; so that there is no danger of

intoxication.

Dr. Oswald Schmiedeberg says:

Caffein is a means of refreshing bodily and mental activity, so

that this may be prolonged when the condition of fatigue has

already begun to produce restraint, and to call for more severe

exertion of the will, a state which, as is well known, is painful

or disagreeable.

This advantageous effect, in conditions of fatigue, of small

quantities of caffein, as it is commonly taken in coffee or tea,

might, however, by continued use become injurious, if it were in

all cases necessarily exerted; that is to say, if by caffein the

muscles and nerves were directly spurred on to increased activity.

This is not the case, however, and just in this lies the

peculiarity of the effect in question. The muscles and the

simultaneously-acting nerves only under the influence of caffein

respond more easily to the impulse of the will, but do not develop

spontaneous activity; that is, without the co-operation of the

will.

The character of caffein action makes plain that these food

materials do not injure the organism by their caffein content, and

do not by continued use cause any chronic form of illness.

According to Dr. Hollingworth's[285] deductions, caffein is the only

known stimulant that quickens the functions of the human body without a

subsequent period of depression. His explanation for this behavior is

that "caffein acts as a lubricator for the nervous system, having an

actual physical action whereby the nerves are enabled to do their work

more easily. Other stimulants act on the nerves themselves, causing a

waste of energy, and consequently, according to nature's law, a period

of depression follows, and the whole process tends to injure the human

machine." In not a single instance during his experiments at Columbia

University did depression follow the use of caffein.

Of course, caffein, like any other alkaloid, if used to excess will

prove harmful, due to the over-stimulation induced by it. However, taken

in moderate quantities, as in coffee and tea by normal persons, the

conclusions of Hirsch[286] may be taken as correct, namely: caffein is a

mild stimulant, without direct effect on the muscles, the effect

resulting from its own destruction and being temporary and transitory;

it is not a depressant either initially or eventually; and is not

habit-forming but a true stimulant, as distinguished from sedatives and

habit-forming drugs.

_Caffein and Mental and Motor Efficiency_

The literature on the influence of caffein on fatigue has been

summarized, and the older experiments clearly pointed out, by

Rivers[287]. A summary of the most important researches which have had

as their object the determination of the influence of caffein on mental

and motor processes has been made by Hollingworth[288], from whose

monograph much of the following material has been taken.

Increase in the force of muscular contractions was demonstrated in 1892

by De Sarlo and Barnardini[289] for caffein and by Kraepelin for tea.

These investigators used the dynamometer as a measure of the force of

contraction; however, most of the subsequent work on motor processes has

been by the ergographic method. Ugolino Mosso[290], Koch[291].

Rossi[292], Sobieranski[293], Hoch and Kraepelin,[294] Destrée,[295]

Benedicenti,[296] Schumberg,[297] Hellsten,[298] and Joteyko,[299] have

all observed a stimulating effect of caffein on ergographic performance.

Only one investigation of those reported by Rivers failed to find an

appreciable effect, that of Oseretzkowsky and Kraepelin,[300] while

Feré[301] affirms that the effect is only an acceleration of fatigue.

In spite of the general agreement as to the presence of stimulation

there is some dissension regarding whether only the height of the

contractions or their number or both are affected. As might be expected

from the great diversity of methods employed, the quantitative results

also have varied considerably. Carefully controlled experiments by

Rivers and Webber[302] "confirm in general the conclusion reached by all

previous workers that caffein stimulates the capacity for muscular work;

and it is clear that this increase is not due to the various psychical

factors of interest, sensory stimulation, and suggestion, which the

experiments were especially designed to exclude. The greatest increase

... falls, however, far short of that described by some previous

workers, such as Mosso; and it is probable that part of the effect

described by these workers was due to the factors in question."

Investigations of mental processes under the influence of caffein have

been much less frequent, most notable among which are those of Dietl and

Vintschgau,[303] Dehio,[304] Kraepelin and Hoch,[305] Ach,[306]

Langfeld,[307] and Rivers.[308] Kraepelin[309] observes: "We know that

tea and coffee increase our mental efficiency in a definite way, and we

use these as a means of overcoming mental fatigue ... In the morning

these drinks remove the last traces of sleepiness and in the evening

when we still have intellectual tasks to dispose of they aid in keeping

us awake." Their use induces a greater briskness and clearness of

thought, after which secondary fatigue is either entirely absent or is

very slight.

Tendency toward habituation of the pyschic functions to caffein has been

studied by Wedemeyer[310], who found that in the regular administration

of it in the course of four to five weeks there is a measurable

weakening of its action on psychic processes.

Rivers[311], who seems to have been the first to appreciate fully the

genuine and practical importance of thoroughly controlling the

psychological factors that are likely to play a rôle in such

experiments, concludes that "caffein increases the capacity for both

muscular and mental work, this stimulating action persisting for a

considerable time after the substance has been taken without there being

any evidence, with moderate doses, of reaction leading to diminished

capacity for work, the substance thus really diminishing and not merely

obscuring the effects of fatigue."

EFFECT OF CAFFEIN ON MENTAL AND MOTOR PROCESSES

Schematic Summary of All Results

St.=Stimulation. 0=No effect. Ret.=Retardation.

PRIMARY EFFECT

Small Doses

| Medium Doses

| | Large Doses

| | | Secondary Reaction

| | | | Action Time Hrs.

| | | | | Duration

| | | | | in Hrs.

Process Tests | | | | | |

Motor speed 1. Tapping St. St. St. None .75-1.5 2-4

Coordination 2. Three-hole St. 0 Ret. None 1-1.5 3-4

3. Typewriting

(a) Speed St. 0 Ret. None Results show

(b) Errors Fewer for all None only in total

doses days' work

Association 4. Color-naming St. St. St. None 2-2.5 3-4

5. Opposites St. St. St. None 2.5-3 Next

day

6. Calculation St. St. St. None 2.5 Next

day

Choice 7. Discrimination

reaction time Ret. 0 St. None 2-4 Next

day

8. Cancellation Ret. ? St. None 3-5 No

data

9. S-W illusion 0 0 0

General 10. Steadiness ? Unsteadiness None 1-3 3-4

11. Sleep quality Individual differences

12. Sleep quantity depending on body weight 2 ?

13. General health and conditions of

administration

Subsequent to these investigations was that of Hollingworth[312] which

is at once the most comprehensive, carefully conducted, and

scientifically accurate one yet performed. He employed an ample number

of subjects in his experimentation; and both his subjects, and the

assistants who recorded the observations, were in no wise cognizant of

the character or quantity of the dose of caffein administered, the other

experimental conditions being similarly rigorous and extensive.

The purpose of his study was to determine both qualitatively and

quantitatively the effect of caffein on a wide range of mental and motor

processes, by studying the performance of a considerable number of

individuals for a long period of time, under controlled conditions; to

study the way in which this influence is modified by such factors as the

age, sex, weight, idiosyncrasy, and previous caffein habits of the

subjects, and the degree to which it depends on the amount of the dose

and the time and conditions of its administration; and to investigate

the influence of caffein on the general health, quality and amount of

sleep, and food habits of the individual tested.

To obtain this information the chief tests employed were the steadiness,

tapping, coordination, typewriting, color-naming, calculations,

opposites, cancellation, and discrimination tests, the familiar

size-weight illusion, quality and amount of sleep, and general health

and feeling of well-being. A brief review of the results of these tests

is given in the tabular summary.

From these Hollingworth concluded that caffein influenced all the tests

in a given group in much the same way. The effect on motor processes

comes quickly and is transient, while the effect on higher mental

processes comes more slowly and is more persistent. Whether this result

is due to quicker reaction on the part of motor-nerve centers, or

whether it is due to a direct peripheral effect on the muscle tissue is

uncertain, but the indications are that caffein has a direct action on

the muscle tissue, and that this effect is fairly rapid in appearance.

The two principal factors which seem to modify the degree of caffein

influence are _body weight_ and _presence of food_ in the stomach at the

time of ingestion of the caffein. In practically all of the tests the

magnitude of the caffein influence varied inversely with the body

weight, and was most marked when taken on an empty stomach or without

food substance. This variance in action was also true for both the

quality and amount of sleep, and seemed to be accentuated when taken on

successive days; but it did not appear to depend on the age, sex, or

previous caffein habits of the individual. Those who had given up the

use of caffein-containing beverages during the experiment did not report

any craving for the drinks as such, but several expressed a feeling of

annoyance at not having some sort of a warm drink for breakfast.

It is interesting to note that he also found a complete absence of any

trace of secondary depression or of any sort of secondary reaction

consequent upon the stimulation which was so strikingly present in many

of the tests. The production of an increased capacity for work was

clearly demonstrated, the same being a genuine drug effect, and not

merely the effect of excitement, interest, sensory stimulation,

expectation, or suggestion. However, this study does not show whether

this increased capacity comes from a new supply of energy introduced or

rendered available by the drug action, or whether energy already

available comes to be employed more effectively, or whether fatigue

sensations are weakened and the individual's standard of performance

thereby raised. But they do show that from a standpoint of mental and

productive physical efficiency "the widespread consumption of caffeinic

beverages, even under circumstances in which and by individuals for whom

the use of other drugs is stringently prohibited or decried, is

justified."

_Conclusion_

Brief summarization of the information available on the pharmacology of

coffee indicates that it should be used in moderation, particularly by

children, the permissible quantity varying with the individual and

ascertainable only through personal observation. Used in moderation, it

will prove a valuable stimulant increasing personal efficiency in mental

and physical labor. Its action in the alimentary régime is that of an

adjuvant food, aiding digestion, favoring increased flow of the

digestive juices, promoting intestinal peristalsis, and not tanning any

portion of the digestive organs. It reacts on the kidneys as a diuretic,

and increases the excretion of uric acid, which, however, is not to be

taken as evidence that it is harmful in gout. Coffee has been indicated

as a specific for various diseases, its functions therein being the

raising and sustaining of low vitalities. Its effect upon longevity is

virtually _nil_. A small proportion of humans who are very nervous may

find coffee undesirable; but sensible consumption of coffee by the

average, normal, non-neurasthenic person will not prove harmful but

beneficial.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XIX

THE COMMERCIAL COFFEES OF THE WORLD

_The geographical distribution of the coffees grown in North

America, Central America, South America, the West India Islands,

Asia, Africa, the Pacific Islands, and the East Indies--A

statistical study of the distribution of the principal kinds--A

commercial coffee chart of the world's leading growths, with market

names and general trade characteristics_

A study of the geographical distribution of the coffee tree shows that

it is grown in well-defined tropical limits. The coffee belt of the

world lies between the tropic of cancer and the tropic of capricorn. The

principal coffee consuming countries are nearly all to be found in the

north temperate zone, between the tropic of cancer and the arctic

circle.

The leading commercial coffees of the world are listed in the

accompanying commercial coffee chart, which shows at a glance their

general trade character. The cultural methods of the producing countries

are discussed in chapter XX; statistics in chapter XXII; and the trade

characteristics, in detail, in chapter XXIV, which considers also

countries and coffees not so important in a commercial sense. Mexico is

the principal producing country in the northern part of the western

continent, and Brazil in the southern part. In Africa, the eastern coast

furnishes the greater part of the supply; while in Asia, the Netherlands

Indies, British India, and Arabia lead.

Within the last two decades there has been an expansion of the

production areas in South America, Africa, and in southeastern Asia; and

a contraction in British India and the Netherlands Indies.

_The Shifting Coffee Currents of the World_

Seldom does the coffee drinker realize how the ends of the earth are

drawn upon to bring the perfected beverage to his lips. The trail that

ends in his breakfast cup, if followed back, would be found to go a

devious and winding way, soon splitting up into half-a-dozen or more

straggling branches that would lead to as many widely scattered regions.

If he could mount to a point where he could enjoy a bird's-eye view of

these and a hundred kindred trails, he would find an intricate

criss-cross of streamlets and rivers of coffee forming a tangled pattern

over the tropics and reaching out north and south to all civilized

countries. This would be a picture of the coffee trade of the world.

It would be a motion picture, with the rivulets swelling larger at

certain seasons, but seldom drying up entirely at any time. In the main

the streamlets and rivers keep pretty much the same direction and volume

one year after another, but then there is also a quiet shifting of these

currents. Some grow larger, and others diminish gradually until they

fade out entirely. In one of the regions from which they take their

source a tree disease may cause a decline; in another, a hurricane may

lay the industry low at one quick stroke; and in still another, a rival

crop may drain away the life-blood of capital. But for the most part,

when times are normal, the shift is gradual; for international trade is

conservative, and likes to run where it finds a well-worn channel.

In recent times, of course, the big disturbing element in the coffee

trade was the World War. Whole countries were cut out of the market,

shipping was drained away from every sea lane, stocks were piled high in

exporting ports, prices were fixed, imports were sharply restricted, and

the whole business of coffee trading was thrown out of joint. To what

extent has the world returned to normal in this trade? Were the

stoppages in trade merely temporary suspensions, or are they to prove

permanent? How are the old, long-worn channels filling up again, now

that the dams have been taken away?

We are now far enough removed from the war to begin to answer these

questions. We find our answer in the export figures of the chief

producing countries, which for the most part are now available in detail

for one or two post-war years. These figures are given in the tables

below; and for comparison, there are also given figures showing the

distribution of exports in 1913 and in an earlier year near the

beginning of the century. These figures, of course, do not necessarily

give an accurate index to normal trade; as in any given year some

abnormal happening, such as an exceptionally large crop or a revolution,

may affect exports drastically as compared with years before and after.

But normally the proportions of a country's exports going to its various

customers are fairly constant one year after another, and can be taken

for any given year as showing approximately the coffee currents of that

period.

The figures following are for the calendar year unless the fiscal year

is indicated. Where figures could not be obtained from the original

statistical publications, they have been supplied as far as possible

from consular reports.

BRAZIL. The war naturally increased the dependence of Brazil on its

chief customer, and the proportion of the total crop coming to this

country since the war has continued to be large. Shipments to United

States ports in 1920 represented about fifty-four percent of the total

exports. Figures for that year indicate also that France and Belgium

were working back to their normal trade; but that Spain, Great Britain,

and the Netherlands were taking much less coffee than in the year just

before the war. Germany was buying strongly again, her purchases of

72,000,000 pounds being about half as much as in 1913. Shipments to

Italy were four times as heavy as in 1913. The natural return to normal

was much interfered with by speculation and valorization. Brazil seems

to have come through the cataclysmic period of the war in better style

than might have been expected.

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM BRAZIL

1900 1913 1920

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

United States 566,686,345 650,071,337 826,425,340

France 78,408,862 244,295,282 203,694,212

Great Britain 6,442,739 32,559,715 9,597,378

Germany 235,131,881 246,767,144 72,196,934

Aus.-Hungary 71,696,556 134,495,310

Netherlands 102,711,887 196,169,240 49,760,767

Italy 17,559,107 31,364,656 132,543,798

Spain 868,617 14,407,906 6,057,833

Belgium 41,500,638 58,858,562 42,309,469

Other countries 59,432,882 145,896,327 181,796,919

------------- ------------- -------------

Total 1,180,439,514 1,754,885,479 1,524,382,650

The 1900 figures are for the ports of Rio, Santos, Bahia, and Victoria.

"Other countries" in 1913 included Argentina, 32,941,182 pounds; Sweden,

28,045,737 pounds; Cape Colony, 15,930,731 pounds; Denmark, 6,252,931

pounds. In 1920 they included Argentina, 37,736,498 pounds; Sweden,

51,026,591 pounds; Denmark, 18,764,483 pounds; Cape Colony, 26,936,653

pounds.

VENEZUELA. Venezuela's coffee trade was deeply affected by the war; both

because the Germans were prominent in the industry, and because the

regular shipping service to Europe was discontinued. Large amounts of

coffee were piled up at the ports and elsewhere; and when the

restrictions were swept away in 1919, an abnormal exportation resulted.

Although Germany had been one of the chief buyers before the war,

Venezuela was by no means dependent on the German market. In fact, her

combined shipments to France and the United States, just before the war,

were three times as great as her exports to Germany. These two countries

took two-thirds of her total exports in 1920. Spain and the Netherlands

were also prominent buyers.

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM VENEZUELA

1906 1913 1920

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

United States 35,704,398 45,570,268 43,670,191

France 21,748,370 46,413,174 4,647,978

Germany 5,270,814 32,203,972 546,363

Aus.-Hungary 289,851 3,015,723

Spain 3,133,012 7,372,839 15,210,756

Netherlands 28,549,920 2,903,806 1,836,209

Italy 315,293 2,805,948 719,850

Great Britain 404,720 98,796 1,518,175

Other countries 2,663,507 1,631,143 5,577,110

------------- ------------- -------------

Total 98,079,885 142,015,669 73,726,632

COMMERCIAL COFFEE CHART

_The World's Leading Growths, with Market Names and General

Trade Characteristics_

--------------+-----------+---------+-----------+---------------------

Grand Division| Country |Principal|Best Known |Trade Characteristics

| | Shipping| Market |

| | Ports | Names |

--------------+-----------+---------+-----------+---------------------

North |Mexico |Vera Cruz|Coatepec |Greenish to yellow

America | | |Huatusco |bean; mild flavor.

| | |Orizaba |

Central |Guatemala |Puerto |Cobán |Waxy, bluish bean;

America | | Barrios |Antigua |mellow flavor.

|Salvador |La |Santa Ana |Smooth, green bean;

| |Libertad |Santa Tecla|neutral flavor.

|Costa |Puerto |Costa Ricas|Blue-greenish bean;

|Rica |Limon | |mild flavor.

--------------+-----------+---------+-----------+---------------------

West |Haiti |Cape |Haiti |Blue bean; rich,

Indies | |Haitien | |fairly acid; sweet

| | | |flavor.

|Santo |Santo |Santo |Flat, greenish-yellow

|Domingo |Domingo |Domingo |bean; strong flavor.

|Jamaica |Kingston |Blue |Bluish-green bean;

| | |Mountain |rich, full flavor.

|Porto | Ponce |Porto |Gray-blue bean;

|Rico | |Ricans |strong, heavy flavor.

--------------+-----------+---------+-----------+---------------------

South |Colombia |Savanilla|Medellin |Greenish-yellow bean;

America | | |Manizales, |rich, mellow flavor.

| | |Bogota |

| | |Bucaramanga|

|Venezuela |La Guaira|Merida |Greenish-yellow bean;

| |Maracaibo|Cucuta |mild, mellow flavor.

| | |Caracas |

|Brazil |Santos |Santos |Small bean; mild

| | | |flavor.

| |Rio de |Rio |Large bean; strong

| |Janeiro | |cup.

--------------+-----------+---------+-----------+---------------------

Asia |Arabia |Aden |Mocha |Small, short, green

| | | |to yellow bean;

| | | |unique, mild flavor.

|India |Madras |Mysore |Small to large,

| |Calicut |Coorg |blue-green bean;

| | |(Kurg) |strong flavor.

--------------+-----------+---------+-----------+---------------------

East India |Malay |Penang |Straits |Liberian and Robusta

Islands |States |(Geo't'n)| |growths from

| |Singapore|Liberian, |Malaysia.

| | |Robusta |

|Sumatra |Padang |Mandheling |Large, yellow to

| | |Ankola |brown bean; heavy

| | |Ayer |body; exquisite

| | |Bangies |flavor.

|Java |Batavia |Preanger |Small, blue to

| | |Cheribon, |yellow bean;

| | |Kroe |light in cup.

|Celebes |Menado |Minahassa |Large, yellow bean;

| |Macassar | |aromatic cup.

--------------+-----------+---------+-----------+---------------------

Africa |Abyssinia |Jibuti |Harar |Large, blue to yellow

| | |Abyssinia |bean; very like

| | | |Mocha.

Pacific |Hawaiian |Honolulu |Kona |Large, blue, flinty

Islands |Islands | |Puna |bean; mildly acid.

|Philippines|Manila |Manila |Yellow and brown large

| | | |bean; mild cup.

--------------+---------+-----------+-----------+---------------------

COLOMBIA. Colombian statistics of foreign trade are issued very

irregularly, and no figures are available to afford comparison between

pre-war and post-war trade. The figures below, however, will show the

comparative amounts of coffee going to the chief buying countries at

different periods. From these it will be seen that the countries mainly

interested in the trade in Colombian coffee are those prominent in the

trade in other tropical American sections. England, France, Germany, and

the United States took the great bulk of the exports. A consular report

written after the outbreak of the war says:

Prior to the war the United States took about seventy percent of

Colombia's coffee crop; the remainder being about equally divided

between England, France, and Germany, with England taking the

largest share.

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM COLOMBIA[A]

(From Barranquilla only)

1899 1905 1916

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

Great Britain 22,573,828 7,268,429 442,026

France 6,873,722 496,120 1,685,454

Germany 9,348,028 8,568,131

United States 17,991,500 43,518,704 134,292,858

Other countries 7,396,385 23,753,678

---------- ---------- -----------

Total 56,787,078 67,247,769 160,174,016

[A] These figures are taken from a consular report, which gave

statistics only for the port of Barranquilla and did not include the

total shipments from that port. Shipments from Cartagena, the only other

exporting port of any consequence, amounted to 7,836,505 pounds,

destination not stated. The Barranquilla figures, in the absence of

official statistics, can be taken as fairly representative of the total

trade so far as destination is concerned. They are for fiscal years,

ending June 30.

"Other countries" in 1916 included Italy, 1,135,137 pounds; Venezuela,

20,564,321 pounds; Dutch West Indies, 400,132 pounds.

CENTRAL AMERICA. The three largest producing countries of Central

America, Guatemala, Salvador, and Costa Rica, were all closely linked to

Germany by the coffee trade before the war. German capital was heavily

invested in coffee plantations; German houses had branches in the

principal cities; and German ships regularly served the chief ports.

Accordingly, when the blockade became effective, these countries were

placed in a difficult position. But fortunately for them, a special

effort had been made shortly before by Pacific-coast interests in the

United States to divert a part of the coffee trade to San Francisco[313]

The market to the east being shut off, these countries turned naturally

to the north. This trade with the United States has apparently been

firmly established, and there has not yet been much of a return to

German ports.

GUATEMALA. Of the three countries named, Guatemala was the most heavily

involved in German trade. In 1913 she sent to Germany 53,000,000 pounds

of coffee, a fifth more than in 1900. Her shipments of more than

10,000,000 pounds to the United Kingdom were about the same as at the

beginning of the century. The war turned both these currents into United

States ports, and they continued to flow in that direction through 1920.

The figures follow:

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM GUATEMALA

1900 1913 1920

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

Germany 44,416,064 53,232,910 452,206

United States 14,057,120 21,188,444 78,226,508

United Kingdom 11,467,680 10,666,604 2,341,217

Other countries 3,041,584 6,641,936 13,185,638

---------- ---------- ----------

Total 72,982,448 91,729,894 94,205,569

"Other countries" in 1913 included Austria-Hungary, 4,205,400 pounds;

Netherlands, 407,900 pounds. In 1920, they included Netherlands,

10,355,625 pounds; Sweden, 422,421 pounds; Norway, 57,408 pounds; Spain,

97,519 pounds; France, 27,956 pounds.

SALVADOR. Salvador is one of the countries in which the publication of

foreign-trade statistics has been irregular in the past, and none is

available to show the full trade in coffee at the beginning of the

century. A consular report gives figures for the first half of 1900. The

most recent statistics show that the United States still holds much of

the trade gained during the war, although Salvador is sending to

Scandinavian countries many millions of pounds of her coffee that came

to the United States in war-time.

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM SALVADOR

1900 (1st 6 mos.) 1913 1920

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

United States 6,700,101 10,779,655 46,262,256

France 22,948,712 15,955,920 6,686,714

Germany 6,607,892 12,120,133 813,166

Great Britain 4,396,465 3,415,187 4,226,061

Italy 4,322,003 9,538,976

Aus.-Hungary 1,335,626 3,557,482

Belgium 210,834 5,508 3,104

Spain 24,799 377,729 364,296

Other countries 3,920 7,193,107 24,509,071

---------- ---------- ----------

Total 46,550,352 62,943,697 82,864,668

"Other countries" in 1913 included Norway, 2,070,220 pounds; Sweden,

2,238,332 pounds; Netherlands, 738,694 pounds; Chile, 609,441 pounds;

Russia, 95,625 pounds; Denmark, 140,665 pounds. In 1920, they included

Norway, 10,726,375 pounds; Chile, 1,772,346 pounds; Netherlands,

1,071,614 pounds; Sweden, 9,635,947 pounds; Denmark, 1,061,772 pounds.

[Illustration: A FLOURISHING COFFEE ESTATE IN CHIAPAS, MEXICO]

[Illustration: LABORERS BRINGING IN THE DAY'S PICKINGS, NEAR BOGOTA,

COLOMBIA]

[Illustration: MILD-COFFEE CULTURE AND PREPARATION]

COSTA RICA. English, French, and German capital was heavily invested in

Costa Rica before the war, and all three nations were interested in the

coffee trade. For many years England had maintained the lead as a coffee

customer, and shipments continued in large volume after the war. The

following figures are for the crop year ending September 30:

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM COSTA RICA

1903 1913 1921

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

United States 6,388,236 1,625,866 14,137,605

Great Britain 27,756,661 23,464,827 13,418,527

France 1,241,816 741,548 313,538

Germany 2,676,841 2,581,055 376,649

Other countries 147,925 288,521 1,155,066

---------- ---------- ----------

Total 38,211,479 28,701,817 29,401,385

In 1900 total shipments were 35,496,055 pounds, of which 20,587,712

pounds went to Great Britain; 8,874,014 pounds to the United States; and

3,904,566 pounds to Germany.

"Other countries" in 1903 included Spain, 49,189 pounds; Italy, 4,104

pounds. In 1921, they included Netherlands, 837,496 pounds; Spain,

308,308 pounds; Chile, 9,259 pounds.

MEXICO. Mexico has naturally sent most of her coffee across the border

into the United States, and she continued to do so during and after the

war. But she had worked up a very important trade with Europe, chiefly

with Germany; and German capital, and German planters and merchants were

prominent in the industry. France and England also were interested in

the trade, and purchased annually several million pounds. During the

war, as shown by the exports in its final year, this trade almost

entirely ceased, and the United States and Spain remained as the only

consumers of Mexican coffee. Details of the after-war trade are not yet

available in published statistics. In the following table, 1900 and 1918

are calendar years, and 1913 is a fiscal year.

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM MEXICO

1900 1913 1918

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

United States 28,882,954 28,012,655 23,816,044

Germany 10,074,001 10,461,382

Aus.-Hungary 163,934 30,864

Belgium 25,855 39,722

Spain 546,132 184,941 6,184,494

France 3,927,294 4,482,011

Netherlands 220,607 46,296

Great Britain 3,848,605 2,170,669

Cuba 467,201 37,921 171,527

Italy 157,653 347,758

Other countries 655,073

---------- ---------- ----------

Total 48,314,236 46,469,292 30,172,065

In 1913 "other countries" included Panama, 342,131 pounds; Canada,

276,567 pounds; Sweden, 3,079 pounds; British Honduras, 33,179 pounds;

Denmark, 112 pounds.

JAMAICA. The French, more than any other peoples in Europe, have

cultivated a taste for coffee from the West Indies; and France normally

has led all other countries in shipments from the larger producing

islands, including Jamaica, although the island is a British possession.

In the year before the war, France bought nearly 4,000,000 pounds of

Jamaican coffee, more than half the total production. In the year

1900-01 also she took about 4,000,000 pounds, leading all other

countries. This trade was very much cut down during the war, but was not

wiped out. As shown in the figures for 1918, England largely took the

place of France in that year, and Canada increased her purchases several

hundred percent.

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM JAMAICA

1901 (fis. yr.) 1913 1918

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

Great Britain 1,849,456 671,440 6,919,808

Canada 109,536 263,872 1,819,328

United States 2,976,512 802,032 643,888

France 3,958,304 3,743,264 729,120

Aus.-Hungary 104,272 303,296

Cuba 114,800

Barbados 226,464 26,992

Other countries 508,704 507,248 97,440

---------- ---------- ----------

Total 9,621,584 6,517,616 10,236,576

"Other countries" in 1901 included British West Indies, 316,512 pounds.

In 1913, they included Netherlands, 125,216 pounds; Norway, 28,896

pounds; Sweden, 70,224 pounds; Italy, 46,592 pounds; Australia, 71,456

pounds.

HAITI. Prior to the taking over of the administration of the customs of

Haiti by the United States, detailed statistics of the exports are

almost wholly lacking. France took most of the annual production,

continuing a trade that dated back to old colonial times. An American

consular report says:

Before the war there was no market for Haitian coffee in the United

States, practically the entire crop going to Europe, with France as

the largest consumer. However, there has been for some time past a

determined effort made to create a demand in the United States, and

this is said to be meeting with ever-increasing success.

The actual success achieved can be measured by the following figures for

the fiscal year ended September 30, 1920:

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM HAITI

Exported to Pounds

United States 27,647,077

France 23,921,083

Great Britain 39,583

Other countries 10,362,351

__________

Total 61,970,094

These figures do not include 6,322,167 pounds of coffee triage, or

waste, of which the United States took 2,028,352 pounds; France,

1,491,507 pounds.

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC. The comparatively small production of the Dominican

Republic was divided among the United States and three or four European

countries before the war. Since the war the exports have been scattered

among the former customers in varying amounts. Germany is again a buyer,

although her purchases have not come back to anything like the pre-war

level.

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC

1906 1913 1920

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

United States 564,291 506,456 529,831

France 569,215 1,248,418 454,165

Germany 1,562,193 327,843 69,224

Italy [B] 195,294 51,543

Cuba [B] 25,628 132,569

Great Britain [B] 660 54,114

Other countries 221,028 8,154 70,220

_________ _________ _________

Total 2,916,727 2,312,453 1,361,666

[B] No shipments, or included in "other countries."

"Other countries" in 1920 included only the Netherlands.

PORTO RICO. In spite of several attempts on the part of Porto-Rican

planters to make their product popular in the markets of the United

States, the American consumer has never found the taste of that coffee

to his liking. The big market for the Porto-Rican product has been Cuba,

which has depended on her neighbor for most of her supply. This demand

takes a large part of the annual crop, including the lower grades. The

better grades, before the war, went largely to Europe, mostly to the

Latin countries. During the war, the Cuban market carried the

Porto-Rican planters through, although shipments of considerable size

continued to go to France and Spain. Recovery of the pre-war trade with

Europe, however, has been slow, Spain being the only country to take

over 1,000,000 pounds in 1920. Shipments to that country totaled

3,472,204 pounds; those to France, 900,868 pounds. Both countries

increased their purchases considerably in 1921.

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM PORTO RICO

1900-01 (fis. yr.) 1913 1921

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

United States 29,565 628,843 211,531

France 3,348,025 6,020,170 1,625,065

Spain 2,590,096 6,851,235 5,705,932

Aus.-Hungary 386,158 6,729,726

Germany 493,891 876,315 363,993

Belgium 9,964 25,867 234,019

Italy 611,033 3,498,157 43,484

Netherlands 8,860 497,938 25,199

Sweden 32,390[C] 633,046 266,550

Cuba 4,633,538 23,179,690 21,135,397

Other countries 13,720 393,586 356,709

_________ _________ _________

Total 12,157,240 49,334,573 29,967,879

[C] Includes Norway.

HAWAII. The war disarranged Hawaii's coffee trade very little, as she

had for many years been shipping chiefly to continental United States.

Recently a considerable trade with the Philippines has developed.

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM HAWAII

1901-02 (fis. yr.) 1913 1921

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

United States 1,082,994 3,393,009 4,183,046

Canada 77,900 10,200 11,355

Japan 24,155 49,167 23,950

Germany 2,100 1,612

Philippines [D] 932,640 747,700

Other countries 23,349 49,179 13,070

_________ _________ _________

Total 1,210,498 4,435,807 4,979,121

[D] No exports, or included in "other countries."

ADEN. Lying on the edge of the war area and on the road to India, Aden

felt the full force of the disarrangement of commercial traffic by the

war. Ordinarily, Aden is not only the chief outlet for the coffee of the

interior of Arabia--the original "Mocha"--but it is also the

transhipping point for large amounts from Africa and India. The figures

given below relate for the most part to this transhipped coffee. Exports

of coffee from Aden go chiefly to the United Kingdom, France, and the

United States, and to other ports of Arabia and Africa. Before the war

no great proportion went to the Central Powers. The following figures

apply to fiscal years ending March 31:

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM ADEN

1901 (fis. yr.) 1914 (fis. yr.) 1921 (fis. yr.)

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

Great Britain 1,563,632 696,976 466,928

United States 2,412,368 4,300,128 2,507,344

France 3,789,296 2,975,840 814,016

Egypt 1,024,576 3,108,336

Arab. Gulf Pts. 860,160 852,320 606,592

Germany 247,184 465,136

Aus.-Hungary 341,152 553,952

Italy 197,568 811,664 7,504

Br. Somaliland 280,224 23,408

[E] Africa 337,344 2,390,640 292,880

Other countries 1,114,848 2,500,456 1,659,504

_________ _________ _________

Total 12,168,352 15,570,520 9,463,104

[E] Including adjacent islands, but exclusive of British territory.

"Other countries" in 1914 included Australia, 222,320 pounds; Perim,

142,016 pounds; Zanzibar, 148,848 pounds; Mauritius, 154,672 pounds;

Seychelles, 116,704 pounds; Sweden, 118,720 pounds; Norway, 49,168

pounds; Russia, 196,448 pounds. In 1921, they included Denmark, 120,624

pounds; Spain, 124,208 pounds; Massowah, 410,704 pounds.

BRITISH INDIA. As India's trade before the war was chiefly with the

mother country, with France, and with Ceylon, the return to normal has

been rapid. In the year following the war, these three customers were

again credited with the largest amounts exported from India, except for

shipments to Greece, which took little before the war. The following

figures are for the fiscal years ending March 31:

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM BRITISH INDIA

1901 (fis. yr.) 1914 (fis. yr.) 1920(fis. yr.)

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

Great Britain 15,678,768 10,343,536 8,138,144

Ceylon 1,088,528 1,428,112 1,423,072

France 8,430,016 10,924,816 9,256,352

Belgium 617,792 1,021,664

Germany 126,560 1,033,088 25,312

Aus.-Hungary 123,312 1,358,896 8,400

Italy 23,968 22,624 30,912

United States 54,096 16,576

Turkey in Asia 232,176 501,984 986,720

[F] Africa 118,272 113,344 619,696

Other countries 1,106,784 2,360,736 10,021,648

---------- ---------- ----------

Total 27,600,272 29,108,800 30,526,832

[F] Including adjacent islands.

"Other countries" in 1914 included Netherlands, 238,560 pounds;

Australia, 748,608 pounds; Bahrein Islands, 757,568 pounds. In 1920,

they included Greece, 6,487,376 pounds; Australia, 481,152 pounds;

Bahrein Islands, 1,081,696 pounds; Aden and dependencies, 459,984

pounds; other Arabian ports, 890,176 pounds.

DUTCH EAST INDIES. The war played havoc with the coffee trade of the

Dutch East Indies, taking away shipping, closing trade routes, and

causing immense quantities of coffee to pile up in the warehouses. When

the war ended, this coffee was released; and trade was consequently

again abnormal, although in the opposite direction from that it took

during war years. The 1920 figures indicate that the trade is working

back into its old channels.

COFFEE EXPORTS FROM DUTCH EAST INDIES

1900 1913 1920[G]

Exported to Pounds Pounds Pounds

Netherlands 81,489,000 33,323,748[H] [H]50,028,815

Great Britain 88,000 981,201 5,987,598

France 2,560,000 9,081,715[H] 5,410,582

Aus.-Hungary 1,153,000 996,988

Germany 71,000 997,715[H] 75,699

Egypt 5,494,000 104,868 1,418,313

United States 8,408,000 5,695,180 17,274,522

Singapore 9,952,000 4,785,580 8,349,415

Other countries 2,965,000 7,831,732 10,475,509

----------- ---------- -----------

Total 112,180,000 63,798,727 99,020,453

[G] These figures cover only Java and Madura.

[H] Includes shipments "for orders."

"Other countries" in 1920 included, Norway, 2,606,421 pounds; Sweden,

728,580 pounds; Australia, 1,553,495 pounds; British India, 1,912,541

pounds; Italy, 1,964,109 pounds; Denmark, 1,191,643 pounds; Belgium,

166,092 pounds.

[Illustration]

[Illustration: COFFEE TREE IN BEARING AT THE GOVERNMENTAL EXPERIMENT

STATION AT LAMOA, NEAR MANILA, P.I.]

CHAPTER XX

CULTIVATION OF THE COFFEE PLANT

_The early days of coffee culture in Abyssinia and Arabia--Coffee

cultivation in general--Soil, climate, rainfall, altitude,

propagation, preparing the plantation, shade and wind breaks,

fertilizing, pruning, catch crops, pests, and diseases--How coffee

is grown around the world--Cultivation in all the principal

producing countries_

For the beginnings of coffee culture we must go back to the Arabian

colony of Harar in Abyssinia, for here it was, about the fifteenth

century, that the Arabs, having found the plant growing wild in the

Abyssinian highlands, first gave it intensive cultivation. The complete

story of the early cultivation of coffee in the old and new worlds is

told in chapter II, which deals with the history of the propagation of

the coffee plant.

La Roque[314] was the first to tell how the plant was cultivated and the

berries prepared for market in Arabia, where it was brought from

Abyssinia.

The Arabs raised it from seed grown in nurseries, transplanting it to

plantations laid out in the foot-hills of the mountains, to which they

conducted the mountain streams by ingeniously constructed small channels

to water the roots. They built trenches three feet wide and five feet

deep, lining them with pebbles to cause the water to sink deep into the

earth with which the trenches were filled, to preserve the moisture from

too rapid evaporation. These were so constructed that the water could be

turned off into other channels when the fruit began to ripen. In

plantations exposed to the south, a kind of poplar tree was planted

along the trenches to supply needful shade.

La Roque noted that the coffee trees in Yemen were planted in lines,

like the apple trees in Normandy; and that when they were much exposed

to the sun, the shade poplars were regularly introduced between the

rows.

Such cultivation as the plant received in early Abyssinia and Arabia was

crude and primitive at best. Throughout the intervening centuries, there

has been little improvement in Yemen; but modern cultural methods obtain

in the Harar district in Abyssinia.

Like the Arabs in Yemen, the Harari cultivated in small gardens,

employing the same ingenious system of irrigation from mountain springs

to water the roots of the plants at least once a week during the dry

season. In Yemen and in Abyssinia the ripened berries were sun-dried on

beaten-earth barbecues.

The European planters who carried the cultivation of the bean to the Far

East and to America followed the best Arabian practise, changing, and

sometimes improving it, in order to adapt it to local conditions.

_Coffee Cultivation in General_

Today the commercial growers of coffee on a large scale practise

intensive cultivation methods, giving the same care to preparing their

plantations and maintaining their trees as do other growers of grains

and fruits. As in the more advanced methods of arboriculture, every

effort is made to obtain the maximum production of quality coffee

consistent with the smallest outlay of money and labor. Experimental

stations in various parts of the world are constantly working to improve

methods and products, and to develop types that will resist disease and

adverse climatic conditions.

While cultivation methods in the different producing countries vary in

detail of practise, the principles are unchanging. Where methods do

differ, it is owing principally to local economic conditions, such as

the supply and cost of labor, machinery, fertilizers, and similar

essential factors.

[Illustration: IMPLEMENTS USED IN EARLY ARABIAN COFFEE CULTURE

1, Plow. 2 and 3, Mattocks. 4, Hatchet and sickle. Top, Seeder

Implement]

SOIL. Rocky ground that pulverizes easily--and, if possible, of volcanic

origin--is best for coffee; also, soil rich in decomposed mold. In

Brazil the best soil is known as _terra roxa_, a topsoil of red clay

three or four feet thick with a gravel subsoil.

CLIMATE. The natural habitat of the coffee tree (all species) is

tropical Africa, where the climate is hot and humid, and the soil rich

and moist, yet sufficiently friable to furnish well drained seed beds.

These conditions must be approximated when the tree is grown in other

countries. Because the trees and fruit generally can not withstand

frost, they are restricted to regions where the mean annual temperature

is about 70° F., with an average minimum about 55°, and an average

maximum of about 80°. Where grown in regions subject to more or less

frost, as in the northernmost parts of Brazil's coffee-producing

district, which lie almost within the south temperate zone, the coffee

trees are sometimes frosted, as was the case in 1918, when about forty

percent of the São Paulo crop and trees suffered.

Generally speaking, the most suitable climate for coffee is a temperate

one within the tropics; however, it has been successfully cultivated

between latitudes 28° north and 38° south.

RAINFALL. Although able to grow satisfactorily only on well drained

land, the coffee tree requires an abundance of water, about seventy

inches of rainfall annually, and must have it supplied evenly throughout

the year. Prolonged droughts are fatal; while, on the other hand, too

great a supply of water tends to develop the wood of the tree at the

expense of the flowers and fruit, especially in low-lying regions.

ALTITUDE. Coffee is found growing in all altitudes, from sea-level up to

the frost-line, which is about 6,000 feet in the tropics. _Robusta_ and

_liberica_ varieties of coffee do best in regions from sea-level up to

3,000 feet, while _arabica_ flourishes better at the higher levels.

Carvalho says that the coffee plant needs sun, but that a few hours

daily exposure is sufficient. Hilly ground has the advantage of offering

the choice of a suitable exposure, as the sun shines on it for only a

part of the day. Whether it is the early morning or the afternoon sun

that enables the plant to attain its optimum conditions is a question of

locality.

[Illustration: CROSS SECTION OF MOUNTAIN SLOPE IN YEMEN, ARABIA, SHOWING

COFFEE TERRACES

These miniature plantations are found chiefly along the caravan route

between Hodeida and Sanaa]

[Illustration: CLEARING VIRGIN FOREST FOR A COFFEE ESTATE IN MEXICO]

[Illustration: COFFEE NURSERY UNDER A BAMBOO ROOF IN COLOMBIA]

[Illustration: THE FIRST STEPS IN COFFEE GROWING]

In Mexico, Romero tells us, the highlands of Soconusco have the

advantage that the sun does not shine on the trees during the whole of

the day. On the higher slopes of the Cordilleras--from 2,500 feet above

sea-level--clouds prevail during the summer season, when the sun is

hottest, and are frequently present in the other seasons, after ten

o'clock in the morning. These keep the trees from being exposed to the

heat of the sun during the whole of the day. Perhaps to this

circumstance is due the superior excellence of certain coffees grown in

Mexico, Colombia, and Sumatra at an altitude of 3,000 feet to 4,000 feet

above sea-level.

Richard Spruce, the botanist, in his notes on South America, as quoted

by Alfred Russel Wallace,[315] refers to "a zone of the equatorial Andes

ranging between 4,000 and 6,000 feet altitude, where the best flavored

coffee is grown."

PROPAGATION. Coffee trees are grown most generally from seeds selected

from trees of known productivity and longevity; although in some parts

of the world propagation is done from shoots or cuttings. The seed

method is most general, however, the seeds being either propagated in

nursery beds, or planted at once in the spot where the mature tree is to

stand. In the latter case--called planting at stake--four or five seeds

are planted, much as corn is sown; and after germination, all but the

strongest plant are removed.

Where the nursery method is followed, the choicest land of the

plantation is chosen for its site; and the seeds are planted in forcing

beds, sometimes called cold-frames. When the plants are to be

transplanted direct to the plantation, the seeds are generally sown six

inches apart and in rows separated by the same distance, and are covered

with only a slight sprinkling of earth. When the plants are to be

transferred from the first bed to another, and then to the plantation,

the seeds are sown more thickly; and the plants are "pricked" out as

needed, and set out in another forcing bed.

During the six to seven weeks required for the coffee seed to germinate,

the soil must be kept moist and shaded and thoroughly weeded. If the

trees are to be grown without shade, the young plants are gradually

exposed to the sun, to harden them, before they begin their existence in

the plantation proper.

[Illustration: COFFEE TREE NURSERY, PANAJABAL, POCHUTA, GUATEMALA]

[Illustration: DRYING GROUNDS AND FACTORY IN THE PREANGER REGENCY]

[Illustration: NATIVE TRANSPORT, FIELD TO FACTORY, AT DRAMAGA, NEAR

BUITENZORG]

[Illustration: COFFEE SCENES IN JAVA, NETHERLANDS EAST INDIES]

Considerable experimental work has been done in renewing trees by

grafting, notably in Java; but practically all commercial planters

follow the seed method.

[Illustration: COFFEE GROWING UNDER SHADE, PORTO RICO]

PREPARING THE PLANTATION. Before transplanting time has come, the

plantation itself has been made ready to receive the young plants.

Coffee plantations are generally laid out on heavily wooded and sloping

lands, most often in forests on mountainsides and plateaus, where there

is an abundance of water, of which large quantities are used in

cultivating the trees and in preparing the coffee beans for market. The

soil most suitable is friable, sandy, or even gravelly, with an

abundance of rocks to keep the soil comparatively cool and well drained,

as well as to supply a source of food by action of the weather. The

ideal soil is one that contains a large proportion of potassium and

phosphoric acid; and for that reason, the general practise is to burn

off the foliage and trees covering the land and to use the ashes as

fertilizer.

In preparing the soil for the new plantation under the intensive

cultivation method, the surface of the land is lightly plowed, and then

followed up with thorough cultivation. When transplanting time comes,

which is when the plant is about a year old, and stands from twelve to

eighteen inches high with its first pairs of primary branches, the

plants are set out in shallow holes at regular intervals of from eight

to twelve, or even fourteen, feet apart. This gives room for the root

system to develop, provides space for sunlight to reach each tree, and

makes for convenience in cultivating and harvesting. _Liberica_ and

_robusta_ type trees require more room than _arabica._ When set twelve

feet apart, which is the general practise, with the same distance

maintained between rows, there are approximately four hundred and fifty

trees to the acre. In the triangle, or hexagon, system the trees are

planted in the form of an equilateral triangle, each tree being the same

distance (usually eight or nine feet) from its six nearest neighbors.

This system permits of 600 to 800 trees per acre.

SHADE AND WIND BREAKS. Strong, chilly winds and intensely hot sunlight

are foes of coffee trees, especially of the _arabica_ variety.

Accordingly, in most countries it is customary to protect the plantation

with wind-breaks consisting of rugged trees, and to shade the coffee by

growing trees of other kinds between the rows. The shade trees serve

also to check soil erosion; and in the case of the leguminous kinds, to

furnish nutriment to the soil. Coffee does best in shade such as is

afforded by the silk oak (_Grevillea robusta_). In _Shade in Coffee

Culture_ (_Bulletin_ 25, 1901, division of botany, United States

Department of Agriculture), O.F. Cook goes extensively into this

subject.

The methods employed in the care of a coffee plantation do not differ

materially from those followed by advanced orchardists in the colder

fruit-belts of the world. After the young plants have gained their

start, they are cultivated frequently, principally to keep out the

weeds, to destroy pests, and to aerate the earth. The implements used

range from crude hand-plows to horse-drawn cultivators.

FERTILIZING. Comparatively little fertilizing is done on plantations

established on virgin soil until the trees begin to bear, which occurs

when they are about three years of age. Because the coffee tree takes

potash, nitrogen, and phosphoric acid from the soil, the scheme of

fertilizing is to restore these elements. The materials used to replace

the soil-constituents consist of stable manure, leguminous plants,

coffee-tree prunings, leaves, certain weeds, oil cake, bone and fish

meal, guano, wood ashes, coffee pulp and parchment, and such chemical

fertilizers as superphosphate of lime, basic slag, sulphate of ammonia,

nitrate of lime, sulphate of potash, nitrate of potash, and similar

materials.

The relative values of these fertilizers depend largely upon local

climate and soil conditions, the supply, the cost, and other like

factors. The chemical fertilizers are coming into increasing use in the

larger and more economically advanced producing countries. Brazil,

particularly, is showing in late years a tendency toward their adoption

to make up for the dwindling supply of the so-called natural manures. As

the coffee tree grows older, it requires a larger supply of fertilizer.

[Illustration: THE FAMOUS BOEKIT GOMPONG ESTATE, NEAR PADANG, ON

SUMATRA'S WEST COAST

Showing the healthy, regular appearance of well-cultivated coffee

bushes, twenty-six years old. Also note the line of feathery bamboo

wind-breaks]

PRUNING. On the larger plantations, pruning is an important part of the

cultivation processes. If left to their own devices, coffee trees

sometimes grow as high as forty feet, the strength being absorbed by the

wood, with a consequent scanty production of fruit. To prevent this

undesirable result, and to facilitate picking, the trees on the more

modern plantations are pruned down to heights ranging from six to twelve

feet. Except for pruning the roots when transplanting, the tree is

permitted to grow until after producing its first full crop before any

cutting takes place. Then, the branches are severely cut back; and

thereafter, pruning is carried on annually. Topping and pruning begin

between the first and the second years.

[Illustration: COFFEE ESTATE IN ANTIOQUIA, COLOMBIA, SHOWING

WIND-BREAKS]

Coffee trees as a rule produce full crops from the sixth to the

fifteenth year, although some trees have given a paying crop until

twenty or thirty years old. Ordinarily the trees bear from one-half

pound to eight pounds of coffee annually, although there are accounts of

twelve pounds being obtained per tree. Production is mostly governed by

the cultivation given the tree, and by climate, soil, and location. When

too old to bear profitable yields, the trees on commercial plantations

are cut down to the level of the ground; and are renewed by permitting

only the strongest sprout springing out of the stump to mature.

CATCH CROPS. On some plantations it has become the practise to grow

catch crops between the rows of coffee trees, both as a means of

obtaining additional revenue and to shade the young coffee plants. Corn,

beans, cotton, peanuts, and similar plants are most generally used.

PESTS AND DISEASES. The coffee tree, its wood, foliage, and fruit, have

their enemies, chief among which are insects, fungi, rodents (the

"coffee rat"), birds, squirrels, and--according to Rossignon--elephants,

buffalo, and native cattle, which have a special liking for the tender

leaves of the coffee plant. Insects and fungi are the most bothersome

pests on most plantations. Among the insects, the several varieties of

borers are the principal foes, boring into the wood of the trunk and

branches to lay _larvae_ which sap the life from the tree. There are

scale insects whose excretion forms a black mold on the leaves and

affects the nutrition by cutting off the sunlight. Numerous kinds of

beetles, caterpillars, grasshoppers, and crickets attack the coffee-tree

leaves, the so-called "leaf-miner" being especially troublesome. The

Mediterranean fruit fly deposits _larvae_ which destroy or lessen the

worth of the coffee berry by tunneling within and eating the contents of

the parchment. The coffee-berry beetle and its grub also live within the

coffee berry.

Among the most destructive fungoid diseases is the so-called Ceylon leaf

disease, which is caused by the _Hemileia vastatrix_, a fungus related

to the wheat rust. It was this disease which ruined the coffee industry

in Ceylon, where it first appeared in 1869, and since has been found in

other coffee-producing regions of Asia and Africa. America has a similar

disease, caused by the _Sphaerostilbe flavida_, that is equally

destructive if not vigilantly guarded against. (See chapters XV and

XVI.)

The coffee-tree roots also are subject to attack. There is the root

disease, prevalent in all countries, and for which no cause has yet been

definitely assigned, although it has been determined that it is of a

fungoid nature. Brazil, and some other American coffee-producing

countries, have a serious disease caused by the eelworm, and for that

reason called the eelworm disease.

Coffee planters combat pests and diseases principally with sprays, as in

other lines of advanced arboriculture. It is a constant battle,

especially on the large commercial plantations, and constitutes a large

item on the expense sheet.

_Cultivation by Countries_

Coffee-cultivation methods vary somewhat in detail in the different

producing countries. The foregoing description covers the underlying

principles in practise throughout the world; while the following is

intended to show the local variations in vogue in the principal

countries of production, together with brief descriptions of the main

producing districts, the altitudes, character of soil, climate, and

other factors that are peculiar to each country. In general, they are

considered in the order of their relative importance as producing

countries.

BRAZIL. In Brazil, the Giant of South America, and the world's largest

coffee producer, the methods of cultivation naturally have reached a

high point of development, although the soil and the climate were not at

first regarded as favorable. The year 1723 is generally accepted as the

date of the introduction of the coffee plant into Brazil from French

Guiana. Coffee planting was slow in developing, however, until 1732,

when the governor of the states of Pará and Maranhao urged its

cultivation. Sixteen years later, there were 17,000 trees in Pará. From

that year on, slow but steady progress was made; and by 1770, an export

trade had been begun from the port of Pará to countries in Europe.

[Illustration: UP-TO-DATE WEEDING AND HARROWING, SÃO PAULO]

The spread of the industry began about this time. The coffee tree was

introduced into the state of Rio de Janeiro in 1770. From there its

cultivation was gradually extended into the states of São Paulo, Minãs

Geraes, Bahia, and Espirito Santo, which have become the great

coffee-producing sections of Brazil. The cultivation of the plant did

not become especially noteworthy until the third decade of the

nineteenth century. Large crops were gathered in the season of 1842-43;

and by the middle of the century, the plantations were producing

annually more than 2,000,000 bags.

[Illustration: Photograph by Courtesy of J. Aron & Co.

GENERAL VIEW OF FAZENDA DUMONT, RIBEIRAO PRETO, SÃO PAULO, BRAZIL]

Brazil's commercial coffee-growing region has an estimated area of

approximately 1,158,000 square miles, and extends from the river Amazon

to the southern border of the state of São Paulo, and from the Atlantic

coast to the western boundary of the state of Matto Grosso. This area is

larger than that section of the United States lying east of the

Mississippi River, with Texas added. In every state of the republic,

from Ceará in the north to Santa Catharina in the south, the coffee tree

can be cultivated profitably; and is, in fact, more or less grown in

every state, if only for domestic use. However, little attention is

given to coffee-growing in the north, except in the state of Pernambuco,

which has only about 1,500,000 trees, as compared, with the 764,000,000

trees of São Paulo in 1922.

The chief coffee-growing plantations in Brazil are situated on plateaus

seldom less than 1,800 feet above sea-level, and ranging up to 4,000

feet. The mean annual temperature is approximately 70° F., ranging from

a mean of 60.8° in winter to a mean of 72° in summer. The temperature

has been known, however, to register 32° in winter and 97.7° in summer.

While coffee trees will grow in almost any part of Brazil, experience

indicates that the two most fertile soils, the _terra roxa_ and the

_massape_, lie in the "coffee belts." The _terra roxa_ is a dark red

earth, and is practically confined to São Paulo, and to it is due the

predominant coffee productivity of that state. _Massape_ is a yellow,

dark red--or even black--soil, and occurs more or less contiguous to the

_terra roxa_. With a covering of loose sand, it makes excellent coffee

land.

Brazil planters follow the nursery-propagated method of planting, and

cultivate, prune, and spray their trees liberally. Transplanting is done

in the months from November to February.

Coffee-growing profits have shown a decided falling off in Brazil in

recent years. In 1900 it was not uncommon for a coffee estate to yield

an annual profit of from 100 to 250 percent. Ten years later the average

returns did not exceed twelve percent.

[Illustration: FAZENDA GUATAPARA, SÃO PAULO, BRAZIL, WITH 800,000 TREES

IN BEARING]

In Brazil's coffee belt there are two seasons--the wet, running from

September to March; and the dry, running from April to August. The

coffee trees are in bloom from September to December. The blossoms last

about four days, and are easily beaten off by light winds or rains. If

the rains or winds are violent, the green berries may be similarly

destroyed; so that great damage may be caused by unseasonable rains and

storms.

The harvest usually begins in April or May, and extends well into the

dry season. Even in the picking season, heavy rains and strong

winds--especially the latter--may do considerable damage; for in Brazil

shade trees and wind-breaks are the exception.

Approximately twenty-five percent of the São Paulo plantations are

cultivated by machinery. A type of cultivator very common is similar to

the small corn-plow used in the United States. The Planet Junior,

manufactured by a well known United States agricultural-machinery firm,

is the most popular cultivator. It is drawn by a small mule, with a boy

to lead it, and a man to drive and to guide the plow.

The preponderance of the coffee over other industries in São Paulo is

shown in many ways. A few years ago the registration of laborers in all

industries was about 450,000; and of this total, 420,000 were employed

in the production and transportation of coffee alone. Of the capital

invested in all industries, about eighty-five percent was in coffee

production and commerce, including the railroads that depended upon it

directly. An estimated value of $482,500,000 was placed upon the

plantations in the state, including land, machinery, the residences of

owners, and laborers' quarters.

[Illustration: Copyright by Brown & Dawson.

PICKING COFFEE IN SÃO PAULO]

In all Brazil, there are approximately 1,200,000,000 coffee trees. The

number of bearing coffee trees in São Paulo alone increased from

735,000,000 in 1914-15 to 834,000,000 in 1917-18. The crop in 1917-18

was 1,615,000,000 pounds, one of the largest on record. In the

agricultural year of 1922-23 there were 764,969,500 coffee trees in

bearing in São Paulo, and in São Paulo, Minãs, and Parana, 824,194,500.

[Illustration: Photograph by Courtesy of J. Aron & Co.

INTENSIVE CULTIVATION METHODS IN THE RIBEIRAO PRETO DISTRICT, SÃO PAULO]

Plantations having from 300,000 to 400,000 trees are common. One

plantation near Ribeirao Preto has 5,000,000 trees, and requires an army

of 6,000 laborers to work it. Another planter owns thirty-two adjacent

plantations containing, in all, from 7,500,000 to 8,000,000 coffee trees

and gives employment to 8,000 persons. There are fifteen plantations

having more than 1,000,000 trees each, and five of these have more than

2,000,000 trees each. In the municipality of Ribeirao Preto there were

30,000,000 trees in 1922.

[Illustration: Photograph by Courtesy of J. Aron & Co.

PRIVATE RAILROAD ON A SÃO PAULO COFFEE FAZENDA

Showing coffee trees and laborers' houses in the middle distance at

right]

The largest coffee plantations in the world are the Fazendas Dumont and

the Fazendas Schmidt. The Fazendas Dumont were valued, in 1915, in cost

of land and improvements, at $5,920,007; and since those figures were

given out, the value of the investment has much increased. Of the

various Fazendas Schmidt, the largest, owned by Colonel Francisco

Schmidt, in 1918 had 9,000,000 trees with an annual yield of 200,000

bags, or 26,400,000 pounds, of coffee. Other large plantations in São

Paulo with a million or more trees, are the Companhia Agricola Fazenda

Dumont, 2,420,000 trees; Companhia São Martinho, 2,300,000 trees;

Companhia Dumont, 2,000,000 trees; São Paulo Coffee Company, 1,860,000

trees; Christiana Oxorio de Oliveira, 1,790,000 trees; Companhia

Guatapara, 1,550,000 trees; Dr. Alfredo Ellis, 1,271,000 trees;

Companhia Agricola Araqua, 1,200,000 trees; Companhia Agricola Ribeirao

Preto, 1,138,000 trees; Rodriguez Alves Irmaos, 1,060,000 trees;

Francisca Silveira do Val, 1,050,000 trees; Luiza de Oliveira Azevedo,

1,045,000 trees; and the Companhia Caféeria São Paulo, 1,000,000 trees.

The average annual yield in São Paulo is estimated at from 1,750 to

4,000 pounds from a thousand trees, while in exceptional instances it is

said that as much as 6,000 pounds per 1,000 trees have been gathered.

Differences in local climatic conditions, in ages of trees, in richness

of soil, and in the care exercised in cultivation, are given as the

reasons for the wide variation.

The oldest coffee-growing district in São Paulo is Campinas. There are

136 others.

Bahia coffee is not so carefully cultivated and harvested as the Santos

coffee. The introduction of capital and modern methods would do much for

Bahia, which has the advantage of a shorter haul to the New York and the

European markets.

On the average, something like seventy percent of the world's coffee

crop is grown in Brazil, and two-thirds of this is produced in São

Paulo. Coffee culture in many districts of São Paulo has been brought to

the point of highest development; and yet its product is essentially a

quantity, not a quality, one.

COLOMBIA. In Colombia, coffee is the principal crop grown for export. It

is produced in nearly all departments at elevations ranging from 3,500

feet to 6,500 feet. Chief among the coffee-growing departments are

Antioquia (capital, Medellin); Caldas (capital, Manizales); Magdalena

(capital, Santa Marta); Santander (capital, Bucaramanga); Tolima

(capital, Ibague); and the Federal District (capital, Bogota). The

department of Cundinamarca produces a coffee that is counted one of the

best of Colombian grades. The finest grades are grown in the foot-hills

of the Andes, in altitudes from 3,500 to 4,500 feet above sea level.

[Illustration: THE CONDUCTING SLUICEWAY AT GUATAPARA

The running water carries the picked coffee berries to pulpers and

washing tanks]

[Illustration: COFFEE PICKING AND FIELD TRANSPORT]

[Illustration: COFFEE CULTURE IN SÃO PAULO, BRAZIL]

[Illustration: A NEAR VIEW OF A HEAVILY LADEN COFFEE TREE ON A BOGOTA

PLANTATION]

[Illustration: PICKING COFFEE ON A BOGOTA PLANTATION]

Methods of planting, cultivation, gathering, and preparing the Colombian

coffee crop for the market are substantially those that are common in

all coffee-producing countries, although they differ in some small

particulars. About 700 trees are usually planted to the acre, and native

trees furnish the necessary shade. The average yield is one pound per

tree per year.

While _Coffea arabica_ has been mostly cultivated in Colombia, as in the

other countries of South America, the _liberica_ variety has not been

neglected. Seeds of the _liberica_ tree were planted here soon after

1880, and were moderately successful. Since 1900, more attention has

been given to _liberica_, and attempts have been made to grow it upon

banana and rubber plantations, which seem to provide all the shade

protection that is needed. _Liberica_ coffee trees begin to bear in

their third year. From the fifth year, when a crop of about 650 pounds

to the acre can reasonably be expected, the productiveness steadily

increases until after fifteen or sixteen years, when a maximum of over

one thousand pounds an acre is attained.

Antioquia is the largest coffee producing department in the republic,

and its coffee is of the highest grade grown. Medellin, the capital,

where the business interests of the industry are concentrated, is a

handsome white city located on the banks of the Aburra river, in a

picturesque valley that is overlooked by the high peaks of the Andean

range. It is a town of about 80,000 inhabitants, thriving as a

manufacturing center, abundant in modern improvements, and is the center

of a coffee production of 500,000 bags known in the market as Medellin

and Manizales. Another center in this coffee region is the town of

Manizales, perched on the crest of the Andean spurs to dominate the

valley extending to Medellin and the Cauca valley to the Pacific.

There-about many small coffee growers are settled, and several hundred

thousand bags of the beans pass through annually.

One of the interesting plantations of the country was started a few

years ago in a remote region by an enterprising American investor. It

was located on the slopes of the Sierra Nevada mountains 3,000 to 5,000

feet above sea-level, about twenty-five miles from the city of Santa

Marta. An extended acreage of forest-covered land was acquired, about

600 acres of which were cleared and either planted in coffee or reserved

for pasturage and other kinds of agriculture. When the plantation came

to maturity, it had nearly 300,000 trees. In 1919, there were 425,000

trees producing 3,600 hundred-weight of coffee.

A typical Colombian plantation is the Namay, owned by one of the bankers

of the Banco de Colombia of Bogota. It is located a good half day's

travel by rail and horseback from the city, about 5,000 feet above the

level of the sea. There are 1,000 acres in the plantation, with 250,000

trees having an ultimate productive capacity of nearly 2,000 bags a

year. During crop times, which are from May to July, about two hundred

families are needed on an estate of this size.

VENEZUELA. Seeds of the coffee plant were brought into Venezuela from

Martinique in 1784 by a priest who started a small plantation near

Caracas. Five years later, the first export of the bean was made, 233

bags, or about 30,000 pounds. Within fifty years, production had

increased to upward of 50,000,000 pounds annually; and by the end of the

nineteenth century, to more than 100,000,000 pounds.

Situated between the equator and the twelfth parallel of north latitude,

in the world's coffee belt, this country has an area equal to that of

all the United States east of the Mississippi river and north of the

Ohio and Potomac rivers, or greater than that of France, Germany, and

the Netherlands combined--599,533 square miles.

The chain of the Maritime Andes, reaching eastward across Colombia and

Venezuela, approaches the Caribbean coast in the latter country. Along

the slopes and foot-hills of these mountains are produced some of the

finest grades of South American coffee. Here the best coffee grows in

the _tierra templada_ and in the lower part of the _tierra fria_, and is

known as the _café de tierra fria_, or coffee of the cold, or high,

land. In these regions the equable climate, the constant and adequate

moisture, the rich and well-drained soil, and the protecting forest

shade afford the conditions under which the plant grows and thrives

best. On the fertile lowland valleys nearer the coast grows the _café de

tierra caliente_, or coffee of the hot land.

[Illustration: ON THE ALTAMIRA HACIENDA, VENEZUELA

The long pipe crossing the center of the picture is a water sluiceway

bringing coffee down from the hills]

Coffee growing has become the main agricultural pursuit of the country.

In 1839 it was estimated that there were 8,900 acres of land planted in

coffee, and in 1888 there were 168,000,000 coffee trees in the country

on 346,000 acres of land. In the opening years of the twentieth century

not far from 250,000 acres were devoted to this cultivation, comprised

in upward of 33,000 plantations. The average yield per acre is about

250 pounds. The trees are usually planted from two to two and a quarter

meters apart, and this gives about 800 trees to the acre. The triangle

system is unknown.

[Illustration: CARMEN HACIENDA, FRONTING ON THE ESCALANTE RIVER,

VENEZUELA]

In this country, the coffee tree bears its first crop when four or five

years old. The trees are not subject to unusual hazards from the attacks

of injurious insects and animals or from serious parasitic diseases.

Nature is kind to them, and their only serious contention for existence

arises from the luxuriant tropical vegetation by which they are

surrounded. On the whole their cultivation is comparatively easy. On the

best managed estates there are not more than 1,000 trees to a

_fanegada_--about one and three-quarters acres of land--and it is

calculated that an average annual yield for such a _fanegada_ should be

about twenty quintals, a little more than 2,032 pounds of merchantable

coffee. It is to be noted, however, that the average yield per tree

throughout Venezuela is low--not more than four ounces.

There are no great coffee belts as in Mexico and Central America. Many

districts are days' rides apart. The plantations are isolated, and there

is lacking a co-operative spirit among the growers.

Methods of cultivating and preparing the berry for the market are

substantially those that prevail elsewhere in South America. Most

plantations are handled in ordinary, old-fashioned ways; but the better

estates employ machinery and methods of the most advanced and improved

character at all points of their operation, from the planting of the

seed to the final marketing of the berry.

JAVA. Java, the oldest coffee-producing country in which the tree is not

indigenous, was producing a high-grade coffee long before Brazil,

Colombia, and Venezuela entered the industry; and it held its supremacy

in the world's trade for many years before the younger American

producing countries were able to surpass its annual output. The first

attempt to introduce the plant into Java took place in 1696, the

seedlings being brought from Malabar in India and planted at Kadawoeng,

near Batavia. Earthquake and flood soon destroyed the plants; and in

1699 Henricus Zwaardecroon brought the second lot of seedlings from

Malabar. These became the progenitors of all the _arabica_ coffees of

the Dutch East Indies. The industry grew, and in 1711 the first Java

coffee was sold at public auction in Amsterdam. Exports amounted to

116,587 pounds in 1720; and in 1724 the Amsterdam market sold 1,396,486

pounds of coffee from Java.

From the early part of the nineteenth century up to 1905, cultivation

was carried on under a Dutch government monopoly--excepting for the

five years, 1811-16, when the British had control of the island. The

government monopoly was first established when Marshal Daendels, acting

for the crown of Holland, took control of the islands from the

Netherlands East India Company. Before that time, the princes of

Preanger had raised all the coffee under the provisions of a treaty made

in the middle of the eighteenth century, by which they paid an annual

tribute in coffee to the company for the privilege of retaining their

land revenues. When the Dutch government recovered the islands from the

British, the plantations, which had been permitted to go to ruin, were

put in order again, and the government system re-established.

[Illustration: A HEAVY FRUITING OF COFFEA ROBUSTA IN JAVA]

A modification of the first monopoly plan of the government was put into

effect later in the régime of Governor Van den Bosch, and was maintained

until into the twentieth century. Under the Daendels plan, each native

family was required to keep 1000 coffee trees in bearing on village

lands, and to give to the government two-fifths of the crop, delivered

cleaned and sorted, at the government store. The natives retained the

other three-fifths. Under the Van den Bosch system, each family was

required to raise and care for 650 trees and to deliver the crop cleaned

and sorted to the government stores at a fixed price. The government

then sold the coffee at public auctions in Batavia, Padang, Amsterdam,

or Rotterdam.

This method of fostering the new industry resulted in government control

of fully four-fifths of the area under the crop, only the small balance

being owned or worked independently by private enterprise. For many

years after the cultivation had been fully started, this condition of

the business persisted. Most of the privately-operated plantations had

been in existence before the government had set up its monopoly system.

Others were on the estates of native princes who, in treating with the

Dutch, had been able to retain some of their original sovereign rights.

While these plans worked well in encouraging the industry at the outset,

they were not conducive to the fullest possibilities in production.

Forced labor on the government plantations was naturally apt to be slow,

careless, and indifferent. Private ownership and operation bettered this

somewhat, the private estates being able to show annual yields of from

one to two pounds per tree as compared with only a little more than

one-half pound per tree on government-controlled estates.

In the course of time, the system of private ownership gradually

expanded beyond that of the government; and before the end of the

nineteenth century, private owners were growing and exporting more

coffee than did the Javanese government. The government withdrew from

the coffee business in Java in 1905, and the last government auction was

held in June of that year. The monopoly in Sumatra was given up in 1908.

After that, however, coffee continued to be grown on government lands,

but in much less quantity than in the years immediately preceding. The

Dutch government withdrew from all coffee cultivation in 1918-19.

According to statistics, the ground under cultivation for all kinds of

coffee in Java and the other islands of the Dutch East Indies in 1919

was 142,272 acres, of which 112,138 acres were in Java. Of this area,

110,903 acres were planted with _robusta_, 15,314 acres with _arabica_,

4,940 with _liberica_, and 11,115 with other varieties.

There were more than 400 European-managed estates in 1915, covering a

planted area of about 209,000 acres. Three hundred and thirty of these

estates, representing 165,000 acres, were in Java. On that island

production in 1904 was 47,927,000 pounds; in 1905, 59,092,000 pounds; in

1906, 66,953,000 pounds; in 1907, 31,044,000 pounds; 1908, 39,349,000

pounds. The total crop in 1919 for all the Netherlands East Indies was

97,361,000 pounds, as against 140,764,800 pounds for 1918.

Intensive cultivation methods on the European-operated plantations in

Java have been practised for many years; and the Netherlands East Indies

government has long maintained experimental stations for the purpose of

improving strains and cultivation methods.

[Illustration: ROAD THROUGH A COFFEE ESTATE IN EAST JAVA]

In some parts of the island, especially in the highlands, the climate

and soil are ideal for coffee culture. The _robusta_ tree grows

satisfactorily even at altitudes of less than 1,000 feet in some

regions; but its bearing life is only about ten years, as compared with

the thirty years of the _arabica_ at altitudes of from 3,000 to 4,000

feet. The low-ground trees generally produce earlier and more

abundantly. On some of the highland plantations, pruning is not

practised to any great extent, and the trees often reach thirty or forty

feet in height. This necessitates the use of ladders in picking; but

frequently the yield per tree has been from six to seven pounds.

[Illustration: NATIVE PICKING COFFEE, SUMATRA]

Coffee is produced commercially in nearly every political district in

Java, but the bulk of the yield is obtained from East Java. The names

best known to European and American traders are those of the regencies

of Besoeki and Pasoeroean; because their coffees make up eighty-seven

percent of Java's production. Some of the other better known districts

are: Preanger, Cheribon, Kadoe, Samarang, Soerabaya, and Tegal.

The _arabica_ variety has practically been driven out of the districts

below 3,500 feet altitude by the leaf disease, and has been succeeded by

the more hardy _robusta_ and _liberica_ coffees and their hybrids.

Illustrating the importance of _robusta_ coffee, Netherlands East India

government in a statement issued August, 1919, estimated the area under

cultivation on all islands as follows: _robusta_, eighty-four percent;

_arabica_, five and one-half percent; _liberica_, four and one-half

percent. The balance, six percent, was made up of scores of other

varieties, among the most important being the _canephora_, _Ugandæ_,

_baukobensis_, _suakurensis_, _Quillou_, _stenophylla_, and

_rood-bessige_. All of these are similar to _robusta_, and are exported

as _robusta-achtigen_ (_robusta_-like). The _liberica_ group includes

the _excelsa_, _abeokuta_, _Dewevrei_, _arnoldiana_, _aruwimiensis_, and

_Dybowskii_.

[Illustration: PALATIAL BUNGALOW OF ADMINISTRATOR, DRAMAGA, IN THE

PREANGER DISTRICT, JAVA]

SUMATRA. Practically all the coffee districts in Sumatra are on the west

coast, where the plant was first propagated early in the eighteenth

century. Padang, the capital city, is the headquarters for Sumatra

coffee. With climate and soil similar to Java, the island of Sumatra has

the added advantage that its land is not "coffee _moe_", or coffee

tired, as is the case in parts of Java. Some of the world's best coffees

are still coming from Sumatra; and the island has possibilities that

could make it an important factor in production. Sumatra produced

287,179 piculs of coffee in 1920. The total production of all the

islands that year was 807,591 piculs.

[Illustration: OLD-TIME SAILING VESSEL LOADING IN PADANG ROADS]

[Illustration: INTERIOR OF A DUTCH COFFEE-CLEANING FACTORY, PADANG]

[Illustration: COFFEE SCENES IN SUMATRA, NETHERLANDS EAST INDIES]

[Illustration: ADMINISTRATOR'S BUNGALOW ON THE GADOENG BATOE ESTATE,

SUMATRA]

The districts of Ankola, Siboga, Ayer Bangies, Mandheling, Palembang,

Padang, and Benkoelen, on the west coast, have some of the largest

estates on the island; and their products are well known in

international trade. The east coast has recently gone in for heavy

plantings of _robusta_.

As in Java, coffee for a century or more was cultivated under the

government-monopoly scheme. The compulsory system was given up in this

island in 1908, three years after it was abandoned in Java.

OTHER EAST INDIES. Coffee is grown in several of the other islands in

the Dutch East Indian archipelago, chiefly on the Celebes, Bali, Lombok,

the Moluccas, and Timor. Most of the estates are under native control,

and the methods of cultivation are not up to the standard of the

European-owned plantations on the larger islands of Java and Sumatra.

The most important of these islands is Celebes, where the first coffee

plant was introduced from Java about 1750, but where cultivation was not

carried on to any great extent until about seventy-five years later. In

1822 the production amounted to 10,000 pounds; in 1917, the yield was

1,322,328 pounds.

SALVADOR. Coffee, which is far and away the most important crop in

Salvador, constitutes in value more than one-half the total exports. It

has been cultivated since about 1852, when plants were brought from

Havana; but the development of the industry in its early years was not

rapid. The first large plantations were established in 1876 in La Paz,

and that department has become the leading coffee-producing section of

the country.

The berry is grown in all districts that have altitudes of from 1,500 to

4,000 feet. Besides those of La Paz, the most productive plantations are

in the departments of Santa Ana, Sonsonate, San Salvador, San Vincente,

San Miguel, Santa Tecla, and Ahuachapan. In contrast with several of the

adjoining Central American republics, native Salvadoreans are the owners

of most of the coffee farms, very few having passed into the hands of

foreigners. The laborers are almost entirely native Indians. A

considerable part of the work of cultivating and preparing the berry for

the market is still done by hand; but in recent years machinery has been

set up on the large estates and for general use in the receiving

centers.

[Illustration: WELL CULTIVATED YOUNG COFFEE TREES IN BLOSSOM]

[Illustration: ENTRANCE TO A FINCA IN THE HIGHLANDS]

[Illustration: COFFEE CULTURE IN GUATEMALA]

It is estimated that now about 166,000 acres are under coffee, nearly

all the land in the country suitable for that purpose. As in most other

coffee-raising countries, the trees begin bearing when they are two or

three years old, reach full maturity at the age of seven or eight years,

and continue to bear for about thirty years. Intensive cultivation and a

more extensive use of fertilizers have been urged as necessary in order

to increase the crop; but, so far, with not much effect, the importation

of fertilizer being still very small. Crop gathering begins in the

lowlands in November, and gradually proceeds into the higher regions,

month by month, until the picking in the highest altitudes is finished

in the following March.

GUATEMALA. Guatemala began intensive coffee growing about 1875. Coffee

had been known in the country in a small way from about 1850, but now

serious attention began to be given to its cultivation, and it quickly

advanced to an industrial position of importance. Within a generation it

became the great staple crop of the country.

Guatemala has an area of 48,250 square miles, about the size of the

state of Ohio. Its population is about 2,000,000. Three mountain ranges,

intersecting magnificent table lands, traverse the country from north to

south; and there is the great coffee territory. The table lands are from

2,500 to 5,000 feet above sea-level, and have a temperate climate most

agreeable to the coffee tree. On the lower heights it is necessary to

protect the young trees from the extreme heat of the sun; and the banana

is most approved for this purpose, since it raises its own crop at the

same time that it is giving shade to its companion tree. On the higher

levels the plantations need protection from the cold north winds that

blow strongly across the country, especially in December, January, and

February. The range of hills to the north is the best protection, and

generally is all sufficient. When the weather becomes too severe, heaps

of rubbish mixed with pitch are thrown up to the north of the fields of

coffee trees and set afire, the resultant dense smoke driving down

between rows of trees and saving them from the frost.

[Illustration: INDIANS PICKING COFFEE, GUATEMALA]

Named in the order of their productivity, the coffee districts are Costa

Cuca, Costa Grande, Barberena, Tumbador, Cobán, Costa de Cucho,

Chicacao, Xolhuitz, Pochuta, Malacatan, San Marcos, Chuva, Panan, Turgo,

Escuintla, San Vincente, Pacaya, Antigua, Moran, Amatitlan, Sumatan,

Palmar, Zunil, and Motagua.

Estimates of coffee acreage vary. One authority, too conservatively,

perhaps, puts the figure at 145,000. Another estimate is 260,000 acres.

Under cultivation are from 70,000,000 to 100,000,000 trees from which an

annual crop averaging about 75,000,000 pounds is raised, and the

exceptional amounts of nearly 90,000,000 and 97,000,000 pounds have been

harvested. Several plantations of size can be counted upon for an annual

production of more than 1,000,000 pounds each.

Before the World War German interests dominated the coffee industry,

handling fully eighty percent of the crop, and growing nearly half of

it.

Planting and cultivation methods in Guatemala are about the same as

those prevailing in other countries. The trees are usually in flower in

February, March, and April, and the harvesting season extends from

August to January. All work on the plantation is done by Indian laborers

under a peonage system, families working in companies: wages are small,

but sufficient, conditions of living being easy. As elsewhere in these

tropical and sub-tropical countries, scarcity of labor is severely

felt, and is a grave obstacle to the development of the industry in a

land that is regarded as particularly well adapted to it.

[Illustration: THE COFFEE PLANTER'S LIFE IN GUATEMALA IS ONE OF

PLEASANTNESS AND PEACE]

HAITI. Haiti, the magic isle of the Indies, has grown coffee almost from

the beginning of the introduction of the tree into the western

hemisphere. Its cultivation was started there about 1715, but the trees

were largely permitted to fall into a wild natural state, and little

attention was given to them or to the handling of the crop. Fertility of

soil, climate, and moisture are favorable, and the advancement of the

industry has been retarded only by the political conditions of the negro

republic and a general lack of industry and enterprise on the part of

the people.

Haiti is an island with three names. Haiti is used to describe the

island as a whole, and to denote the Republic of Haiti, which occupies

the western third of its area. The island is also known as Santo

Domingo, and San Domingo, names likewise applied to the Dominican

Republic which occupies the eastern two-thirds of the land unit.

Plantations now existing in Haiti have had, with rare exceptions, a life

of more than ten or twenty years. It is estimated that they cover about

125,000 acres, with about 400 trees to the acre.

When the French acquired the island in 1789, the annual production was

88,360,502 pounds. During the following century that amount was not

approached in any year, the nearest to it being 72,637,716 pounds in

1875. The lowest annual production was 20,280,589 pounds in 1818. The

range during the hundred years, 1789-1890, was, with the exceptions

noted, from 45,000,000 to 71,000,000 pounds.

MEXICO. Opinions differ as to the exact date when coffee was introduced

into Mexico. It is said to have been transplanted there from the West

Indies near the end of the eighteenth century. A story is current that a

Spaniard set out a few trees, on trial, in southern Mexico, in 1800, and

that his experiments started other Mexican planters along the same line.

Coffee was grown in the state of Vera Cruz early in the nineteenth

century; and the books of the Vera Cruz custom house record that 1,101

quintals of coffee were exported through that port during the years

1802, 1803, and 1805.

In the Coatepec district, which eventually became famous in the annals

of Mexican coffee growing, trees were planted about the year 1808. Local

history says that seeds were brought from Cuba by Arias, a partner of

the house of Pedro Lopez, owners of the large _hacienda_ of Orduna in

Coatepec. The seeds were given to a priest, Andres Dominguez, who sowed

them near Teocelo. When he had succeeded in starting seedlings, he gave

them away to other planters there-about. The plants thrived, and this

was the beginning of coffee cultivation in that section of the country.

[Illustration: THIRTY-YEAR-OLD COFFEE TREES, LA ESPERANZA, HUATUSCO,

MEXICO]

It was, however, nearly ten years later before the cultivation was on a

scale approaching industrial and commercial importance. About 1816 or

1818 a Spaniard, named Juan Antonio Gomez, introduced the plant into the

neighborhood of Cordoba. This city, now on the line of the Mexican and

Vera Cruz Railroad, 200 miles from Mexico City, and sixty miles from

Vera Cruz, is 2,500 feet above sea-level, and is situated in the most

productive tropical region of the country.

Having been started in Coatepec and Cordoba, the industry was centered

for a long time in the state of Vera Cruz. For many years practically

all the coffee grown commercially in Mexico was produced in that state.

Gradually the new pursuit spread to the mountains in the adjacent states

of Oaxaca and Puebla, where it was taken up by the Indians almost

entirely, and is still followed by them, but not on a large scale.

Although cultivation is now widely distributed in most of the more

southern states of the republic, the principal coffee territory is still

in Vera Cruz, where lie the districts of Cordoba, Orizaba, Huatusco, and

Coatepec. In the same region are the Jalapa district, and the mountains

of Puebla, where a great deal of coffee is grown. Farther south are the

Oaxaca districts on the mountain slopes of the Pacific coast, and still

farther south the districts of the state of Chiapas. Planting in the

Pluma district in Oaxaca was begun about fifty years ago, and it now

produces annually, in good years, nearly 1,000,000 pounds. The youngest

district in this section is Soconusco, one of the most prolific in the

republic, having been developed within the last thirty years. The region

is near the border of Guatemala, and the coffee is held by many to

possess some of the quality of the coffee of that country. The influence

of Guatemalan methods has been felt also in its cultivation and

handling, especially in increasing plantation productiveness. On the

gulf slope of Oaxaca, there are plantations that annually produce

222,000 to 550,000 pounds. Several United States companies have become

interested in coffee growing in this state, and their output in recent

years has been put upon the market in St. Louis.

Two principal varieties of coffee are recognized in Mexico. A

sub-variety of _Coffea arabica_ is mostly cultivated. This is an

evergreen, growing only from five to seven feet. It flourishes well at

different altitudes and in different climes, from the temperate plains

of Puebla to the hot, damp, lower lands of Vera Cruz and Oaxaca, and

other Pacific-coast regions. The range of elevation for it is from 1,500

to 5,000 feet, and it is satisfied with a temperature as low as 55° or

as high as 80°, with plenty of natural humidity or with irrigation in

the dry season. The other variety is called the "myrtle" and is widely

grown, although not in large quantities. It is distinguished from

_arabica_ by the larger leaf of the tree and by the smaller corolla of

the flower. It is a hardier plant than the _arabica_ and will stand the

higher temperature of low altitudes, thriving at an elevation of from

500 to 3,000 feet above sea-level. Mostly it is cultivated in the

Cordoba district.

It is claimed by many that the Mexican coffee of best quality is grown

in the western regions of the table lands of Colima and Michoacan, but

only a small quantity of that is available for export. The state of

Michoacan is especially favored by climate, altitude, soil, and

surroundings to produce coffee of exceptionally high grade, and the

Uruapan is considered to be its best.

Trees flower in January and March, and in high altitudes as late as June

or July. Berries appear in July and are ripe for gathering in October or

November, the picking season lasting until February.

Trees begin to yield when two or three years old, producing from two to

four ounces. They reach full production, which is about one and a half

pounds, at the age of six or seven years, though in the districts of

Chiapas, Michoacan, Oaxaca, and Puebla, annual yields of three to five

pounds per tree have been reported.

Since the World War American buyers have shown greater interest in the

Tapachula coffee grown in Chiapas.

[Illustration: MEXICAN COFFEE PICKER, COATEPEC DISTRICT]

PORTO RICO. Coffee culture in Porto Rico dates from 1755 or even

earlier, having been introduced from the neighboring islands of

Martinique and Haiti. Count O'Reilly, writing of the island in the

eighteenth century, mentions that the coffee exports for five years

previous to 1765 amounted in value to $2,078. Old records show that in

1770 there was a crop of 700,000 pounds and that seems to be the first

evidence that the new industry was growing to any noticeable

proportions. For a hundred years, at least, only slow progress was made.

In 1768 the king, of Spain issued a royal decree exempting coffee

growers on the island from the payment of taxes or charges for a period

of five years; but even that measure was not materially successful in

stimulating interest and in developing cultivation.

Porto Rico is a good coffee-growing country; soil, climate, and

temperature are well adapted to the berry. The coffee belt extends

through the western half of the island, beginning in the hills along the

south coast around Ponce, and extending north through the center of the

island almost to Arecibo, near the west end of the north coast. But some

coffee is grown in the other parts of the island, in sixty-four of the

sixty-eight municipalities. Mountain sections are considered to be

superior.

The largest plantations are in the region which includes the

municipalities of Utuado, Adjuntas, Lares, Las Marias, Yauco, Maricao,

San Sebastian, Mayaguez, Ciales, and Ponce. With the exception of Ponce

and Mayaguez, all these districts are back from the coast; but insular

roads of recent construction make them now easily accessible, and there

is no point on the island more than twenty miles distant from the sea.

[Illustration: RECEIVING AND MEASURING THE RIPE BERRIES FROM THE

PICKERS, MEXICO]

From the Sierra Luquillo range, which rises to a height of 1,500 feet,

and from Yauco, Utuado, and Lares, come excellent coffees; and, on the

whole, these are considered to be the best coffee regions of the island.

A fine grade of coffee is also grown in the Ciales district. Figures

compiled by the Treasury Department of the insular government for the

purpose of taxation showed that for the tax year 1915-16 there were

167,137 acres of land planted to coffee and valued at $10,341,592, an

average of $61.87 per acre. In 1910, there were 151,000 acres planted in

coffee. In 1916 there were more than 5,000 separate coffee plantations.

Originally the coffee trees of Porto Rico were all of the _arabica_

variety. In recent years numerous others have been introduced, until in

1917 there were more than 2,500 trees of new descriptions on the island.

The virgin land in the interior of the island is admirably adapted to

the coffee tree, and less labor is required to prepare it for plantation

purposes than in many other coffee-growing countries. It is cleared in

the usual manner, and the trees are planted about eight feet apart, an

average of 680 trees to the acre. The seeds are planted in February; and

if the seedlings are transplanted, that is done when they are a year or

a year and a half old. The guama, a big strong tree of dense foliage, is

used for a wind-break on the ridges; and the guava, for shade in the

plantation. Plow cultivation is generally impossible on account of the

lay of the land, and only hoeing and spade work are done. Pruning is

carefully attended to as the trees become full grown.

Flowering is generally in February and March, or even later. Heavy rains

in April make a poor crop. Harvesting begins in September and extends

into January, during which time ten pickings are made.

[Illustration: SINGLE PORTO RICO COFFEE TREE IN FULL BEARING, PROPPED

UP WITH STAKES]

The average yield per acre is between 200 and 300 pounds; but expert

authority--Prof. O.F. Cook--in a statement made to the Committee on

Insular Affairs of the United States House of Representatives, in 1900,

held that under better cultural methods the yield could be increased to

800 or 900 pounds per acre. One estimator has calculated that an average

plantation of 100 acres had cost its owner at the end of six or seven

years, the bearing age, about $13,100 with yields of 75 pounds per acre

in the third and in the fourth years, 400 pounds per acre in the fifth

year, and 500 pounds in the sixth year, the income from which would

practically have met the cost to that time. It is held by the same

authority that an intensively cultivated, well-situated farm of selected

trees, 880 to the acre, should yield some 880 pounds of cleaned coffee

to the acre.

COSTA RICA. Costa Rica ranks next to Guatemala and Salvador among the

Central American countries as a producer of coffee, showing an average

annual yield in recent years of 35,000,000 pounds as compared with

Guatemala's 80,000,000 and Salvador's 75,000,000 pounds. Nicaragua has

an average annual production of 30,000,000 pounds.

Coffee was introduced into Costa Rica in the latter part of the

eighteenth century; one authority saying that the plants were brought

from Cuba in 1779 by a Spanish voyager, Navarro, and another saying that

the first trees were planted several years later by Padre Carazo, a

Spanish missionary coming from Jamaica. For more than a century six big

coffee trees standing in a courtyard in the city of Cartago were pointed

out to visitors as the very trees that Carazo had planted.

The coffee-producing districts are principally on the Pacific slope and

in the central plateaus of the interior. Plantations are located in the

provinces of Cartago, Tres Rios, San José, Heredia, and Alajuela. In the

province of Cartago are several extensive new estates on the slope to

the Atlantic coast. The San José and the Cartago districts are

considered by many to be the best naturally for the coffee tree. The

soil is an exceedingly rich black loam made up of continuous layers of

volcanic ashes and dust from three to fifteen feet deep. Preferable

altitudes for plantations range from 3,000 to 4,500 feet, although a

height of 5,000 feet is not out of use and there are some estates that

do fairly well on levels as low as 1,500 feet.

[Illustration: THE MODERN IDEA IN COFFEE CULTIVATION, COSTA RICA]

INDIA. Tradition has it that a Moslem pilgrim in the seventeenth century

brought from Mecca to India the first coffee seeds known in that

country. They were planted near a temple on a hill in Mysore called Baba

Budan, after the pilgrim; and from there the cultivation of coffee

gradually spread to neighboring districts. Aside from this legend,

nothing further is heard about coffee in India until the early part of

the nineteenth century, when its existence there was confirmed by the

granting of a charter to Fort Gloster, near Calcutta, authorizing that

place to become a coffee plantation.

[Illustration: PICKING COSTA RICA COFFEE]

[Illustration: COFFEE ESTATE IN THE MOUNTAINS OF COSTA RICA]

Planting was begun on the flat land of the plains, but the trees did not

thrive. Then the cultivation was extended to the hills in southern

India, especially in Mysore, where better success was achieved. The

first systematic plantation was established in 1840. For the most part,

the production has always been confined to southern India in the

elevated region near the southwestern coast. The coffee district

comprises the landward slopes of the Western Ghats, from Kanara to

Travancore.

About one-half of the coffee-producing area is in Mysore; and other

plantations are in Kurg (Coorg), the Madras districts of Malabar, and in

the Nilgiri hills, those regions having 86 percent of the whole area

under cultivation. Some coffee is grown also in other districts in

Madras, principally in Madura, Salem, and Coimbator, in Cochin, in

Travancore, and, on a restricted scale, in Burma, Assam, and Bombay. The

area returned as under coffee in 1885 was 237,448 acres; in 1896, as

303,944 acres. Since then there has been a progressive decrease on

account of damage from leaf diseases difficult to combat, and by

competition with Brazilian coffee.

New land that had just been planted with coffee in plantations reported

for 1919-20 amounted to 7,012 acres; while the area abandoned was 8,725

acres, representing a net decrease in cultivated area of 1,713 acres.

[Illustration: BIRD'S-EYE VIEW OF A COFFEE ESTATE IN MYSORE, INDIA]

Of the total area devoted to coffee cultivation (126,919 acres), 49

percent was in Mysore, which yielded 35 percent of the total production;

while Madras, with 23 percent of the total area, yielded 38 percent of

the production. The total production for the year 1920-21 is reported as

26,902,471 pounds.

Yield varies throughout the country according to the methods of

cultivation and the condition of the season. On the best estates in a

good season, the yield per acre may be as high as 1,100 or 1,200 pounds,

and on poor estates it may not be over 200 or 300 pounds. The _arabica_

variety is chiefly cultivated. The _robusta_ and _Maragogipe_ have been

tried, but without much success.

A representative plantation is the Santaverre in Mysore, comprising 400

acres, at an elevation of from 4,000 to 4,500 feet, where the coffee

trees, cultivated under shade, produce from 100 to 250 tons of coffee a

year. Other prominent estates in Mysore are Cannon's Baloor and

Mylemoney, the Hoskahn, and the Sumpigay Khan.

NICARAGUA. Coffee trees will grow well anywhere in Nicaragua, but the

best locations have altitudes of from 2,000 to 3,000 feet above sea

level. At such elevations the yield varies from one pound to five pounds

per tree annually; but above or below those, the average production

diminishes to from one pound to one-half pound a tree.

Lands most suitable for the berry are on the Sierra de Managua, in

Diriambe, San Marcos, and Jinotega, and about the base of the volcano

Monbacho near Granada. Good land is also found on the island Omotepe in

Lake Nicaragua, and around Boaco in the department of Chontales, where

cultivation was begun in 1893.

There are also plantations in the vicinity of Esteli and Lomati in the

department of Neuva Segovia. The most extensive operations are in the

departments of Managua, Carazo, Matagalpa, Chontales, and Jinotega, and

from those regions the annual crop has attained to such quantity that it

has become the chief agricultural product of the republic. Poor and

costly means of transportation on the Atlantic slope have operated to

retard the development of the industry there, even though conditions of

climate are not unfavorable.

[Illustration: COFFEE GROWING UNDER SHADE, UBBAN ESTATE, INDIA]

ABYSSINIA. In the absence of any conclusive evidence to the contrary,

the claim that coffee was first made known to modern man by the trees on

the mountains of the northeastern part of the continent of Africa may be

accepted without reserve. Undoubtedly the plant grew wild all through

tropical Africa; but its value as an addition to man's dietary was

brought forth in Abyssinia.

Abyssinia, while it may have given coffee to the world, no longer

figures as a prime factor in supplying the world, and now exports only a

limited quantity. There are produced in the country two coffees known to

the trade as Harari and Abyssinian, the former being by far the more

important. The Harari is the fruit of cultivated _arabica_ trees grown

in the province of Harar, and mostly in the neighborhood of the city of

Harar, capital of the province. The Abyssianian is the fruit of wild

_arabica_ trees that grow mainly in the provinces of Sidamo, Kaffa, and

Guma.

The coffee of Harar is known to the trade as Mocha longberry or

Abyssinian longberry. Most of the plantations upon which it is raised

are owned by the native Hararis, Galla, and Abyssinians, although there

are a few Greek, German, and French planters. The trees are planted in

rows about twelve or fifteen feet apart, and comparatively little

attention is given to cultivation. Crops average two a year, and

sometimes even five in two years. The big yield is in December, January,

and February. The average crop is about seventy pounds, and is mostly

from small plots of from fifty to one hundred trees, there being no very

large plantations. All the coffee is brought into the city of Harar,

whence it is sent on mule-back to Dire-Daoua on the Franco-Ethiopian

Railway, and from there by rail to Jibuti. Some of it is exported

directly from Jibuti, and the rest is forwarded to Aden, in Arabia, for

re-exporting.

Abyssinian, or wild, coffee is also known as Kaffa coffee, from one of

the districts where it grows most abundantly in a state of nature. This

coffee has a smaller bean and is less rich in aroma and flavor than the

Harari; but the trees grow in such profusion that the possible supply,

at the minimum of labor in gathering, is practically unlimited. It is

said that in southwestern Abyssinia there are immense forests of it

that have never been encroached upon except at the outskirts, where the

natives lazily pick up the beans that have fallen to the ground. It is

shelled where it is found, in the most primitive fashion, and goes out

in a dirty, mixed condition.

Formerly, much of this Kaffa coffee was sent to market through Boromeda,

Harar, and Dire-Daoua. An average annual crop was about 6,000 bags, or

800,000 pounds, of which something more than one-half usually went

through Harar. A customs and trading station has lately been established

at Gambela, on the Sobat River: and with the development of this outlet,

there has been a substantial and increasing exploitation of the

wild-coffee plants since 1913. Large areas of land have been cleared,

with a view to cultivation, and attention is being given to improved

methods of harvesting and of preparing the coffee for the market. At one

time a fair amount of coffee from this region went to Adis Abeba on the

backs of pack mules, a journey of thirty-five or forty days, and then

was carried to Jibuti, nearly 500 miles, part of the way by rail. Now

practically all of it goes to Gambela, thence by steamers to Khartoum,

and by rail to the shipping-point at Port Sudan on the Red Sea.

OTHER AFRICAN COUNTRIES. Practically every part of Africa seems to be

suitable for coffee cultivation, even United South Africa, in the

southern part of the continent, producing 140,212 pounds in 1918. To

name all the countries in which it is grown would be to list nearly all

the political divisions of Africa. Among the largest producers are the

British East African Protectorate, 18,735,572 pounds in 1918; French

Somaliland, 11,222,736 pounds in 1917; Angola, 10,655,934 pounds in

1913; Uganda, 9,999,845 pounds in 1918; former German East Africa,

2,334,450 pounds in 1913; Cape Verde Islands, 1,442,910 pounds in 1916;

Madagascar, 707,676 pounds in 1918; Liberia, 761,300 pounds in 1917;

Eritrea, 728,840 pounds in 1918; St. Thomas and Prince's Islands,

484,350 pounds in 1916; and the Belgian Congo, 375,000 pounds in 1917.

[Illustration: A GALLA COFFEE GROWER, AND HIS HELPER, IN HIS GROVE OF

YOUNG TREES NEAR HARAR]

ANGOLA. Coffee is Angola's second product, and there are large areas of

wild-coffee trees. With a production of nearly 11,000,000 pounds, Angola

ranks about third in Africa as a coffee-growing country. The coffee is

gathered and sold by the natives, and there are also several European

companies engaged in the coffee business. The chief coffee belt extends

from the Quanza River northward to the Kongo at an altitude of 1,500 to

2,500 feet. In the Cazengo valley the wild trees are so thick that

thinning out is the only operation necessary to the plantation-owner.

When the trees become too tall, they are simply cut off about two feet

above ground; and new shoots appear from the trunks the following

season.

The largest coffee plantation, owned by the Companhia Agricola de

Cazengo, produced in 1913, a record year, nearly 1,500 tons.

LIBERIA. Coffee is native to Liberia, growing wild in the hinterland of

the negro republic, and in the natural state the trees often attain a

height of from thirty to forty feet. Cultivated Liberian coffee, _Coffea

liberica_, has become a staple of the civilized inhabitants of the

country, and is grown successfully in hot, moist lowlands or on hills

that are not much elevated. On account of the size of the trees, only

about four hundred can be planted to the acre. In recent years the

native Africans have been planting thousands of trees in the district of

Grand Cape Mount. Coffee is grown in all parts of the republic, but

chiefly in Grand Cape Mount and Montserrado.

GENERAL OUTLOOK IN AFRICA. In the African countries under control of

European governments much recent progress has been made in promoting

coffee growing and in improving methods of cultivation.

British interests were reported in 1919 as having started a movement

toward reviving interest in the coffee growing industry in the British

possessions in Africa. The report stated that Uganda, in the East

African Protectorate, had 21,000 acres under coffee cultivation, with

16,000 acres more in other parts of the Protectorate, and 1,300 acres in

Nyasaland; also that there is no hope of an immediate revival of the

industry in Natal, where it was killed twenty years ago by various

pests; "but it should certainly be established in the warmer parts of

Rhodesia; and in the northern part of the Transvaal an effort is being

made to bring this form of enterprise into practical existence."

Coffee growing possibilities in British East Africa (Kenya Colony) are

alluring, according to reports from planters in that region. Late in

1920, Major C.J. Ross, a British government officer there, said that

"British East Africa is going to be one of the leading coffee countries

of the world." Coffee grows wild in many parts of the Protectorate, but

the natives are too lazy to pick even the wild berries.

On the more advanced plantations in all parts of Africa the approved

cultivation methods of other leading countries are carefully followed;

especial care being given to weeding and pruning, because of the rank

growth of the tropics. On the whole, however, little attention is given

to intensive methods.

ARABIA. Whether the coffee tree was first discovered indigenous in the

mountains of Abyssinia, or in the Yemen district of Arabia, will

probably always be a matter of contention. Many writers of Europe and

Asia in the fifteenth century, when coffee was first brought to the

attention of the people of Europe, agree on Arabia; but there is good

reason to believe the plant was brought to Arabia from Abyssinia in the

sixth century.

Once all the coffee of Arabia went to the outside world through the port

of Mocha on the eastern coast of the Red Sea. Mocha, which never raised

any coffee, is no longer of commercial importance; but its name has been

permanently attached to the coffee of this country.

_Mocha_ (_Moka_, or _Morkha_) coffee (i.e. _Coffea arabica_) is raised

principally in the vilayet of Yemen, a district of southeastern Arabia.

Yemen extends from the north, southerly along the line of the Red Sea,

nearly to the Gulf of Aden. With the exception of a narrow strip of land

along the shores of the Red Sea, the Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb, and the

Gulf of Aden, it is a rugged, mountainous region, in which innumerable

small valleys at high elevations are irrigated by waters from the

melting snows of the mountains.

Coffee can be successfully grown in any part of Yemen, but its

cultivation is confined to a few widely scattered districts, and the

acreage is not large. The principal coffee regions are in the mountains

between Taiz and Ibb, and between Ibb and Yerim, and Yerim and Sanaa, on

the caravan route from Taiz to Sanaa; between Zabeed and Ibb, on the

route from Taiz to Zabeed; between Hajelah and Menakha, on the route

from Hodeida to Sanaa, and in the wild mountain ranges both to the north

and south of that route; between Beit-el-Fakih and Obal; and between

Manakha and Batham to the north of Bajil. The plant does best at

elevations ranging from 3,500 to 6,500 feet.

[Illustration: WILD KAFFA COFFEE TREES NEAR ADIS ABEBA]

In the Yemen district, coffee is generally grown in small gardens. Large

plantations, as they exist in other coffee-growing countries, are not

seen in Arabia. Many of these small farms may be parts of a large estate

belonging to some rich tribal chief. The native Arabs do not use coffee

in the way it is used elsewhere in the world. They drink _kisher_, a

beverage brewed from the husks of the berry and not from the bean.

Consequently, the entire crop goes into export. But bad conditions of

trade routes, political disturbances, and small regional wars, absence

of good cultivation methods, and heavy transit taxes imposed by the

government, have combined to restrict the production of Yemen coffee.

Land for the coffee gardens is selected on hill-slopes, and is terraced

with soil and small walls of stone until it reaches up like an

amphitheater--often to a considerable height. The soil is well

fertilized. For sowing, the seeds are thoroughly dried in ashes, and

after being placed in the ground, are carefully watched, watered, and

shaded. In about a year the shrub has grown to a height of twelve or

more inches. Seedlings in that condition are set out in the gardens in

rows, about ten to thirteen feet apart. The young trees receive moisture

from neighboring wells or from irrigation ditches, and are shaded by

bananas.

At maturity the trees reach a height of ten or fifteen feet. Since they

never lose all their leaves at one time, they appear always green, and

bear at the same time flowers and fruits, some of which are still green

while others are ripe or approaching maturity. Thus, in some districts,

the trees are considered to have two or even three crops a year. All the

trees begin to bear about the end of the third year.

[Illustration: A RARE PICTURE SHOWING MOCHA COFFEE GROWING ON TERRACES

IN YEMEN, ARABIA]

CUBA. Coffee can be grown in practically every island of the West

Indies, but owing to the state of civilization in many of the lesser

islands, little is produced for international trade, excepting in

Jamaica, Guadeloupe, Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Trinidad, and

Tobago. In past years a considerable quantity of good-quality coffee was

produced in Cuba, the annual export in the decade of 1840 averaging

50,000,000 pounds. Severe hurricanes, adverse legislation, the rise of

coffee-growing in Brazil, the increase in cultivation of sugar and other

more profitable crops, practically eliminated Cuba from the

international coffee-export trade.

MARTINIQUE. This is a name well known to coffee men, the world over, as

the pioneer coffee-growing country of the western hemisphere. Gabriel de

Clieu introduced the coffee plant to the island in 1723 by bringing it

through many hardships from France. For a time, coffee flourished there,

but now practically none is grown. Such coffee as bears the name

Martinique in modern trade centers is produced in Guadeloupe, and is

only shipped through Martinique.

JAMAICA. Coffee was introduced into Jamaica in 1730; and so highly was

it regarded as a desirable addition to the agricultural resources of the

island, that the British Parliament in 1732 passed a special act

providing for the encouraging and fostering of its cultivation. Later,

it became one of the great staples of the country. Disastrous floods in

1815, and the gradual exhaustion of the best lands since then, have

brought about a decline of the industry, which is now confined to a few

estates in the Blue Mountains and to scattered "settler" or peasant

cultivation in the same districts but at lower altitudes.

The tree was formerly grown at all altitudes, from sea-level to 5,000

feet; but the best height for it is about 4,500 feet. Four parishes lead

in coffee producing: Manchester, with an area of 5,045 acres; St.

Thomas, with 2,315 acres; Clarendon, with 2,172 acres; St. Andrew, with

1,584 acres. Nine other parishes that raise coffee have less than 1,000

acres each under cultivation. There were 24,865 acres devoted to coffee

in 1900. In addition, it was estimated that there were 80,000 acres

suitable for the cultivation, nearly all being owned by the government.

[Illustration: PICKING BLUE MOUNTAIN BERRIES, JAMAICA]

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC. Coffee was once the leading staple in the Dominican

Republic as in the adjoining Haitian Republic; but in recent years

cacao, sugar, and tobacco have become the predominating crops. Said to

have the world's richest and most productive soil, one-half of the

republic's area is particularly suited to the cultivation of a good

grade of coffee of the highland type. But political and industrial

conditions have made for neglect of its cultivation by efficient

methods. Lack of suitable roads has also militated against the

development of the coffee industry.

In spite of many drawbacks, it is to be noted that, from the beginning

of the twentieth century, the coffee-growing area has been gradually

expanded until exports increased from less than 1,000,000 pounds to

5,029,316 pounds in 1918, although in the next two years there was a

recession in the total exports to 1,358,825 pounds in 1920.

The principal plantations are in the vicinity of the town of Moca and in

the districts of Santiago, Bani, and Barahona. Generally speaking, the

methods of cultivation in the Dominican Republic are somewhat crude as

compared with the practise in the larger countries of production in

Central America and South America.

GUADELOUPE. Guadeloupe has an area of 619 square miles, and about

one-third of this area is under cultivation. About 15,000 acres are in

coffee, giving employment to upward of 10,000 persons. The average yield

of a plantation of mature trees is about 535 pounds to the acre.

In the early years of the industry in Guadeloupe, production and export

were considerable. From old records it appears that in 1784 the exports

amounted to 7,500,000 pounds. During the closing years of the eighteenth

century the annual exports were from 6,500,000 to 8,500,000 pounds, and

in the beginning of the next century they registered about 6,000,000

pounds. Toward the middle of the nineteenth century the growing of sugar

cane overtopped that of coffee in profit, and many planters abandoned

coffee. After 1884, with the decadence of the sugar industry, coffee was

again favored, the government giving substantial encouragement by paying

bounties ranging from $15 to $19 per acre for all new coffee

plantations.

In recent years, considerable _liberica_ and _robusta_ have been planted

in place of the exhausted _arabica_.

[Illustration: COFFEE PICKERS RETURNING FROM THE FIELDS, GUADELOUPE]

TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO. The islands of Trinidad and Tobago are small

factors in international coffee trading. Coffee can be grown almost any

place on the islands; but its cultivation is confined principally to the

districts of Maracas, Aripo, and North Oropouche. Both the _arabica_ and

the _liberica_ varieties are grown.

HONDURAS. Soil, surface, and climate in Honduras, as far as they relate

to the cultivation of coffee, are similar to those of the adjoining

regions of Central America. The tree grows in the uplands of the

interior, thriving best at an altitude of from 1,500 to 4,000 feet.

Scarcity of labor and insufficient means of transportation have been the

chief obstacles in the way of the large development of the industry.

The departments of Santa Barbara, Copan, Cortez, La Paz, Choluteca, and

El Paraiso have the principal plantations. The ports of shipment are

Truxillo and Puerto Cortés. Annual production in recent years has been

about 5,000,000 pounds. In 1889 the United States imported 3,322,502

pounds, but in 1915 its importations fell away to 665,912 pounds.

BRITISH HONDURAS. British Honduras has never undertaken to raise coffee

on a commercial scale despite the fact that conditions are not

unfavorable to its cultivation. It has failed to produce enough even for

domestic consumption, importing most of what it has needed. Annual

production, as recorded in recent years, has been upward of 10,000

pounds.

[Illustration: THREE-YEAR-OLD COFFEE TREES IN BLOSSOM, PANAMA]

PANAMA. Panama presents a very favorable field for the growing of

coffee. The best district is situated in the uplands of the district of

Bugaba, where vast areas of the best lands for coffee-growing exist, and

where climatic and other conditions are most favorable to its growth.

No shade is required in this country; and the only cultivation consists

of three or four cleanings a year to keep down the weeds, as no plowing,

etc., are necessary. Coffee matures from October to January. Water power

being abundant, it is used for running all machinery.

The annual output of the province of Chiriqui, which produces the bulk

of the coffee, is approximately 4,000 sacks of 100 pounds each; all of

which is produced in the Boquete district at present, as the coffee

planted in the Bugaba section is still young and unproductive. The local

supply does not meet the domestic demand; and instead of exporting, a

great deal is imported from adjoining countries, although, there is a

protective tariff of six dollars per hundred pounds.

THE GUIANAS. Coffee has had a precarious existence in the Guianas.

Plants are said to have been brought by Dutch voyagers from Amsterdam in

1718 or 1720. They flourished in the new habitat to which they were

introduced, and in 1725 were carried from Dutch Guiana into the district

of Berbice in British Guiana and into French Guiana. There the berry was

a considerable success for a time; Berbice coffee especially acquiring a

good reputation; and when Demerara was settled, coffee became a staple

of that region. Shortage of native labor, and the difficulty of

procuring cheap and capable workers from outside the country, ultimately

compelled the practical abandonment of the crop in all three sections,

Dutch, French, and British. In British Guiana it is now grown mainly for

domestic consumption, and the same is true of French Guiana, which also

imports.

From the time of its introduction, about 1718, until about 1880, the

only coffee grown in Surinam, or Dutch Guiana, was the _Coffea arabica_.

It was not a bountiful producer, and with labor scarce and unreliable,

its cultivation was expensive. Therefore experiment was made with the

_liberica_ plant. This proved to be very satisfactory, growing

luxuriantly, producing abundantly, and requiring minimum labor in care.

In 1918 some 16,000,000 pounds were produced.

ECUADOR. Though not of great commercial importance, coffee in Ecuador

grows on both the mainland and on the adjacent islands. The area planted

to coffee is estimated at 32,000 acres having an aggregate of about

8,000,000 trees. The trees blossom in December, and the picking season

is through April, May and June. Coffee ranks third in value among the

exports of the country.

PERU. Although possessed of natural coffee land and climate, little has

been done to develop the industry in Peru. A finely flavored coffee

grows at an altitude of 7,000 feet, while that grown in the lowlands

along the Pacific coast is not so desirable. Such small quantities as

are grown are cultivated in the mountain districts of Choquisongo,

Cajamarca, Perene, Paucartambo, Chaucghamayo, and Huanace. The

Pacific-coast district of Paces-mayo also grows a not unimportant crop.

BOLIVIA. Comparatively little attention is given to coffee cultivation

in Bolivia. Agricultural methods are crude, and are limited to cutting

down weeds and undergrowth twice a year. The coffee is planted in small

patches, or as hedges along the roads or around the fields of other

crops. The first crop is picked at the end of one and a half or two

years. The trees bear for fifteen to twenty years. The average yield is

from three to eight pounds per tree. The best grades of coffee are grown

at 2,000 to 6,000 feet above sea level.

Coffee is cultivated in the departments of La Paz, Cochabamba, Santa

Cruz, El Beni, and Chuquisca. In the department of Santa Cruz there are

plantations in the provinces of Sara, Velasco, Chiquitos and Cordillera.

In the Yungas and the Apolobamba districts of La Paz, its cultivation

reaches the greatest importance, but even there is not of large

proportions.

CHILE, PARAGUAY, AND ARGENTINA. Coffee is of minor, almost

insignificant, importance in the agriculture of Chile, Paraguay, and

Argentina. In Uruguay the climate is altogether unsuitable for it.

Argentina and Paraguay each have small growing districts. In the first

named, only the provinces of Salta and Jujuy have, at the latest

reports, a little more than 3,000 acres under cultivation. In Paraguay

some householders have grown coffee in their yards solely for their own

use. In the Paraguayan district of Altos, north of Asuncion, a small

group of plantations was started before the outbreak of the World War,

and produced about 300,000 pounds of coffee in a year.

CEYLON. Coffee planting in Ceylon was an important industry for a

century, until the so-called Ceylon leaf disease attacked the

plantations in 1869, and a few years later had practically destroyed all

the trees of the country. Although coffee raising has continued since

then, there has been, especially since the beginning of the twentieth

century, a steady decline in acreage. There were 4,875 acres under

cultivation in 1903, 2,433 acres in 1907, 1,389 in 1912, and 941.5 in

1919. Only 2,200 pounds were produced in 1917. However, the climate and

soil of Ceylon seem adapted to coffee culture, and the experimental

stations at Peradeniya and Anuradhapura have been experimenting in

recent years with _robusta_, _canephora_, _Ugandæ_, and a _robusta_

hybrid for the purpose of reviving the industry in the country.

Ceylon is one of the oldest coffee-growing countries, the Arabs having

experimented with it there, according to legend, long before the

Portuguese seized the island in 1505. The Dutch, who gained control in

1658, continued the cultivation, and in 1690 introduced more systematic

methods. They sent a few pounds in 1721 to Amsterdam, where the coffee

brought a higher price than Java or Mocha. However, it was not until

after the British occupied the island in 1796, that coffee growing was

carried on extensively. The first British-owned upland plantation was

started in 1825 by Sir Edward Barnes; and for more than fifty years

thereafter coffee was one of the island's leading products. An orgy of

speculation in coffee growing in Ceylon, in which £5,000,000 sterling

are said to have been invested, culminated in 1845 in the bursting of

the coffee bubble, and hundreds were ruined. The peak of the export

trade was reached in 1873, when 111,495,216 pounds of coffee were sent

out of the country. Even then, the plantations were suffering severely

from the leaf disease, which had appeared in 1869; and by 1887, the

coffee tree had practically disappeared from Ceylon. Ceylon's day in

coffee was a cycle of fifty-odd years.

[Illustration: ROBUSTA COFFEE GROWING ON THE SUZANNAH ESTATE,

COCHIN-CHINA]

FRENCH INDO-CHINA. Coffee culture in French Indo-China is a

comparatively small factor in international trade, although production

is on the increase, particularly from those plantations planted to

_robusta_, _liberica_, and _excelsa_ varieties. The average annual

export for the five-year period ended with 1918 was 516,978 pounds,

nearly all of it going to France.

The first experiments with coffee growing were begun in 1887, near Hanoi

in Tonkin. The seeds were of the _arabica_ variety, brought from

Réunion, and the production from the first years was distributed

throughout the country to foster the industry. Eventually _arabica_ was

found unsuitable to the soil and climate, and experiments were begun

with _robusta_ and other hardier types.

A survey of the industry of the country in 1916 showed that the plant

was being successfully grown in the provinces of Tonkin, Anam, and

Cochin-China, and that altogether there were about 1,000,000 trees in

bearing. The plantations are mostly in the foot-hills of the mountain

ranges or on the slopes, although a few are located near the coast line

at 1,000 feet, or even less, above sea-level.

The larger and more successful plantations follow advanced methods of

planting and cultivating, while the government maintains experimental

stations for the purpose of fostering the industry. It is believed that

French Indo-China in coming years will assume an important position in

the coffee trade of the world, particularly as a source of supply for

France.

FEDERATED MALAY STATES, INCLUDING STRAITS SETTLEMENTS. Rubber has been

the chief cause of the decline of coffee industry in the Federated Malay

States. Since the closing years of the nineteenth century coffee has

been steadily on the downward path in acreage and production, with the

possible exception of parts of Straits Settlements, which in 1918

exported, mostly to England, some 3,500,000 pounds of good grade coffee.

The other sections of the federation shipped less than 1,000,000 pounds.

In the early days, planters of the Malay Peninsula knew little about

proper methods of cultivating, and depended mostly upon what they

learned of the practises in Ceylon, which, unfortunately for them, were

not at all suited to the Malay country. They secured their best crops

from lowlands where peaty soil prevailed, and eventually all the coffee

grown on the peninsula came from such regions.

_Liberica_ is mostly favored, and is grown with some success as an

inter-crop with cocoanuts and rubber. The _robusta_ variety has also

been introduced, but does not seem to do as well as the _liberica_.

Between 2,300 and 2,600 acres, according to recent returns, have been

under coffee as a catch-crop with cocoanuts, out of a total of 40,000

acres in cocoanut estates. One planter has been reported as making quite

a success with this method of inter-cropping for coffee, but it is not

generally approved.

There has been a general decline in acreage, product, and exports since

the closing years of the nineteenth century, until now the industry is

regarded as practically at a stand-still and likely so to remain as long

as rubber shall continue to hold the commercially high position to which

it has attained. Unsatisfactory prices realized for the crop, poor

growth of the trees in some localities, and the gradual weakening of the

trees under rubber as they mature, are offered as the principal

explanations of this decrease in acreage. Nearly all the Malay crop in

recent years has been grown in Selangor, though Negri Sembilan, Pahang,

and Perak continue as factors in the trade.

[Illustration: COFFEE TREES OF THE BOURBON VARIETY, FRENCH INDO-CHINA]

AUSTRALIA. Although Australia is a prospective coffee-growing country of

large natural possibilities, the _Australian Year Book_ for 1921 states

that Queensland is the one state in which experiments have been tried,

and that in 1919-20 there were only twenty-four acres under cultivation.

Queensland soils are of volcanic origin, exceptionally rich, and

support trees that are vigorous and prolific with a bean of fine

quality. The _arabica_ is chiefly cultivated, and the trees can be

successfully grown on the plains at sea-level as well as up to a height

of 1,500 or 2,000 feet. The trees mature earlier than in some other

countries. Planted in January, they frequently blossom in December of

the next year, or a month later, and yield a small crop in July or

August; that is, in about two years and a half from the time of

planting. The bean closely resembles the choice Blue Mountain coffee of

Jamaica. For coffee cultivation the labor cost is almost prohibitive.

[Illustration: PICKING COFFEE ON A NORTH QUEENSLAND PLANTATION]

As much as fifteen hundred-weight of beans per acre have been gathered

from trees in North Queensland; and for years the average was ten

hundred-weight per acre. After thirty years of cultivation, no signs of

disease have appeared. At late as 1920, the government was proposing to

make advances of fourteen cents a pound upon coffee in the parchment to

encourage the development of the industry to a point where it would be

possible for local coffee growers to capture at least the bulk of the

commonwealth's import coffee trade of 2,605,240 pounds.

Coffee grows well in most all the islands of the Pacific Ocean, and in

some of them, as in the Philippines and Hawaii, the industry in past

years, reached considerable importance.

HAWAII. Coffee has been grown in Hawaii since 1825, from plants brought

from Brazil. It has also been said that seed was brought by Vancouver,

the British navigator, on his Pacific exploration voyage, 1791-94. Not,

however, until 1845 was an official record made of the crop, which was

then 248 pounds. The first plantations, started on the low levels, near

the sea, did not do well; and it was not until the trees were planted at

elevations of from 1,000 to 3,000 feet above sea-level that better

returns were obtained.

Coffee is grown on all the islands of the group, but nowhere to any

great extent except on Hawaii, which produces ninety-five percent of the

entire crop. Next in importance, though far behind, is the island of

Oahu. On Hawaii there are four principal coffee districts, Kona,

Hamakua, Puna, and Olaa. About four-fifths of the total output of the

islands is produced in Kona. At one time there were considerable coffee

areas in Maui and Kauai, but sugar cane eventually there took the place

of coffee.

[Illustration: COFFEE IN BLOSSOM, CAPTAIN COOK COFFEE COMPANY ESTATE,

KEALAKEKUA, KONA, HAWAII]

The Kona coffee district extends for many miles along the western slope

of the island of Hawaii and around famous Kealakekua Bay. The soil is

volcanic, and even rocky; but coffee trees flourish surprisingly well

among the rocks, and are said to bear a bean of superior quality.

Coffee trees in Kona are planted principally in the open, though

sometimes they are shaded by the native _kukui_ trees. They are grown

from seed in nurseries; and the seedlings, when one year old, are

transplanted in regular lines nine feet apart. In two years a small crop

is gathered, yielding from five to twelve bags of cleaned coffee per

acre. At three years of age the trees produce from eight to twenty bags

of cleaned coffee per acre, and from that time they are fully matured.

The ripening season is between September and January, and there are two

principal pickings. Many of the trees are classed as wild; that is, they

are not topped, and are cultivated in an irregular manner and are poorly

cared for; but they yield 700 or 800 pounds per acre. The fruit ripens

very uniformly, and is picked easily and at slight expense.

It is calculated that in the Hawaiian group more than 250,000 acres of

good coffee land are available and about 200,000 acres more of fair

quality. Comparatively little of this possible acreage has been put to

use. According to the census of 1889, there were then 6,451 acres

devoted to coffee, having, young and old, 3,225,743 bearing trees. The

yield, in that census year, was 2,297,000 pounds, of which 2,112,650

pounds were credited to Hawaii, the small remainder coming from Maui,

Oahu, Kauai, and Molokai.

A blight in 1855-56 set back the industry, many plantations being ruined

and then given over to sugar cane. After the blight had disappeared, the

plantations were re-established, and prosperity continued for years.

Following the American occupation of the islands in 1898, came another

period of depression. With the loss of the protective tariff that had

existed, prices fell to an unremunerativte figure; and the more

profitable sugar cane was taken up again. After 1912, the increased

demand for coffee, with higher prices, led again to hopes for the future

of the industry. Planting was encouraged; and it has been demonstrated

that from lands well selected and intelligently cultivated it is

possible to have a yield of from 1,200 to 2,100 pounds per acre.

Improvements have also been made in pulping and milling facilities. Many

of the plantations are cultivated by Japanese labor.

[Illustration: COFFEE GROWING UNDER SHADE, HAMAKUA, H.I.]

Exports of coffee from Hawaii to the principal countries of the world in

1920 were 2,573,300 pounds.

PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Spanish missionaries from Mexico are said to have

carried the coffee plant to the Philippine Islands in the latter part of

the eighteenth century. At first it was cultivated in the province of La

Laguna; but afterward other provinces, notably Batangas and Cavite, took

it up; and in a short time the industry was one of the most important in

the islands. The coffee was of the _arabica_ variety. In the middle of

the eighteenth century, and after, the industry had a position of

importance; several provinces produced profitable crops that contributed

much to the wealth of the communities where the berry was cultivated. In

those days the city of Yipa was an important trading center. In the

period of its prime Philippine coffee enjoyed fine repute, especially in

Spain, Great Britain, and China (at Hong Kong), those three countries

being the largest consumers. At one time--in 1883 and 1884--the annual

export was 16,000,000 pounds, which demonstrates the importance of the

industry at the peak of its prosperity. The leaf blight appeared on the

island about 1889, causing destruction from which there has not yet been

complete recovery. The export of 3,086 pounds in 1917 shows the depths

into which the industry had fallen.

The Bureau of Agriculture at Manila announced in 1915 that an effort was

to be made to re-habilitate the coffee industry of the islands. Nothing

came of the effort, which died a-borning. Since then, several attempts

to introduce disease-resisting varieties of coffee from Java have failed

because of lack of interest on the part of the natives.

Despite the misfortunes that have overwhelmed it in the past and are now

retarding its growth, it is still believed that the industry in these

islands may be re-habilitated. Conditions of soil and climate are

favorable; land and labor are cheap, abundant, and dependable: railroads

run into the best coffee regions, and good cart roads are in process of

construction. Some plantations of consequence are still in existence,

and serious consideration is being given to their development and to

increasing their number.

[Illustration: THE COFFEE TREE THRIVES IN THE LAVA SOIL OF SOUTH KONA,

ISLAND OF HAWAII]

GUAM. Coffee is one of the commonest wild plants on the little island of

Guam. It grows around the houses like shade trees or flowering shrubs,

and nearly every family cultivates a small patch. Climate and soil are

favorable to it; and it flourishes, with abundant crops, from the

sea-level to the tops of the highest hills. The plants are set in

straight rows, from three and a half to seven feet apart, and are shaded

by banana trees or by cocoanut leaves stuck in the ground. There is no

production for export, scarcely enough for home consumption.

[Illustration: COFFEE PLANTATION NEAR SAGADA, BONTOC PROVINCE, P.I.]

OTHER PACIFIC ISLANDS. Other islands of the Pacific do not loom large in

coffee growing, though New Caledonia gives promise as a producer,

exporting 1,248,024 pounds in 1916, most of which was _robusta_. Tahiti

produces a fair coffee, but in no commercial quantity. In the Samoan

group there are plantations, small in number, in size, and in amount of

production. Several islands of the Fiji group are said to be well

adapted to coffee, but little is grown there and none for export.

[Illustration]

[Illustration: OWNER'S RESIDENCE ADJOINING DRYING GROUNDS ON ONE OF THE

LARGE ESTATES]

[Illustration: DRYING GROUNDS, FAZENDA SANTA ADELAIDE, RIBEIRAO PRETO]

[Illustration: COFFEE PREPARATION IN SÃO PAULO, BRAZIL]

CHAPTER XXI

PREPARING GREEN COFFEE FOR MARKET

_Early Arabian methods of preparation--How primitive devices were

replaced by modern methods--A chronological story of the

development of scientific plantation machinery, and the part played

by British and American inventors--The marvelous coffee package,

one of the most ingenious in all nature--How coffee is

harvested--Picking--Preparation by the dry and the wet

methods--Pulping--Fermentation and washing--Drying--Hulling; or

peeling, and polishing--Sizing, or grading--Preparation methods of

different countries_

La Roque[316], in his description of the ancient coffee culture, and the

preparation methods as followed in Yemen, says that the berries were

permitted to dry on the trees. When the outer covering began to shrivel,

the trees were shaken, causing the fully matured fruits to drop upon

cloths spread to receive them. They were next exposed to the sun on

drying-mats, after which they were husked by means of wooden or stone

rollers. The beans were given a further drying in the sun, and then were

submitted to a winnowing process, for which large fans were used.

_Development of Plantation Machinery_

The primitive methods of the original Arab planters were generally

followed by the Dutch pioneers, and later by the French, with slight

modifications. As the cultivation spread, necessity for more effective

methods of handling the ripened fruit mothered inventions that soon

began to transform the whole aspect of the business. Probably the first

notable advance was in curing, when the West Indian process, or wet

method, of cleaning the berries was evolved.

About the time that Brazil began the active cultivation of coffee,

William Panter was granted the first English patent on a "mill for

husking coffee." This was in 1775. James Henckel followed with an

English patent, granted in 1806, on a coffee drier, "an invention

communicated to him by a certain foreigner." The first American to enter

the lists was Nathan Reed of Belfast, Me., who in 1822 was granted a

United States patent on a coffee huller. Roswell Abbey obtained a United

States patent on a huller in 1825; and Zenos Bronson, of Jasper County,

Ga., obtained one on another huller in 1829. In the next few years many

others followed.

John Chester Lyman, in 1834, was granted an English patent on a coffee

huller employing circular wooden disks, fitted with wire teeth. Isaac

Adams and Thomas Ditson of Boston brought out improved hullers in 1835;

and James Meacock of Kingston, Jamaica, patented in England, in 1845, a

self-contained machine for pulping, dressing, and sorting coffee.

William McKinnon began, in 1840, the manufacture of coffee plantation

machinery at the Spring Garden Iron Works, founded by him in 1798 in

Aberdeen, Scotland. He died in 1873; but the business continues as Wm.

McKinnon & Co., Ltd.

About 1850 John Walker, one of the pioneer English inventors of

coffee-plantation machinery, brought out in Ceylon his cylinder pulper

for Arabian coffee. The pulping surface was made of copper, and was

pierced with a half-moon punch that raised the cut edges into half

circles.

The next twenty years witnessed some of the most notable advances in the

development of machinery for plantation treatment, and served to

introduce the inventions of several men whose names will ever be

associated with the industry.

John Gordon & Co. began the manufacture in London of the line of

plantation machinery still known around the world as "Gordon make" in

1850; and John Gordon was granted an English patent on his improved

coffee pulper in 1859.

Robert Bowman Tennent obtained English (1852) and United States (1853)

patents on a two-cylinder pulper.

George L. Squier began the manufacture of plantation machinery in

Buffalo, N.Y., in 1857. He was active in the business until 1893, and

died in 1910. The Geo. L. Squier Manufacturing Co. still continues as

one of the leading American manufacturers of coffee-plantation

machinery.

Marcus Mason, an American mechanical engineer in San José, Costa Rica,

invented (1860) a coffee pulper and cleaner which became the foundation

stone of the extensive plantation-machinery business of Marcus Mason &

Co., established in 1873 at Worcester, Mass.

[Illustration: WALKER'S ORIGINAL DISK PULPER, 1860

Much favored in Ceylon and India]

John Walker was granted (1860) an English patent on a disk pulper in

which the copper pulping surface was punched, or knobbed, by a blind

punch that raised rows of oval knobs but did not pierce the sheet, and

so left no sharp edges. During Ceylon's fifty years of coffee

production, the Walker machines played an important part in the

industry. They are still manufactured by Walker, Sons & Co., Ltd., of

Colombo, and are sold to other producing countries.

Alexius Van Gulpen began the manufacture of a green-coffee-grading

machine at Emmerich, Germany, in 1860.

Following Newell's United States patents of 1857-59, sixteen other

patents were issued on various types of coffee-cleaning machines, some

designed for plantation use, and some for treating the beans on arrival

in the consuming countries.

James Henry Thompson, of Hoboken, and John Lidgerwood were granted, in

1864, an English patent on a coffee-hulling machine. William Van Vleek

Lidgerwood, American chargé d'affaires at Rio de Janeiro, was granted an

English patent on a coffee hulling and cleaning machine in 1866. The

name Lidgerwood has long been familiar to coffee planters. The

Lidgerwood Manufacturing Co., Ltd., has its headquarters in London, with

factory in Glasgow. Branch offices are maintained at Rio de Janeiro,

Campinas, and in other cities in coffee-growing countries.

[Illustration: EARLY ENGLISH COFFEE PEELER

Largely used in India and Ceylon]

Probably the name most familiar to coffee men in connection with

plantation methods is Guardiola. It first appears in the chronological

record in 1872, when J. Guardiola, of Chocola, Guatemala, was granted

several United States patents on machines for pulping and drying coffee.

Since then, "Guardiola" has come to mean a definite type of rotary

drying machine that--after the original patent expired--was manufactured

by practically all the leading makers of plantation machinery. José

Guardiola obtained additional United States patents on coffee hullers in

1886.

[Illustration: GROUP OF ENGLISH CYLINDER COFFEE-PULPING MACHINES]

William Van Vleek Lidgerwood, Morristown, N.J., was granted an English

patent on an improved coffee pulper in 1875.

Several important cleaning and grading machinery patents were granted by

the United States (1876-1878) to Henry B. Stevens, who assigned them to

the Geo. L. Squier Manufacturing Co., Buffalo, N.Y. One of them was on a

separator, in which the coffee beans were discharged from the hopper in

a thin stream upon an endless carrier, or apron, arranged at such an

inclination that the round beans would roll by force of gravity down the

apron, while the flat beans would be carried to the top.

C.F. Hargreaves, of Rio de Janeiro, was granted an English patent on

machinery for hulling, polishing, and separating coffee, in 1879.

The first German patent on a coffee drying apparatus was granted to

Henry Scolfield, of Guatemala, in 1880.

In 1885 Evaristo Conrado Engelberg of Piracicaba, São Paulo, Brazil,

invented an improved coffee huller which, three years later, was

patented in the United States. The Engelberg Huller Co. of Syracuse,

N.Y., was organized the same year (1888) to make and to sell Engelberg

machines.

Walker Sons & Co., Ltd., began, in 1886, experimenting in Ceylon with a

Liberian disk pulper that was not fully perfected until twelve years

later.

Another name, that has since become almost as well known as Guardiola,

appears in the record in 1891. It is that of O'Krassa. In that year

R.F.E. O'Krassa of Antigua, Guatemala, was granted an English patent on

a coffee pulper. Additional patents on washing, hulling, drying, and

separating machines were issued to Mr. O'Krassa in England and in the

United States in 1900, 1908, 1911, 1912, and 1913.

The Fried. Krupp A.G. Grusonwerk, Magdeburg-Buckau, Germany, began the

manufacture of coffee plantation machines about 1892. Among others it

builds coffee pulpers and hulling and polishing machines of the Anderson

(Mexican) and Krull (Brazilian) types.

Additional United States patents were granted in 1895 to Marcus Mason,

assignor to Marcus Mason & Co., New York, on machines for pulping and

polishing coffee. Douglas Gordon assigned patents on a coffee pulper and

a coffee drier to Marcus Mason & Co. in 1904-05.

The names of Jules Smout, a Swiss, and Don Roberto O'Krassa, of

Guatemala, are well known to coffee planters the world over because of

their combined peeling and polishing machines.

The Huntley Manufacturing Co., Silver Creek, N.Y., began in 1896 the

manufacture of the Monitor line of coffee-grading-and-cleaning machines.

_The Marvelous Coffee Package_

It is doubtful if in all nature there is a more cunningly devised food

package than the fruit of the coffee tree. It seems as if Good Mother

Nature had said: "This gift of Heaven is too precious to put up in any

ordinary parcel. I shall design for it a casket worthy of its divine

origin. And the casket shall have an inner seal that shall safeguard it

from enemies, and that shall preserve its goodness for man until the day

when, transported over the deserts and across the seas, it shall be

broken open to be transmuted by the fires of friendship, and made to

yield up its aromatic nectar in the Great Drink of Democracy."

To this end she caused to grow from the heart of the jasmine-like

flower, that first herald of its coming, a marvelous berry which, as it

ripens, turns first from green to yellow, then to reddish, to deep

crimson, and at last to a royal purple.

[Illustration: SPECIMENS OF COPPER COVERS FOR PULPER CYLINDERS

1--For Arabian coffee (_Coffea arabica_). 2--For Liberian coffee

(_Coffea liberica_). 3--Also for Arabian. 4--For _Coffea canephora_.

5--For _Coffea robusta_. 6--For larger Arabian, and for _Coffea

Maragogipe_.]

The coffee fruit is very like a cherry, though somewhat elongated and

having in its upper end a small umbilicus. But mark with what ingenuity

the package has been constructed! The outer wrapping is a thin,

gossamer-like skin which encloses a soft pulp, sweetish to the taste,

but of a mucilaginous consistency. This pulp in turn is wrapped about

the inner-seal--called the parchment, because of its tough texture. The

parchment encloses the magic bean in its last wrapping, a delicate

silver-colored skin, not unlike fine spun silk or the sheerest of tissue

papers. And this last wrapping is so tenacious, so true to its

guardianship function, that no amount of rough treatment can dislodge it

altogether; for portions of it cling to the bean even into the roasting

and grinding processes.

[Illustration: DRYING GROUNDS, PULPING HOUSE, AND FERMENTATION VATS,

BOA VISTA. BRAZIL]

[Illustration: PULPING HOUSE AND FERMENTATION TANKS, COSTA RICA]

[Illustration: COFFEE PREPARATION IN CENTRAL AND SOUTH AMERICA]

[Illustration: GRANADA UNPULPED COFFEE SEPARATOR

Shown in combination with a Guatemala coffee pulper]

Coffee is said to be "in the husk," or "in the parchment," when the

whole fruit is dried; and it is called "hulled coffee" when it has been

deprived of its hull and peel. The matter forming the fruit, called the

coffee berry, covers two thin, hard, oval seed vessels held together,

one to the other, by their flat sides. These seed vessels, when broken

open, contain the raw coffee beans of commerce. They are usually of a

roundish oval shape, convex on the outside, flat inside, marked

longitudinally in the center of the flat side with a deep incision, and

wrapped in the thin pellicle known as the silver skin. When one of the

two seeds aborts, the remaining one acquires a greater size, and fills

the interior of the fruit, which in that case, of course, has but one

cellule. This abortion is common in the _arabica_ variety, and produces

a bean formerly called _gragé_ coffee, but now more commonly known as

peaberry, or male berry.

The various coverings of the coffee beans are almost always removed on

the plantations in the producing countries. Properly to prepare the raw

beans, it is necessary to remove the four coverings--the outer skin, the

sticky pulp, the parchment, or husk, and the closely adhering silver

skin.

There are two distinct methods of treating the coffee fruits, or

"cherries." One process, the one that until recent years was in general

use throughout the world, and is still in many producing countries, is

known as the dry method. The coffee prepared in this way is sometimes

called "common," "ordinary," or "natural," to distinguish it from the

product that has been cleaned by the wet or washed method. The wet

method, or, as it is sometimes designated, the "West Indian process"

(W.I.P.) is practised on all the large modern plantations that have a

sufficient supply of water.

In the wet process, the first step is called pulping; the second is

fermentation and washing; the third is drying; the fourth is hulling or

peeling; and the last, sizing or grading. In the dry process, the first

step is drying; the second hulling; and the last, sizing or grading.

[Illustration: HAND-POWER DOUBLE-DISK PULPER]

_Harvesting_

The coffee cherry ripens about six to seven months after the tree has

flowered, or blossomed; and becomes a deep purplish-crimson color. It is

then ready for picking. The ripening season varies throughout the world,

according to climate and altitude. In the state of São Paulo, Brazil,

the harvesting season lasts from May to September; while in Java, where

three crops are produced annually, harvesting is almost a continuous

process throughout the year. In Colombia the harvesting seasons are

March and April, and November and December. In Guatemala the crops are

gathered from October through December; in Venezuela, from November

through March. In Mexico the coffee is harvested from November to

January; in Haiti the harvest extends from November to March; in Arabia,

from September to March; in Abyssinia, from September through November.

In Uganda, Africa, there are two main crops, one ripening in March and

the other in September, and picking is carried on during practically

every month except December and January. In India the fruit is ready for

harvesting from October to January.

[Illustration: TANDEM COFFEE PULPER OF ENGLISH MAKE

Being a combination of a Bon-Accord-Valencia pulper with a Bon-Accord

repassing machine]

_Picking_

The general practise throughout the world has been to hand-pick the

fruit; although in some countries the cherries are allowed to become

fully ripe on the trees, and to fall to the ground. The introduction of

the wet method of preparation, indeed, has made it largely unnecessary

to hand-pick crops; and the tendency seems to be away from this practise

on the larger plantations. If the berries are gathered promptly after

dropping, the beans are not injured, and the cost of harvesting is

reduced.

The picking season is a busy time on a large plantation. All hands join

in the work--men, women and children; for it must be rushed. Over-ripe

berries shrink and dry up. The pickers, with baskets slung over their

shoulders, walk between the rows, stripping the berries from the trees,

using ladders to reach the topmost branches, and sometimes even taking

immature fruit in their haste to expedite the work. About thirty pounds

is considered a fair day's work under good conditions. As the baskets

are filled, they are emptied at a "station" in that particular unit of

the plantation; or, in some cases, directly into wagons that keep pace

with the pickers. The coffee is freed as much as possible of sticks,

leaves, etc., and is then conveyed to the preparation grounds.

A space of several acres is needed for the various preparation processes

on the larger plantations; the plant including concrete-surfaced drying

grounds, large fermentation tanks, washing vats, mills, warehouses,

stables, and even machine shops. In Mexico this place is known as the

_beneficio_.

_Washed and Unwashed Coffee_

Where water is plenty, the ripe coffee cherries are fed by a stream of

water into a pulping machine which breaks the outer skins, permitting

the pulpy matter enveloping the beans to be loosened and carried away in

further washings. It is this wet separation of the sticky pulp from the

beans, instead of allowing it to dry on them, to be removed later with

the parchment in the hulling operation, that makes the distinction

between washed and unwashed coffees. Where water is scarce the coffees

are unwashed.

Either method being well done, does washing improve the strength and

flavor? Opinions differ. The soil, altitude, climatic influences, and

cultivation methods of a country give its coffee certain distinctive

drinking qualities. Washing immensely improves the appearance of the

bean; it also reduces curing costs. Generally speaking, washed coffees

will always command a premium over coffees dried in the pulp.

[Illustration: Costa Rica Vertical Coffee Washer]

[Illustration: Continuous Working Horizontal Coffee Washer]

Whether coffee is washed or not, it has to be dried; and there is a kind

of fermentation that goes on during washing and drying, about which

coffee planters have differing ideas, just as tea planters differ over

the curing of tea leaves. Careful scientific study is needed to

determine how much, if any, effect this fermentation has on the ultimate

cup value.

_Preparation by the Dry Method_

The dry method of preparing the berries is not only the older method,

but is considered by some operators as providing a distinct advantage

over the wet process, since berries of different degrees of ripeness can

be handled at the same time. However, the success of this method is

dependent largely on the continuance of clear warm weather over quite a

length of time, which can not always be counted on.

In this process the berries are spread in a thin layer on open drying

grounds, or barbecues, often having cement or brick surfaces. The

berries are turned over several times a day in order to permit the sun

and wind thoroughly to dry all portions. The sun-drying process lasts

about three weeks; and after the first three days of this period, the

berries must be protected from dews and rains by covering them with

tarpaulins, or by raking them into heaps under cover. If the berries are

not spread out, they heat, and the silver skin sticks to the coffee

bean, and frequently discolors it. When thoroughly dry, the berries are

stored, unless the husks (outer skin and inner parchment) are to be

removed at once. Hot air, steam, and other artificial drying methods

take the place of natural sun-drying on some plantations.

In the dry method, the husks are removed either by hand (threshing and

pounding in a mortar, on the smaller plantations) or by specially

constructed machinery, known as hulling machines.

[Illustration: Cobán Pulper in Tachira, Venezuela]

_The Wet Method--Pulping_

The wet method of preparation is the more modern form, and is generally

practised on the larger plantations that have a sufficient supply of

water, and enough money to instal the quite extensive amount of

machinery and equipment required. It is generally considered that

washing results in a better grade of bean.

In this method the cherries are sometimes thrown into tanks full of

water to soak about twenty-four hours, so as to soften the outer skins

and underlying pulp to a condition that will make them easily removable

by the pulping machine--the idea being to rub away the pulp by friction

without crushing the beans.

On the larger plantations, however, the coffee cherries are dumped into

large concrete receiving tanks, from which they are carried the same day

by streams of running water directly into the hoppers of the pulping

machines.

At least two score of different makes of pulping machines are in use in

the various coffee-growing countries. Pulpers are made in various sizes,

from the small hand-operated machine to the large type driven by power;

and in two general styles--cylinder, and disk.

The cylinder pulper, the latest style--suggesting a huge

nutmeg-grater--consists of a rotary cylinder surrounded with a copper or

brass cover punched with bulbs. These bulbs differ in shape according to

the species, or variety, of coffee to be treated--_arabica_, _liberica_,

_robusta_, _canephora_, or what not. The cylinder rotates against a

breast with pulping edges set at an angle. The pulping is effected by

the rubbing action of the copper cover against the edges, or ribs, of

the breast. The cherries are subjected to a rubbing and rolling motion,

in the course of which the two parchment-covered beans contained in the

majority of the cherries become loosened. The pulp itself is carried by

the cover and is discharged through a pulp shoot, while the pulped

coffee is delivered through holes on the breast. Cylinder machines vary

in capacity from 400 pounds (hand power) to 4,800 pounds (motive power)

per hour.

Some cylinder pulpers are double, being equipped with rotary screens or

oscillating sieves, that segregate the imperfectly pulped cherries so

that they may be put through again. Pulpers are also equipped with

attachments that automatically move the imperfectly pulped material over

into a repassing machine for another rubbing. Others have attachments

partially to crush the cherries before pulping.

The breasts in cylinder machines are usually made with removable steel

ribs; but in Brazil, Nicaragua, and other countries, where, owing to the

short season and scarcity of labor, the planters have to pick,

simultaneously, green, ripe, and over-ripe (dry) cherries, rubber

breasts are used.

[Illustration: NIAGARA POWER COFFEE HULLER]

[Illustration: MCKINNON'S GUARDIOLA COFFEE DRIER]

[Illustration: THE SQUIER-GUARDIOLA COFFEE DRIER, WITH DIRECT-FIRE

HEATER]

[Illustration: BRITISH AND AMERICAN COFFEE DRIERS--GUARDIOLA SYSTEM

There are numerous makes of coffee driers based upon the original

invention of José Guardiola of Chocola, Guatemala. In the two

illustrated above both direct-fire heat and steam heat may be utilized]

The disk pulper (the earliest type, having been in use more than

seventy years) is the style most generally used in the Dutch East Indies

and in some parts of Mexico. The results are the same as those obtained

with the cylindrical pulper. The disk machine is made with one, two,

three, or four vertical iron disks, according to the capacity desired.

The disks are covered on both sides with a copper plate of the same

shape, and punched with blind punches. The pulping operation takes place

between the rubbing action of the blind punches, or bulbs, on the copper

plates and the lateral pulping bars fitted to the side cheeks. As in the

cylinder pulper, the distance between the surface of the bulbs and the

pulping bar may be adjusted to allow of any clearance that may be

required, according to the variety of coffee to be treated.

[Illustration: ANOTHER AMERICAN GUARDIOLA DRIER]

Disk pulpers vary in capacity from 1,200 pounds to 14,000 pounds of ripe

cherry coffee per hour. They, too, are made in combinations employing

cylindrical separators, shaking sieves, and repassing pulpers, for

completing the pulping of all unpulped or partially pulped cherries.

_Fermentation and Washing_

The next step in the process consists in running the pulped cherries

into cisterns, or fermentation tanks, filled with water, for the purpose

of removing such pulp as was not removed in the pulping machine. The

saccharine matter is loosened by fermentation in from twenty-four to

thirty-two hours. The mass is kept stirred up for a short time; and, in

general practise, the water is drawn off from above, the light pulp

floating at the top being removed at the same time. The same tanks are

often used for washing, but a better practise is to have separate tanks.

Some planters permit the pulped coffee to ferment in water. This is

called the wet fermentation process. Others drain off the water from the

tanks and conduct the fermenting operation in a semi-dry state, called

the dry fermentation process.

The coffee bean, when introduced into the fermentation tanks, is

enclosed in a parchment shell made slimy by its closely adhering

saccharine coat. After fermentation, which not only loosens the

remaining pulp but also softens the membranous covering, the beans are

given a final washing, either in washing tanks or by being run through

mechanical washers. The type of washing machine generally used consists

of a cylindrical tub having a vertical spindle fitted with a number of

stirrers, or arms, which, in rotating, stir and lift up the parchment

coffee. In another type, the cylinder is horizontal; but the operation

is similar.

_Drying_

The next step in preparation is drying. The coffee, which is still "in

the parchment," but is now known as washed coffee, is spread out thinly

on a drying ground, as in the dry method. However, if the weather is

unsuitable or can not be depended upon to remain fair for the necessary

length of time, there are machines which can be used to dry the coffee

satisfactorily. On some plantations, the drying is started in the open

and finished by machine. The machines dry the coffee in twenty-four

hours, while ten days are required by the sun.

[Illustration: THE SMOUT PEELER AND POLISHER]

The object of the drying machine is to dry the parchment of the coffee

so that it may be removed as readily as the skin on a peanut; and this

object is achieved in the most approved machines by keeping a hot

current of air stirring through the beans. One of the best-liked types,

the Guardiola, resembles the cylinder of a coffee-roasting machine. It

is made of perforated steel plates in cylinder form, and is carried on a

hollow shaft through which the hot air is circulated by a pressure fan.

The beans are rotated in the revolving cylinder; and as the hot air

strikes the wet coffee, it creates a steam that passes out through the

perforations of the cylinder. Within the cylinder are compartments

equipped with winged plates, or ribs, that keep the coffee constantly

stirred up to facilitate the drying process. Another favorite is the

O'Krassa. It is constructed on the principle just described, but differs

in detail of construction from the Guardiola, and is able to dry its

contents a few hours quicker. Hot air, steam, and electric heat are all

employed in the various makes of coffee driers. A temperature from 65°

to 85° centigrade is maintained during the drying process.

[Illustration: O'KRASSA'S COFFEE DRIER COMBINED WITH DIRECT-FIRE HEATER]

When thoroughly dry, the parchment can be crumbled between the fingers,

and the bean within is too hard to be dented by finger nail or teeth.

_Hulling, Peeling, and Polishing_

The last step in the preparation process is called hulling or peeling,

both words accurately describing the purpose of the operation. Some

husking machines for hulling or peeling parchment coffee are polishers

as well. This work may be done on the plantation or at the port of

shipment just before the coffee is shipped abroad. Sometimes the coffee

is exported in parchment, and is cleaned in the country of consumption;

but practically all coffee entering the United States arrives without

its parchment.

[Illustration: THE SMOUT PEELER AND POLISHER, WITH CYLINDER OPEN SHOWING

CONE]

Peeling machines, more accurately named hullers, work on the principle

of rubbing the beans between a revolving inner cylinder and an outer

covering of woven wire. Machines of this type vary in construction. Some

have screw-like inner cylinders, or turbines, others having plain

cone-shaped cores on which are knobs and ribs that rub the beans against

one another and the outer shell. Practically all types have sieve or

exhaust-fan attachments, which draw the loosened parchment and silver

skin into one compartment, while the cleaned beans pass into another.

[Illustration: KRULL HULLING MACHINE (German)]

[Illustration: ANDERSON HULLING MACHINE (German)]

[Illustration: EUREKA SEPARATOR AND GRADER (American)]

[Illustration: CARACOLILLO (PEABERRY) SEPARATOR (American)]

[Illustration: ENGELBERG HULLER AND SEPARATOR (American)]

[Illustration: THE AMERICAN COFFEE HULLER AND POLISHER]

[Illustration: WELL KNOWN AMERICAN AND GERMAN HULLING AND SEPARATING

MACHINES]

Polishers of various makes are sometimes used just to remove the silver

skin and to give the beans a special polish. Some countries demand a

highly polished coffee; and to supply this demand, the beans are sent

through another huller having a phosphor-bronze cylinder and cone. Much

Guadeloupe coffee is prepared in this way, and is known as _café

bonifieur_ from the fact that the polishing machine is called in

Guadeloupe the _bonifieur_ (improver). It is also called _café de luxe_.

Coffee that has not received the extra polish is described as

_habitant_; while coffee in the parchment is known as _café en parché_.

Extra polished coffee is much in demand in the London, Hamburg, and

other European markets. A favorite machine for producing this kind of

coffee is the Smout combined peeler and polisher, the invention of Jules

Smout, a Swiss. Don Roberto O'Krassa also has produced a highly

satisfactory combined peeler and polisher.

For hulling dry cherry coffee there are several excellent makes of

machines. In one style, the hulling takes place between a rotating disk

and the casing of the machine. In another, it takes place between a

rotary drum covered with a steel plate punched with vertical bulbs, and

a chilled iron hulling-plate with pyramidal teeth cast on the plate.

Both are adjustable to different varieties of coffee. In still another

type of machine, the hulling takes place between steel ribs on an

internal cylinder, and an adjustable knife, or hulling blade, in front

of the machine.

[Illustration: EL MONARCA COFFEE CLASSIFIER]

_Sizing or Grading_

The coffee bean is now clean, the processes described in the foregoing

having removed the outer skin, the saccharine pulp, the parchment, and

the silver skin. This is the end of the cleaning operations; but there

are two more steps to be taken before the coffee is ready for the trade

of the world--sizing and hand-sorting. These two operations are of great

importance; since on them depends, to a large extent, the price the

coffee will bring in the market.

[Illustration: Old rope-drive transmission on Finca Ona.]

[Illustration: Hydro-electric power plant on Finca Ona.

HYDRO-ELECTRIC INSTALLATION ON A GUATEMALA FINCA]

Sizing, or grading by sizes, is done in modern commercial practise by

machines that automatically separate and distribute the different beans

according to size and form. In principle, the beans are carried across a

series of sieves, each with perforations varying in size from the

others; the beans passing through the holes of corresponding sizes. The

majority of the machines are constructed to separate the beans into five

or more grades, the principal grades being triage, third flats, second

flats, first flats, and first and second peaberries. Some are designed

to handle "elephant" and "mother" sizes. The grades have local

nomenclature in the various countries.

After grading, the coffee is picked over by hand to remove the faulty

and discolored beans that it is almost impossible to remove thoroughly

by machine. The higher grades of coffee are often double-picked; that

is, picked over twice. When this is done on a large scale, the beans are

generally placed on a belt, or platform, that moves at a regulated speed

before a line of women and children, who pick out the undesirable beans

as they pass on the moving belt. There are small machines of this type

built for one person, who operates the belt mechanism by means of a

treadle.

_Preparation in the Leading Countries_

The foregoing description tells in general terms the story of the most

approved methods of harvesting, shelling, and cleaning the coffee beans.

The following paragraphs will describe those features of the processes

that are peculiar to the more important large producing countries and

that differ in details or in essentials from the methods just outlined.

_In the Western Hemisphere_

BRAZIL. The operation of some of the large plantations in Brazil, a

number of which have more than a million trees, requires a large number

and a great variety of preparation machines and equipment. Generally

considered, the State of São Paulo is better equipped with approved

machinery than any other commercial district in the world.

In Brazil, coffee plantations are known as _fazendas_, and the

proprietors as _fazendeiros_, terms that are the equivalent of "landed

estates" and "landed proprietors." Practically every _fazenda_ in Brazil

of any considerable commercial importance is equipped with the most

modern of coffee-cleaning equipment. Some of the larger ones in the

state of São Paulo, like the Dumont and the Schmidt estates, are

provided with private railways connecting the _fazendas_ with the main

railroad line some miles away, and also have miniature railway systems

running through the _fazendas_ to move the coffee from one harvesting

and cleaning operation to another. The coffee is carried in small cars

that are either pushed by a laborer or are drawn by horse or mule.

[Illustration: PICKING COFFEE ON A WELL KEPT FAZENDA]

[Illustration: MANAGER'S RESIDENCE ON ONE OF THE BIG SÃO PAULO FAZENDAS]

[Illustration: Photographs by Courtesy of J. Aron & Co.

DRYING GROUNDS ON A MODERN ESTATE IN RIBEIRAO PRETO]

[Illustration: MAKING BRAZIL COFFEE READY TO MARKET]

Some of the larger _fazendas_ cover thousands of acres, and have

several millions of trees, giving the impression of an unending forest

stretching far away into the horizon. Here and there are openings in

which buildings appear, the largest group of structures usually

consisting of those making up the _cafezale_, or cleaning plant. Nearby,

stand the handsome "palaces" of the _fazendeiros_; but not so close that

the coffee princes and their households will be disturbed by the almost

constant rumble of machinery and the voices of the workers.

[Illustration: Copyright by Brown & Dawson.

WORKING COFFEE ON DRYING FLATS, SÃO PAULO]

Brazilian _fazendeiros_ follow the methods described in the foregoing in

preparing their coffee for market, using the most modern of the

equipment detailed under the story of the wet method of preparation. On

most of the _fazendas_ the machinery is operated by steam or

electricity, the latter coming more and more into use each year in all

parts of the coffee-growing region.

In some districts, however, far in the interior, there are still to be

found small plantations where primitive methods of cleaning are even now

practised. Producing but a small quantity of coffee, possibly for only

local use, the cherries may be freed of their parchment by macerating

the husks by hand labor in a large mortar. On still another plantation,

the old-time bucket-and-beam crusher perhaps may be in use.

This consists of a beam pivoted on an upright upon which it moves freely

up and down. On one end of the beam is an open bucket; and on the other,

a heavy stone. Water runs into the bucket until its weight causes the

stone end of the beam to rise. When the bucket reaches the ground, the

water is emptied, and the stone crashes down on the coffee cherries

lying in a large mortar.

[Illustration: FERMENTING AND WASHING TANKS ON A SÃO PAULO FAZENDA]

The workers on some of the largest Brazilian _fazendas_ would constitute

the population of a small city--more than a thousand families often

finding continuous employment in cultivating, harvesting, cleaning, and

transporting the coffee to market. For the most part, the workers are of

Italian extraction, who have almost altogether superseded the Indian and

Negro laborers of the early days. The workers live on the _fazendas_ in

quarters provided by the _fazendeiros_, and are paid a weekly or monthly

wage for their services; or they may enter upon a year's contract to

cultivate the trees, receiving extra pay for picking and other work.

Brazil in the past has experimented with the slave system, with

government colonization, with co-operative planting, with the harvesting

system, and with the share system. And some features of all these

plans--except slavery, which was abolished in 1888--are still employed

in various parts of the country, although the wage system predominates.

[Illustration: By Courtesy of J. Aron & Co.

DRYING GROUNDS ON FAZENDA SCHMIDT, THE LARGEST IN BRAZIL]

Brazil has six gradings for its São Paulo coffees, which are also

classified as Bourbon Santos, Flat Bean Santos, and Mocha-seed Santos.

Rio coffees are graded by the number of imperfections for New York, and

as washed and unwashed for Havre. (See chapter XXIV.)

COLOMBIA. Practically all the countries of the western hemisphere

producing coffee in large quantities for export trade use the

cleaning-and-grading machines specified in the first part of this

chapter; and the installation of the equipment is increasing as its

advantages become better known.

In Colombia, now (1922), next to Brazil the world's largest producer,

the wet method of preparing the coffee for market is most generally

followed, the drying processes often being a combination of sun and

drying machines. Many plantations have their own hulling equipment; but

much of the crop goes in the cherry to local commercial centers where

there are establishments that make a specialty of cleaning and grading

the coffee.

The Colombia coffee crop is gathered twice a year, the principal one in

March and April and the smaller one in November and December, although

some picking is done throughout the year. For this labor native Indian

and negro women are preferred, as they are more rapid, skilful, and

careful in handling the trees. Contrary to the method in Brazil, where

the tree at one handling is stripped of its entire bearings, ripe and

unripe fruit, here only the fully ripened fruit is picked. That

necessitates going over the ground several times, as the berries

progressively ripen. More time is consumed in this laborious operation,

but it is believed that thereby a better crop of more uniform grade is

obtained and in the aggregate with less waste of time and effort.

Colombian planters classify their coffees as _café trillado_ (natural or

sun-dried), _café lavado_ (washed), _café en pergamino_ (washed and

dried in the parchment). They grade them as _excelso_ (excellent),

_fantasia_ (_excelso_ and _extra_), _extra_ (extra), _primera_, (first),

_segundo_ (second), _caracol_ (peaberry), _monstruo_ (large and

deformed), _consumo_ (defective), and _casilla_ (siftings).

[Illustration: PREPARING COLOMBIAN COFFEE FOR THE MARKET]

VENEZUELA. Venezuela employs both the dry and the wet methods of

preparation, producing both "washed" and "commons" and also, like

Colombia, has a large part of the coffee cleaned in the trading centers

of the various coffee districts. Dry, or unwashed, coffees are known as

_trillado_ (milled), and compose the bulk of the country's output.

Venezuela's plantation-working forces are largely natives of Indian

descent and negroes, some of them coming during harvesting season from

adjoining Colombia and returning there after the picking is done. The

resident workers labor under a sort of peonage system which is tacitly

recognized by both employee and employer, although no laws of peonage or

slavery have ever existed in Venezuela. Under this system, the laborers

live in little colonies scattered over the _haciendas_, as the coffee

plantations are called in Venezuela. Company stores keep them supplied

with all their wants. Modern plantation machinery is very scarce; the

ancient method of hulling coffee in a circular trough where the dried

berries are crushed by heavy wooden wheels drawn by oxen, is still a

common sight in Venezuela. In preparing washed coffees, some planters

ferment the pulped coffee under water (wet fermentation process); while

others ferment without water (dry fermentation).

[Illustration: THIS OLD-FASHIONED HULLING MACHINE IS OPERATED BY OX

POWER IN VENEZUELA]

The principal ports of shipments for Venezuela coffees are La Guaira,

Puerto Cabello, and Maracaibo. Caracas, the capital, is five miles in an

air line from the port of La Guaira; but in ascending the three thousand

feet of altitude to the city the railroad twists and turns among the

mountains for a distance of twenty-four miles. By rail or motor the trip

is one of much charm and great beauty.

SALVADOR. The planters in Salvador favor the dry method of coffee

preparation; and the bulk of the crop is natural, or unwashed.

GUATEMALA. Most Guatemalas are prepared for market by the wet method.

The gathering of the crops furnishes employment for half the population.

German and American settlers have introduced the latest improvements in

modern plantation machinery into Guatemala.

MEXICO. In Mexico coffee is harvested from November to January, and

large quantities are prepared by both the dry and the wet methods, the

latter being practised on the larger estates that have the necessary

water supply and can afford the machinery. Here, too, one will find

coffee being cleaned by the primitive hand-mortar and wind-winnowing

method. Laborers are mostly half-breeds and Indians. Chinese coolies

have been tried and found satisfactory, and some Japanese are utilized,

though not largely.

[Illustration: STREET CAR COFFEE TRANSPORT IN ORIZABA, MEXICO]

HAITI. In Haiti the picking season is from November to March. In recent

years better attention has been paid to cultural and preparation

methods; and the product is more favorably regarded commercially. Large

quantities are shipped to France and Belgium; and much of that sent to

the United States is reshipped to France, Belgium, and Germany, where it

is sorted by hand. Both dry and wet methods are employed in Haiti.

PORTO RICO. Here planters favor the wet method of coffee preparation.

The crop is gathered from August to December. The coffees are graded as

_caracollilo_ (peaberry), _primero_ (hand-picked), _segundo_ (second

grade), _trillo_ (low grade).

[Illustration: COFFEE ON THE DRYING FLOORS IN PORTO RICO]

NICARAGUA. The wet method of coffee preparation is mostly favored in

Nicaragua. Many of the large plantations are worked by colonies of

Americans and Germans who are competent to apply the abundant natural

water power of the country to the operation of modern coffee cleaning

machinery.

COSTA RICA. Costa Rica was one of the first countries of the western

world to use coffee cleaning machinery. Marcus Mason, an American

mechanical engineer then managing an iron foundry in Costa Rica,

invented three machines that would respectively peel off the husk,

remove the parchment and pulp, and winnow the light refuse from the

beans.

The inventor gave his original demonstration to the planters of San José

in 1860, and duplicates were installed on all the large plantations. In

the course of the next thirty years, Mason brought out other machines

until he had developed a complete line that was largely used on coffee

plantations in all parts of the world.

_In the Eastern Hemisphere_

Modern cleaning machinery and methods of preparation are employed to

some extent in the large coffee-producing countries of the eastern

hemisphere, and do not differ materially from those of the western.

ARABIA. In Arabia the fruit ripens in August or September, and picking

continues from then until the last fruits ripen late in the March

following. The cherries, as they are picked, are left to dry in the sun

on the house-top terrace or on a floor of beaten earth. When they have

become partly dry, they are hulled between two small stones, one of

which is stationary, while the other is worked by the hand power of two

men who rotate it quickly. Further drying of the hulled berry follows.

It is then put into bags of closely woven aloe fiber, lined with matting

made of palm leaves. It is next sent to the local market at the foot of

the mountain. There, on regular market days, the Turkish or Arabian

merchants, or their representatives, buy and dispatch their purchases by

camel train to Hodeida or Aden. The principal primary market in recent

years has been the city of Beit-el-Fakih.

[Illustration: RAKING COFFEE ON DRYING FLOORS--CHUVA DISTRICT,

GUATEMALA]

[Illustration: COFFEE DRYING PATIOS, HACIENDA LONGA-ESPANA, VENEZUELA]

[Illustration: SUN-DRYING COFFEE AMID SCENES OF RARE TROPICAL BEAUTY]

In Aden and Hodeida the bean is submitted to further cleaning by the

principal foreign export houses to whom it has come from the mountains

in rather dirty condition. Indian women are the sole laborers employed

in these cleaning houses. First, the coffee beans are separated from the

dry empty husks by tossing the whole into the air from bamboo trays, the

workers deftly permitting the husks to fly off while the beans are

caught again in the tray. The beans are then surface-cleaned by passing

them gently between two very primitive grindstones worked by men. A

third process is the complete clearing of the bean from the silver skin,

and it is then ready for the final hand picking. Women are called into

service again, and they pick out the refuse husks, quaker or black,

beans, green or immature beans, white beans, and broken beans, leaving

the good beans to be weighed and packed for shipment. The cleaned beans

are known as _bun safi_; the husks become _kisher_. Some of the poorer

beans also are sold, principally to France and to Egypt. Hand-power

machinery is used to a slight extent; but mostly the old-fashioned

methods hold sway.

[Illustration: A DRYING PATIO ON A COSTA RICA ESTATE]

[Illustration: Photograph by R.C. Wilhelm.

EARLY GUARDIOLA STEAM DRIER, "EL CANIDA" PLANTATION, COSTA RICA]

The Yemen, or Arabian, bale, or package, is unique. It is made up of two

fiber wrappers, one inside the other. The inside one is called _attal_

or _darouf_. It is made from cut and plaited leaves of _nakhel douin_ or

_narghil_, a species of palm. The outer covering, called _garair_, is a

sack made of woven aloe fiber. The Bedouins weave these covers and bring

them to the export merchants at Aden and Hodeida. A Mocha bundle

contains one, two, or four fiber packages, or bales. When the bundle

contains one bale it is known as a half; when it contains two it is

known as quarters; and when it contains four it is known as eighths.

Arabian coffee for Boston used to be packed in quarters only; for San

Francisco and New York, in quarters and eighths. The longberry

Abyssinian coffees were formerly packed in quarters only. Since the

World War, however, there has been a scarcity of packing materials, and

packing in quarters and eighths has stopped. Now, all Mocha, as well as

Harar, coffee comes in halfs. A half weighs eighty kilos, or 176 pounds,

net--although a few exporters ship "halfs" of 160 pounds.

[Illustration: INDIAN WOMEN CLEANING MOCHA COFFEE IN AN ADEN WAREHOUSE

There are four processes in cleaning Mocha coffee. In order to separate

the dried beans from the broken hulls these women (brought over from

India) toss the beans in the air, very deftly permitting the empty hulls

to fly off, and catch the coffee beans on the bamboo trays. Then the

coffee is passed between two primitive grindstones, turned by men. After

this grinding process the beans are separated from the crushed outside

hulls and the loose silver skins. In the fourth process the Indian women

pick out by hand the remaining husks, the quakers, the immature beans,

the white beans and the broken beans. Being Mohammedans, their religion

does not permit such little vanities as picture posing, which explains

why their faces are covered and turned away from the camera.]

ABYSSINIA. Little machinery is used in the preparation of coffee in

Abyssinia; none, in preparing the coffee known as Abyssinian, which is

the product of wild trees; and only in a few instances in cleaning the

Harari coffee, the fruit of cultivated trees. Both classes are raised

mostly by natives, who adhere to the old-time dry method of cleaning. In

Harar, the coffee is sometimes hulled in a wooden mortar; but for the

most part it is sent to the brokers in parchment, and cleaned by

primitive hand methods after its arrival in the trading centers.

ANGOLA. In Angola the coffee harvest begins in June, and it is often

necessary for the government to lend native soldiers to the planters to

aid in harvesting, as the labor supply is insufficient. After picking,

the beans are dried in the sun from fourteen to forty days, depending

upon the weather. After drying, they are brought to the hulling and

winnowing machines. There are now about twenty-four of these machines in

the Cazengo and Golungo districts, all manufactured in the United States

and giving satisfactory results. They are operated by natives.

A condition adversely affecting the trade has been the low price that

Angola coffee commands in European markets. The cost of production per

_arroba_ (thirty-three pounds) on the Cazengo plantations is $1.23,

while Lisbon market quotations average $1.50, leaving only twenty-seven

cents for railway transport to Loanda and ocean freight to Lisbon. It

has been unprofitable to ship to other markets on account of the

preferential export duties. A part of the product is now shipped to

Hamburg, where it is known as the Cazengo brand. Next to Mocha, the

Cazengo coffee is the smallest bean that is to be found in the European

markets.

[Illustration: CLEANING AND GRADING COFFEE BY MACHINERY IN ADEN]

JAVA AND SUMATRA. The coffee industry in Java and Sumatra, as well as in

the other coffee-producing regions of the Dutch East Indies, was begun

and fostered under the paternal care of the Dutch government; and for

that reason, machine-cleaning has always been a noteworthy factor in the

marketing of these coffees. Since the government relinquished its

control over the so-called government estates, European operators have

maintained the standard of preparation, and have adopted new equipment

as it was developed. The majority of estates producing considerable

quantities of coffee use the same types of machinery as their

competitors in Brazil and other western countries.

[Illustration: DRYING COFFEE IN THE SUN AT THE CUSTOM-HOUSE, HARAR,

ABYSSINIA]

In Java, free labor is generally employed; while on the east coast of

Sumatra the work is done by contract, the workers usually being bound

for three years. In both islands the laborers are mostly Javanese

coolies.

Under the contract system, the worker is subject to laws that compel him

to work, and prevent him from leaving the estate until the contract

period expires. Under the free-labor system, the laborer works as his

whims dictate. This forces the estate manager to cater to his workers,

and to build up an organization that will hold together.

As an example of the working of the latter system, this outline--by John

A. Fowler, United States trade commissioner--of the organization of a

leading estate in Java will indicate the general practise in vogue:

The manager of this estate has had full control for twenty years

and knows the "adat" (tribal customs) of his people and the

individual peculiarities of the leaders. This estate has been

described as having one of the most perfect estate organizations in

Java. It consists of two divisions of 3,449 bouws (about 6,048

acres in all), of which 2,500 bouws are in rubber and coffee and

550 in sisal; the remainder includes rice fields, timber,

nurseries, bamboo, teak, pastures, villages, roads, canals, etc.

The foreign staff is under the supervision of a general manager,

and consists of the following personnel: A chief garden assistant

of section 1, who has under him four section assistants and a

native staff; a chief garden assistant of section 2, who has under

him three section assistants, an apprentice assistant, and a native

staff; a chief factory assistant, who has under him an assistant

machinist, an apprentice assistant, and a native staff; and,

finally, a bookkeeper. The term "garden" means the area under

cultivation.

The bookkeeper, a man of mixed blood, handles all the general

accounting, accumulating the reports sent in by the various

assistants. The two chief garden assistants are responsible to the

manager for all work outside the factory except the construction of

new buildings, which is in charge of the chief factory assistant.

The two divisions of the estate are subdivided into seven

agricultural sections, each section being in full charge of an

assistant. A section may include coffee, rubber, sisal, teak,

bamboo, a coagulation station and nurseries. The assistant's duties

include the supervision of road building and repairs, building

repairs, transportation, paying the labor, and the supervision of

section accounts.

[Illustration: OPEN-AIR DRYING GROUNDS ON A WEST JAVA ESTATE

The beans are being turned by native Sudanese men and women]

[Illustration: INTERIOR OF A MODERN COFFEE FACTORY IN EAST JAVA

Showing pulping machinery and fermentation tanks]

[Illustration: PREPARING JAVA COFFEE FOR THE MARKET]

The factory includes a water-power plant delivering, through an

American water wheel and by cable, 250 horse-power to the main

shafting, an auxiliary steam plant of 150 horse-power as a reserve,

a rubber mill, a coffee mill, three sisal-stripping machines,

smoke-houses, drying fields and houses for sisal, drying floors and

houses for coffee, sorting rooms, blacksmith shop, machine shop,

brass-fitting foundry, packing houses, warehouses, and other

equipment. The factory is in charge of a first assistant, who is a

machinist, with a European staff consisting of a machinist and an

apprentice assistant.

The chief garden assistant is paid 350 to 400 florins, and the

garden assistants start at 200 florins per month, with graduated

yearly increases up to 300 florins per month (florin=$0.40). The

chief factory assistant receives 300 florins, and the machinist and

bookkeeper 250 florins each.

The mandoer in charge of the air and kiln drying of coffee gets 25

florins per month, and the mandoer at the coffee mill 20 florins. A

woman mandoer in charge of the coffee sorters receives 0.50 florin

per day and 0.01 florin each for sewing the bags. This woman

supervises all the sorters, fixes their status, and inspects their

work. Unskilled labor (male) receives 0.40 florin per day in the

coffee sheds, and the women sorters are paid 0.50 florin per picul

of 136 pounds, measured before sorting. These women are graded into

three classes--those who can sort 1 picul in a day, those who can

sort three-fourths of a picul, and those who can sort but one-half

of a picul in a day. Some of these women become very expert in

sorting, and the quality of the output of a factory is largely

dependent on an ample supply of expert sorters. Many years are

required to develop an adequate personnel for this department.

[Illustration: COFFEE TRANSPORT IN JAVA]

[Illustration: THE WORLD'S COFFEE TOWER COMPARED WITH THE EIFFEL AND

WOOLWORTH TOWERS

The Woolworth Building, the world's loftiest office structure is 792

feet high from street to top of tower; its main section of 151 by 196

feet stretches up 386 feet, and its volume equals a total of 13,110,942

cubic feet. But a tower made of the year's supply of bags of green

coffee (132 pounds each) would equal 73,649,115 cubic feet, or nearly

six times the bulk of the Woolworth Building. In the same proportions it

would rise 1,386 feet, with the lower section 260 by 340 feet and 670

feet high. Its dimensions would be nearly double those of the Woolworth

Building in every direction. And the Eiffel Tower, reaching up 1,000

feet toward the sky would be lost in a tower made of a year's bags of

coffee. Such a tower would stand 1,425 feet high on a base area of 230

feet square, the size of the Eiffel's first floor.]

CHAPTER XXII

THE PRODUCTION AND CONSUMPTION OF COFFEE

_A statistical study of world production of coffee by

countries--Per capita figures of the leading consuming

countries--Coffee-consumption figures compared with tea-consumption

figures in the United States and the United Kingdom--Three

centuries of coffee trading--Coffee drinking in the United States,

past and present--Reviewing the 1921 trade in the United States_

The world's yearly production of coffee is on the average considerably

more than one million tons. If this were all made up into the refreshing

drink we get at our breakfast tables, there would be enough to supply

every inhabitant of the earth with some sixty cups a year, representing

a total of more than ninety billion cups. In terms of pounds the annual

world output amounts to about two and a quarter billions--an amount so

large that if it were done up in the familiar one-pound paper packages;

and if these packages were laid end to end in a row; they would form a

line long enough to reach to the moon. If this average yearly production

were left in the sacks in which the coffee is shipped, the total of

17,500,000 would be enough to form a broad six-foot pavement reaching

entirely across the United States, upon which a man could walk steadily

for more than five months at the rate of twenty miles a day. This vast

amount of coffee comes very largely from the western hemisphere; and

about three-fourths of it, from a single country. The production,

shipment, and preparation of this coffee, directly and indirectly

support millions of workers; and many countries are entirely dependent

on it for their prosperity and economic well-being.

During the crop year that ended June 30, 1921, this million-ton average

was considerably exceeded, though it did not approach the record yield

of all time in the crop year 1906-07, when the total amounted to almost

24,000,000 sacks; or, in round numbers, 3,000,000,000 pounds.

As indicated by the Statistical Record table, on page 274, Brazil

produces more than all the rest of the world put together. Coffee

growing, however, is general throughout tropical countries, and in most

of them constitutes one of the leading industries. Yet in most cases,

the actual production of these countries can only be estimated, as

accurate figures, showing the exact output, are seldom kept. But the

contribution which each country makes to the total world traffic in

coffee can be determined by its export figures, which are obtainable in

reasonably accurate and up-to-date form. The table on page 276 gives the

coffee export figures, in pounds, for practically every country that

produces coffee for sale outside its own borders. Figures are given for

the latest available year, and also for the average of the last five

years for which statistics are to be obtained. The figures are taken

from official statistics, from the publications of the International

Institute of Agriculture of Rome, and from other authoritative sources.

STATISTICAL RECORD FOR THIRTY-EIGHT YEARS

_Crops_

/---------------------------------\

Fiscal Rio and Other Total

Year Santos Countries (Bags)

(July 1 to (Bags)[I] (Bags)

June 30)

1883-84 5,047,000 4,526,000 9,573,000

1884-85 6,206,000 4,004,000 10,210,000

1885-86 5,565,000 3,505,000 9,070,000

1886-87 6,078,000 4,106,000 10,184,000

1887-88 3,033,000 3,214,000 6,247,000

1888-89 6,827,000 3,672,000 10,499,000

1889-90 4,260,000 3,965,000 8,225,000

1890-91 5,358,000 2,886,000 8,244,000

1891-92 7,397,000 4,453,000 11,850,000

1892-93 6,203,000 4,887,000 11,090,000

1893-94 4,309,000 5,307,000 9,616,000

1894-95 6,695,000 5,069,000 11,764,000

1895-96 5,476,000 4,901,000 10,377,000

1896-97 8,680,000 5,238,000 13,918,000

1897-98 10,462,000 5,596,000 16,058,000

1898-99 8,771,000 4,985,000 13,756,000

1899-00 8,959,000 4,842,000 13,801,000

1900-01 10,927,000 4,173,000 15,100,000

1901-02 15,439,000 4,296,000 19,735,000

1902-03 12,324,000 4,340,000 16,664,000

1903-04 10,408,000 5,575,000 15,983,000

1904-05 9,968,000 4,480,000 14,448,000

1905-06 10,227,000 4,565,000 14,792,000

1906-07 19,654,000 4,160,000 23,814,000

1907-08 10,283,000 4,551,000 14,834,000

1908-09 12,419,000 4,499,000 16,918,000

1909-10 14,944,000 4,181,000 19,125,000

1910-11 10,548,000 3,976,000 14,524,000

1911-12 12,491,000 4,918,000 17,409,000

1912-13 11,458,000 4,915,000 16,373,000

1913-14 13,816,000 5,796,000 19,612,000

1914-15 12,867,000 5,019,000 17,886,000

1915-16 14,992,000 4,764,000 19,756,000

1916-17 12,112,000 4,579,000 16,691,000

1917-18 15,127,000 3,720,000 18,847,000

1918-19 9,140,000 4,500,000 13,640,000

1919-20 6,700,000 8,463,000 15,163,000

1920-21 13,816,000 6,467,000 20,283,000

_Deliveries_

/---------------------------------\

Fiscal United

Year Europe States Total

(July 1 to (Bags) (Bags) (Bags)

June 30)

1883-84 6,774,000 2,635,000 9,409,000

1884-85 7,388,000 3,169,000 10,557,000

1885-86 7,198,000 2,938,000 10,136,000

1886-87 7,363,000 2,672,000 10,035,000

1887-88 5,888,000 2,164,000 8,052,000

1888-89 6,589,000 2,659,000 9,249,000

1889-90 6,716,000 2,704,000 9,420,000

1890-91 6,046,000 2,673,000 8,719,000

1891-92 6,392,000 4,412,000 10,804,000

1892-93 6,457,000 4,389,000 10,945,000

1893-94 6,272,000 4,298,000 10,570,000

1894-95 6,816,000 4,396,000 11,212,000

1895-96 6,803,000 4,339,000 11,142,000

1896-97 7,155,000 5,080,000 12,244,000

1897-98 8,535,000 6,036,000 14,571,000

1898-99 7,798,000 5,682,000 13,480,000

1899-00 8,937,000 6,035,000 14,972,000

1900-01 8,486,000 5,843,000 14,329,000

1901-02 8,853,000 6,663,000 15,516,000

1902-03 9,118,000 6,847,000 15,966,000

1903-04 9,280,000 6,853,000 16,133,000

1904-05 9,475,000 6,687,000 16,163,000

1905-06 9,934,000 6,806,000 16,741,000

1906-07 10,502,000 7,042,000 17,544,000

1907-08 10,481,000 7,043,000 17,525,000

1908-09 11,129,000 7,519,000 18,649,000

1909-10 10,811,000 7,287,000 18,098,000

1910-11 10,492,000 7,015,000 17,507,000

1911-12 10,712,000 6,762,000 17,474,000

1912-13 10,144,000 6,675,000 16,820,000

1913-14 11,027,000 7,545,000 18,573,000

1914-15 13,368,000 8,010,000 21,378,000

1915-16 11,050,000 8,834,000 19,884,000

1916-17 5,171,000 9,046,000 14,217,000

1917-18 6,209,000 8,624,000 14,833,000

1918-19 6,073,000 8,994,000 15,067,000

1919-20 7,047,000 9,683,000 16,730,000

1920-21 6,397,000 9,701,000 16,099,000

_Spot_

Fiscal _Visible_ _Quotations_,

Year _Supply_ _Rio No. 7_

(July 1 to _July 1._ _New York_,

June 30) (Bags) _July 1._

1883-84

1884-85 5,398,000 8-1/4

1885-86 5,051,000 7-1/8

1886-87 3,985,000 8-1/4

1887-88 4,134,000 16-7/8

1888-89 2,329,000 13-1/2

1889-90 3,579,000 14-1/2

1890-91 2,384,000 17-1/2

1891-92 1,909,000 17-3/8

1892-93 2,955,000 17-7/8

1893-94 3,100,000 16-5/8

1894-95 2,146,000 16-1/2

1895-96 3,115,000 15-3/4

1896-97 2,588,000 13

1897-98 3,975,000 7-3/8

1898-99 5,435,000 6-1/4

1899-00 6,200,000 6-1/8

1900-01 5,840,000 8-15/16

1901-02 6,867,000 6

1902-03 11,261,000 5-1/4

1903-04 11,900,000 5-3/16

1904-05 12,361,000 7-1/8

1905-06 11,265,000 7-3/4

1906-07 9,636,000 7-15/16

1907-08 16,400,000 6-3/8

1908-09 14,126,000 6-1/4

1909-10 12,841,000 7-3/4

1910-11 13,719,000 8-3/8

1911-12 11,070,000 13-1/8

1912-13 11,048,000 14-3/4

1913-14 10,285,000 9-5/8

1914-15 11,302,000 8-3/4

1915-16 7,523,000 7-1/2

1916-17 7,328,000 9-1/8

1917-18 7,793,000 9-1/2

1918-19 8,783,000 8-1/2

1919-20 7,173,000 22-1/4

1920-21 6,909,000 13-1/4

[I] 1 Bag=132.27 lbs.

[Illustration: THE WORLD'S COFFEE CUP AND THE WORLD'S LARGEST SHIP

The statistical sharks talk of the 17,566,000 bags, or 2,318,712,000

pounds of coffee that the world drinks every year; but how many really

appreciate what those huge figures mean? For instance, computing 40 cups

of beverage to the pound, there are more than 90,000,000,000 cups drunk

annually, or enough to fill a gigantic cup 4,000 feet in diameter and 40

feet deep, on which the "Majestic," the world's largest ship, would

appear floating approximately as shown in the drawing.]

For the most part, these figures of exportation are the only ones

available to indicate the actual coffee production in the countries

named. The following additional data, however, will serve to show the

extent to which the coffee-raising industry has developed in most of

these countries, and in a few places of minor importance not named in

the table:

BRAZIL. The coffee industry of Brazil, which has furnished seventy

percent of the world's coffee during the last ten years, has developed

in a century and a half. Brazilian soil first made the acquaintance of

the coffee plant at Pará in 1723. A small export trade to Europe had

developed by 1770, the year when the first plantation was established in

the state of Rio de Janeiro, and from which the country's great industry

really dates. Development at first was apparently slow, as no exports

are recorded until the beginning of the nineteenth century; so that the

history of Brazil's coffee trade is a matter entirely of the nineteenth

and twentieth centuries. Once started, however, the new line of export

made rapid progress. In 1800, the amount of coffee exported was 1720

pounds, contained in thirteen bags. Twenty years later, 12,896,000

pounds were shipped, the number of bags being 97,498. Ten years later,

in 1830, this amount had increased to 64,051,000 pounds; and in 1840, to

137,300,000 pounds. In 1852-53, the receipts for shipment at the ports

were double that amount, 284,592,000 pounds; in 1860-61 they were

420,420,000 pounds; in 1870-71 they had increased to 427,416,000 pounds;

in 1880-81 they were 764,945,000 pounds; in 1890-91, 739,654,000 pounds;

and at the beginning of this century, 1900-01, they were 1,504,424,000

pounds, having passed the one billion-pound mark in 1896-97. The highest

point of coffee receipts in the country's history was reached in 1906-07

with 2,699,644,694 pounds; and since that year, the amount has staid at

about one and one-half billion pounds. Further expansion in the last

fifteen years has been closely regulated to prevent overproduction.

EXPORTS OF COFFEE FROM THE COFFEE-PRODUCING COUNTRIES OF THE WORLD

_Country_ _Five-Year Average_

South America: _Year_ _Pounds_ _Pounds_

Brazil 1920 1,524,382,650 1,469,949,180

Colombia 1920 190,961,953[c] 172,862,121

Venezuela 1920 73,726,632 110,174,946

Guiana, Br. 1917 267,344 257,152

Guiana, Fr. 1918 1,100 970

Guiana, D. 1918 3,856 923,644[d]

Ecuador 1919 3,729,413 5,843,033

Peru 1919 370,655 455,212

Central America:

Salvador 1920 82,864,668 78,953,339

Nicaragua 1920 15,345,398 23,243,865

Costa Rica 1921[a] 29,401,683 28,667,262

Guatemala 1920 94,205,569 88,213,080

Honduras 1920[b] 1,091,977 646,574

Mexico 1918 30,172,065 47,555,514[d]

West Indies:

Haiti 1920[b] 61,970,694[e] 54,308,959[d]

Dominican Republic 1920 1,361,666 3,497,866

Jamaica 1919 8,246,672 7,918,781

Porto Rico 1921 29,967,879[f] 30,033,471[d][f]

Trinidad & Tobago 1920 73,201 19,639

Martinique 1918 10,358 17,219

Guadeloupe 1918 2,144,855 1,594,146

Dutch East Indies 1920 99,020,453[i] 103,701,297[h]

Pacific Islands:

Br. North Borneo 1918 1,984 6,618

New Caledonia 1916 1,248,024 784,176

New Hebrides 1917 625,224 608,410[g]

Hawaii 1921 4,979,121[f] 4,244,479[d][f]

Réunion 1918 3,527 26,455

Asia:

Aden (Arabia) 1921[b] 9,463,104 10,837,893

Br. India 1920[b] 30,526,832 23,767,744

French Indo-China 1918 79,145 516,978

Africa:

Eritrea 1918 728,840 315,698

Somaliland, Fr. 1917 11,222,736 9,321,930

Somaliland, Br. 1918 440,272 233,908

Somaliland, It. 1918 3,747 3,306

Abyssinia 1917 17,324,223 12,744,406

German East Africa (former) 1913 2,334,450 2,649,047[d]

Br. East African Protectorate 1918 18,735,572 8,397,541

Uganda 1918 9,999,845 5,076,091

Nyasaland 1918 122,796 92,593

Mayotte (including Comoro Is.)1914 3,306 660

Madagascar 1918 707,676 981,047

Angola 1913 10,655,934 10,459,724

Belgian Congo 1919 347,588 186,432[h]

Fr. Equatorial Africa 1916 48,060 47,046

Nigeria 1916 3,527 19,180

Ivory Coast 1918 66,358 49,162

Gold Coast 1917 660 220

French Guinea 1918 1,320 1,320

Spanish Guinea 1918 8,150 3,968[h]

St. Thomas & Prince's Is. 1916 484,350 1,125,448

Liberia 1917 761,300

Cape Verde Islands 1916 1,442,910 1,100,095

[a] Crop year.

[b] Fiscal year.

[c] Including small proportion of unhusked coffee.

[d] Four-year average.

[e] Not including 6,322,167 pounds "triage" or waste coffee.

[f] Including shipments to continental United States.

[g] Two-year average.

[h] Three-year average.

[i] Java and Madura only

It is estimated that the area in the coffee-growing section suitable

for coffee raising covers 1,158,000 square miles, or more than one-third

the area of continental United States. The state of São Paulo is the

chief producing state, and supplies practically half the world's annual

output. Most of this São Paulo coffee is exported through the port of

Santos, which is consequently the leading coffee port of the world.

Besides Santos, the ports of Rio de Janeiro and Victoria are of much

importance in the coffee trade, although some twenty or thirty million

pounds are exported each year through the port of Bahia, and smaller

amounts through various other ports. The crop year of Brazil runs from

July 1 to June 30, the heaviest receipts for shipment coming as a rule

in the months of August, September, and October of each year. One-third

of the season's crop is usually received at ports of shipment before the

last of October, sometimes as early as the latter part of September;

one-half comes in by the middle or last of November; and two-thirds is

usually received, by the end of January.

[Illustration: No. 1--COFFEE EXPORTS, 1850-1920

This diagram shows the exports of the principal coffee-producing

countries, omitting Brazil]

[Illustration: No. 21--1 COFFEE EXPORTS, 1916-1920

This diagram shows the exports of the leading coffee countries (except

Brazil) in a period covering most of the World War]

VENEZUELA. The coffee plant was introduced into Venezuela in 1784, being

brought from Martinique; and the first shipment abroad, consisting of

233 bags, was made five years later. By 1830-31, production had

increased to 25,454,000 pounds; and in the next twenty years, it more

than trebled, amounting to 83,717,000 pounds in 1850-51. Since then,

however, the increase has been much more gradual. In 1881-82, 94,369,000

pounds were produced; and about the same amount, 95,170,000 pounds, in

1889-90. Twentieth-century production has apparently exceeded the

hundred-million mark on the average, although there are no definite

statistics beyond export figures. These showed 86,950,000 pounds sent

abroad in 1904-05; 103,453,000 pounds in 1908-09; and 88,155,000 pounds

in 1918; the trade in the last-named year being cut down by war

conditions. In 1919, the extraordinary amount of 179,414,815 pounds was

exported, the high figure being due to the release of coffee stored from

previous years. It has been estimated that domestic consumption of

coffee would amount to a maximum of 25,000,000 pounds yearly, but may be

much less than that. The United States and France have in the past been

Venezuela's best customers.

COLOMBIA. Prior to 1912, the total production of coffee in Colombia was

around 80,000,000 pounds annually, of which some 3,000,000 or 4,000,000

pounds were consumed in the country itself. But in the last decade

production has been advancing rapidly, and the present production is the

heaviest in the history of the country. The industry has practically

grown up in the last seventy years, the exports for the decade 1852-53

to 1861-62 averaging only about 940,000 pounds; in the decade following,

about 5,700,000 pounds; and, in the ten years from 1872-73 to 1881-82,

about 12,600,000 pounds, according to an unofficial compilation.

Exportations had advanced to about 47,000,000 pounds by 1895; and to

80,000,000 pounds by 1906. As large quantities of Colombian coffee are

shipped out through Venezuela, and because of the lack of detailed

statistics in Colombia, the actual exportation each year is not easy to

determine; but the following figures, obtained by a trade commissioner

of the United States, may be taken as a fairly accurate estimate of

exports from 1906 to 1918:

COLUMBIAN COFFEE EXPORTS

_Year_ _Sacks (138 lbs.)_

1906 605,705

1907 541,300

1908 577,900

1909 673,350

1910 543,000

1911 601,600

1912 888,800

1913 972,000

1914 983,000

1915 1,074,600

1916 1,153,000

1917 1,093,000

1918 1,102,000

[Illustration: No. 3--BRAZIL'S COFFEE EXPORTS, 1850-1920

Diagram based on 5-year averages with quantities given in millions of

pounds]

ECUADOR. Annual production in Ecuador runs from 3,000,000 to 8,000,000

pounds, most of which is exported. The greater part of the production is

sent to Chile and the United States. Production has shown only a gradual

increase since the middle of the nineteenth century, when planters began

to give some attention to coffee cultivation. Exports were about 87,000

pounds in 1855; 296,000 pounds in 1870; and 985,000 pounds in 1877. By

the beginning of the present century, production had reached 6,204,000

pounds; in 1905, it was estimated at 4,861,000 pounds; and in 1910, at

8,682,000 pounds. Exports in 1912 were 6,101,700 pounds; and 7,671,000

pounds in 1918; but there was a falling off to 3,729,000 pounds in 1919.

Several years ago it was estimated that the coffee trees numbered

8,000,000, planted on 32,000 acres.

PERU. Coffee is one of the minor products of Peru, and the country does

not occupy a place of importance in the international coffee trade. The

larger part of the production is apparently consumed in the country

itself. Export figures indicate that the industry is steadily declining.

Exports amounted to 2,267,000 pounds in 1905; to 1,618,000 pounds in

1908; and in the five years ending with 1918, exports averaged only

529,000 pounds; while figures for 1919 show that in that year they fell

still lower, to 370,000 pounds. Production is mainly in the coast lands.

BRITISH GUIANA. The Guianas are the site of the first coffee planting on

the continent of South America; and according to some accounts, the

first in the New World. The plants were brought first into Dutch Guiana,

but there was no planting in what is now British Guiana (then a Dutch

colony) until 1752. Twenty-six years later, 6,041,000 pounds were sent

to Amsterdam from the two ports of Demarara and Berbice; and after the

colony fell into the hands of the English in 1796, cultivation continued

to increase. Exports amounted to 10,845,000 pounds in 1803; and to more

than 22,000,000 pounds in 1810. Then there was a falling off, and the

production in 1828 was 8,893,500 pounds and 3,308,000 pounds in 1836. In

1849 British Guiana exported only 109,600 pounds. For a long period

thereafter there was little production, and practically no exportation;

exports in 1907, for instance, amounting to only 160 pounds. With the

next year, however, a revival of exportation began, and it has continued

to grow since then. In 1908, exports were 88,700 pounds; and for the

succeeding years, up to 1917, the following amounts are recorded: 1909,

96,952 pounds; 1910, 108,378 pounds; 1911, 136,420 pounds; 1912, 144,845

pounds; 1913, 89,376 pounds; 1914, 238,767 pounds; 1915, 172,326 pounds;

1916, 501,183 pounds; 1917, 267,344 pounds. In the last-named year 4,953

acres were in coffee plantations.

FRENCH GUIANA. This colony raises a small amount of coffee for local

consumption, and exports a few hundred pounds; but it is really an

importing and not an exporting colony. Coffee cultivation was never of

much importance, although in 1775 some 72,000 pounds were exported. One

hundred and eighty thousand pounds were harvested in 1860; and 132,000

pounds in 1870, mostly for local consumption.

DUTCH GUIANA. Regular shipments of coffee from Dutch Guiana have been

made for two centuries, beginning--a few years after the plant was

introduced--with a shipment of 6,461 pounds to the mother country in

1723. Seven years later, 472,000 pounds were shipped; and in 1732-33

exportation reached 1,232,000 pounds. Exports were averaging 16,900,000

pounds a year by 1760; and reached almost 20,600,000 pounds in 1777. At

the beginning of the nineteenth century, they amounted to about

17,000,000 pounds; but a few years later fell off to some 7,000,000

pounds, where they remained until about 1840; after which they began

again to decline. Exportation had practically ceased by 1875, only 1,420

pounds going out of the country, although cultivation still continued,

as evidenced by a production of 82,357 pounds in that year. In 1890,

production was only 15,736 pounds, and exports only 476 pounds; but

since then there has been a considerable increase. In 1900, production

amounted to 433,000 pounds, and exports to 424,000 pounds. In 1908,

1,108,000 pounds were grown, of which 310,000 pounds were sent abroad;

and in 1909, the figures were 552,000 pounds produced and 405,000 pounds

exported. No figures are available for production in recent years; but

the exportation of 1,600,000 pounds in 1917 indicates that plantings

have been steadily growing.

OTHER SOUTH AMERICAN COUNTRIES. Of the other South American countries,

Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay are coffee-importing countries; and the

coffee-raising industry of Paraguay, although more or less promising,

has yet to be developed. In Argentina, a few hundred acres in the

sub-tropical provinces of the north have been planted to coffee; but

coffee-growing will always necessarily remain a very minor industry.

Many attempts have been made to establish the industry in Paraguay,

where favorable conditions obtain, but only a few planters have met with

success. Their product has all been consumed locally. Bolivia has much

land suitable for coffee raising; and it is estimated that production

has reached as high as 1,500,000 pounds a year, but transportation

conditions are such as to hold back development for an indefinite time.

Small amounts are now exported to Chile.

SALVADOR. Coffee was introduced into Salvador in 1852, and immediately

began to spread over the country. Exports were valued at more than

$100,000 in 1865; and by 1874-75 the amount exported had reached

8,500,000 pounds. The first large plantation was established in 1876;

and since then planting has continued, until now practically all the

available coffee land has been taken up. The area in plantations has

been estimated at 166,000 acres, and the annual production at 50,000,000

to 75,000,000 pounds, of which some 5,000,000 pounds are consumed in the

country. Since the beginning of the present century, exports have in

general shown a considerable increase, the figures for 1901 being

50,101,000 pounds; for 1905, 64,480,000 pounds; for 1910, 62,764,000

pounds; for 1915, 67,130,000 pounds; and for 1920, 82,864,000 pounds.

GUATEMALA. Cultivation of coffee in Guatamala became of importance

between 1860 and 1870. In 1860, exports were only about 140,000 pounds;

by 1863, they had increased to about 1,800,000 pounds; and by 1870, to

7,590,000 pounds. In 1880-81, they amounted to 28,976,000 pounds; and in

1883-84, to 40,406,000 pounds. Twenty years later, they had doubled. In

recent years, exports have ranged between 75,000,000 and 100,000,000

pounds; the years from 1909 to 1918 showing the following results,

according to a consular report:

GUATEMALA'S COFFEE EXPORTS

_Cleaned_ _Unshelled_

_Year_ (pounds) (pounds)

1900 92,639,800 23,654,600

1910 50,717,600 19,671,700

1911 60,689,500 20,959,500

1912 14,329,800 60,837,500

1913 70,749,100 20,980,700

1914 71,136,800 14,999,600

1915 69,649,500 9,892,000

1916 85,057,000 3,015,800

1917 89,259,600 1,410,200

1918 77,842,800 511,500

COSTA RICA. Coffee raising in Costa Rica dates from 1779, when the plant

was introduced from Cuba. By 1845, the industry had grown sufficiently

to permit an exportation of 7,823,000 pounds; and twenty years later,

11,143,000 pounds were shipped. Thereafter, production increased

rapidly; so that in 1874, the total exports were 32,670,000 pounds, and

in 1884 they were more than 36,000,000 pounds. In recent years, the

average production has been around 35,000,000 pounds. For the crop years

1916-17 to 1920-21 exports have been:

COSTA RICA'S COFFEE EXPORTS

_Year_ _Pounds_

1916-17 27,044,550

1917-18 25,246,715

1918-19 30,784,184

1919-20 30,860,634

1920-21 29,401,683

NICARAGUA. Production of coffee in Nicaragua began between 1860 and

1870; and in 1875, the yield was estimated at 1,650,000 pounds. By

1879-80, this had increased to 3,579,000 pounds; and by 1889-90, to

8,533,000 pounds. In 1890-91 production was 11,540,000 pounds; and in

1907-08 it was estimated at more than 20,000,000 pounds. Ten years

later, 25,000,000 pounds were produced; and the crop of 1918-19 was

estimated at about 30,000,000 pounds. Lack of transportation, and excess

of political troubles, have been important factors in holding back

development.

HONDURAS. The coffee of Honduras is of very good quality; but production

is small, and the country is not an important factor in international

trade. Exports usually run less than 1,000,000 pounds. The chief

obstacle to expansion is said to be lack of transportation facilities.

BRITISH HONDURAS. This colony grows a little coffee for its own use, but

imports most of what it needs. Production had reached almost 50,000

pounds in 1904; but the present average is only about 10,000 pounds,

raised on scattering trees over about 1,000 acres.

PANAMA. A small amount of coffee, of which occasionally as much as

200,000 or 250,000 pounds a year are exported, is raised in the uplands

of Panama, or is gathered from wild trees. The industry is not of great

importance, and the country imports considerable supplies, mostly from

the United States.

MEXICO. A very good grade of coffee is produced in Mexico; and it is

said that there is sufficient area of good coffee land to take care of

the demand of the world outside of that supplied by Brazil. Production,

however, is limited, and to a large extent goes to satisfy home needs,

leaving only about 50,000,000 pounds for export. In spite of much

government encouragement in past years, coffee cultivation has not made

rapid progress, when we remember that the country became acquainted with

the plant as early as 1790. Not until about 1870 did the country begin

to become important in the list of coffee-exporters; but by 1878-79,

shipments amounted to about 12,000,000 pounds. This steadily increased

to 29,400,000 pounds in 1891-92. Exports in recent years have averaged

about 50,000,000 pounds; but in 1918 were only 30,000,000. Production

has fluctuated greatly. In the years preceding the troubled

revolutionary period, the total output was estimated as follows: 1907,

45,000,000 pounds; 1908, 42,000,000 pounds; 1909, 81,000,000 pounds;

1910, 70,000,000 pounds. In the ten years preceding 1907, production

dropped as low as 22,000,000 pounds in 1902; and rose to 88,500,000

pounds in 1905. Next to the United States, Germany was the chief buyer

of Mexican coffee before the war; although France and Great Britain also

took several million pounds each.

HAITI. For well over a century Haiti has been shipping tens of millions

of pounds of coffee annually; and the product is the mainstay of the

country's economic life. In all that time, however, shipments have

maintained much the same level. The country has been a coffee producer

from the early years of the eighteenth century, when the plants began to

spread from the original sprigs in Guiana or Martinique. After half a

century of growth, exports had risen to 88,360,000 pounds in 1789-90, a

mark that has never again been reached. Since then, exports have ranged

between 40,000,000 and 80,000,000 pounds, keeping close to the lower

mark in recent years because of European conditions. They were

38,000,000 pounds in 1856; 55,750,000 pounds in 1866; and 52,300,000

pounds in 1876. They had reached 84,028,000 pounds in 1887-88; but fell

back to 67,437,000 pounds in 1897-98; and ten years later, were

63,848,000 pounds. In 1917-18, they were only about two-thirds that

amount, or 42,100,000 pounds. Some 8,000,000 pounds are consumed yearly

in the country itself. The coffee plantations cover about 125,000 acres.

DOMINICAN REPUBLIC. Coffee production in the Dominican Republic ranges

between 1,000,000 and 5,000,000 pounds, exports in recent years

averaging about 3,500,000 pounds. The quality of the coffee is good; but

the plantations are not well cared for. Until fifty years ago, the

industry was in a state of decline from a condition of former

importance; but it was revived, and by 1881 it supplied 1,400,000 pounds

for export. The amount was 1,480,000 pounds in 1888; 3,950,000 pounds in

1900; 1,540,000 pounds in 1909; and 4,870,000 pounds in 1919. Blight,

and disturbed political conditions, have hampered development. In normal

times, Europe takes most of the export.

JAMAICA. Jamaica began to raise coffee about 1730; and from that time on

there was a steady but slow increase in production. Shipments amounted

to about 60,000 pounds in 1752, and to about 1,800,000 pounds in 1775.

At the beginning of the new century, in 1804, exports of 22,000,000

pounds are recorded; and in 1814 the figure was 34,045,000 pounds. Then

exports gradually fell off, and in 1861 were only 6,700,000 pounds. They

were 10,350,000 pounds in 1874; and since then, have not varied much

from 9,000,000 or 10,000,000 pounds a year. They were 9,363,000 pounds

in 1900; 7,885,000 pounds in 1909; and 8,246,000 pounds in 1919. The

acreage in coffee remains fairly constant, being 24,865 in 1900; 22,275

in 1911; and 20,280 in 1917. It is said that there are 80,000 acres of

good coffee land still uncultivated.

PORTO RICO. The cultivation of coffee in Porto Rico dates back to the

middle of the eighteenth century; but exportation does not seem to have

been much more than a million pounds a year until the first years of the

nineteenth century. Between 1837 and 1840, the average exportation was

about 10,000,000 pounds; and by 1865, this had risen to 24,000,000

pounds. Ten years later, it was 25,700,000 pounds. In recent years, it

has averaged about 37,000,000 pounds; the 1921 figure, including

shipments to continental United States, being 29,968,000 pounds.

Production since 1881 has been between 30,000,000 and 50,000,000 pounds;

the heaviest being in 1896 when the total output was 62,628,337

pounds--the largest figure in the island's history. The industry was

greatly damaged by a disastrous storm in 1900, and was also adversely

affected by the European War, as a large part of Porto Rico's crop goes

to Europe. Porto Rican coffee has not been popular in the United States,

which takes only limited amounts. Cuba is one of the island's best

customers.

GUADELOUPE. Coffee production in Guadeloupe reached its highest point in

the latter part of the eighteenth century, when more than 8,000,000

pounds were raised. The figure was about 6,000,000 in 1808; but the

output declined during the succeeding decades, and forty years later was

only 375,000 pounds. The amount produced in 1885 was 986,000 pounds;

and there has been a gradual increase, so that the crop has been large

enough to permit the exportation of 1,000,000 to 2,000,000 pounds, or

more, since the beginning of the present century. Exports in 1901 were

1,449,000 pounds; in 1908, 2,266,000 pounds; and in 1918, 2,144,000

pounds.

OTHER WEST INDIAN ISLANDS. Some little coffee is gathered for home

consumption in many other West Indian islands, but little is exported.

The island of Martinique, which is said to have seen the introduction of

the coffee plant into the western hemisphere, does not now raise enough

for its own use. Cuba was formerly one of the important centers of

production; but for various reasons the industry declined, and for many

years the country has imported most of its coffee supply. A century ago,

the plantations numbered 2,067; and the annual exportation amounted to

50,000,000 pounds. When the island became independent, steps were taken

to revive coffee planting; and in 1907 there were 1,411 plantations and

3,662,850 trees, producing 6,595,700 pounds of coffee. The Cubans,

however, now find it convenient to obtain their coffee from the

neighboring island of Porto Rico and from other sources; and

importations have remained around 20,000,000 pounds a year. In Trinidad

and Tobago, exports have reached as high as 1,000,000 pounds a year; but

in recent times they have fallen off heavily. St. Vincent exported 485

pounds in 1917, and Grenada, 251 pounds in 1916. The Leeward Islands

exported 1,415 pounds in 1917, and 2,946 pounds in 1916, the acreage

being 274, the same as for many years past.

ARABIA. The home of the famous Mocha coffee still produces considerable

quantities of that variety, although the output, comparatively speaking,

is not large. The chief district is the vilayet of Yemen; and the

product reaches the outside world mainly through the port of Aden,

although before the war much of this coffee was exported through

Hodeida. The port of Massowah, in the last two or three years, has been

drawing some of the supply of Mocha for export. No statistics are

available to show the production of Mocha coffee; but an estimate made

by the oldest coffee merchant in Aden places the average annual output

at 45,000 bags of 176 pounds each, or 7,920,000 pounds. Although this is

the only district in the world that can produce the particular grade of

coffee known as Mocha, there is little systematic cultivation, and large

areas of good coffee land are planted to other crops to provide food for

the natives. When transportation facilities are provided, so that this

food can be imported, it is predicted that the output of Mocha coffee

will be doubled.

Aden is a great transhipping port for coffee from Asia and Africa, and

more than half its exports are re-exports from points outside of Arabia.

The following figures will show the proportion of Arabian coffee coming

into Aden for export as compared with that from other producing

sections:

ADEN'S COFFEE RECEIPTS FOR RE-EXPORT

_Imports_ 1916-17 1917-18 1918-19

_from_ (pounds) (pounds) (pounds)

Abyssinia (via Jibuti) 4,529,280 6,174,896 4,337,760

Mocha and Ghizan 3,555,104 6,562,752 3,075,024

Somaliland (British) 394,128 396,592 245,840

Straits Settlements 672,224

Zanzibar and Pemba 92,512 795,312 764,288

All other countries 162,064 307,104 323,616

--------- ---------- ---------

Total 9,405,312 14,236,656 8,746,528

BRITISH INDIA. Cultivation of coffee was begun systematically in India

in 1840; and twenty years later, the country exported about 5,860,000

pounds. For the next eight years the exports remained at about that

figure; but in 1859 they amounted to 11,690,000 pounds; and by 1864 they

had doubled, rising in that year to 26,745,000 pounds. They have

continued at between 20,000,000 and 60,000,000 pounds ever since,

reaching their highest point in 1872 with 56,817,000 pounds. In recent

years, production and exportation have declined; the exports in 1920

being only 30,526,832 pounds. The area under coffee has been between

200,000 and 300,000 acres for fifty years or more, reaching its highest

point in 1896, with 303,944 acres. Recently the area has been slowly

decreasing.

CEYLON. The island of Ceylon was formerly one of the important producers

of coffee; and the industry was a flourishing one until about 1869, when

a disease appeared that in ten or fifteen years practically ruined the

plantations. Production has gone on since then, but at a steadily

declining rate. In late years, the island has not produced enough for

its own use, and is now ranked as an importer rather than as an

exporter. It is said that systematic cultivation was carried on in

Ceylon by the Dutch as early as 1690; and shipments of 10,000 to 90,000

pounds a year were made all through the eighteenth century, exports in

one year, 1741, going as high as 370,000 pounds. The English took the

island in 1795, and thirty years later, they began to expand

cultivation. Exports had risen to 12,400,000 pounds in 1836; and they

continued to increase to a high point of 118,160,000 pounds in 1870; but

in the next thirty years they declined, until they were only 1,147,000

pounds in 1900. The total acreage in coffee at one time reached as high

as 340,000; but as the coffee trees were affected by the leaf disease,

this land was turned to tea; and in 1917 there were only 810 acres left

in coffee.

DUTCH EAST INDIES. The year 1699 saw the importation from the Malabar

coast of India to Java of the coffee plants which were destined to be

the progenitors of the tens of millions of trees that have made the

Dutch East Indies famous for two hundred years. Twelve years afterward,

the first trickle of the stream of coffee that has continued to flow

ever since found its way from Java to Holland, in a shipment of 894

pounds. About 216,000 pounds were exported in 1721; and soon thereafter,

shipments rose into the millions of pounds.

From 1721 to 1730 the Netherlands East India Co. marketed 25,048,000

pounds of Java coffee in Holland; and in the decade following,

36,845,000 pounds. Shipments from Java continued at about the latter

rate until the close of the century, although in the ten years 1771-80

they reached a total of 51,319,000 pounds. The total sales of Java

coffee in Holland for the century were somewhat more than a quarter of a

billion pounds, which represented pretty closely the amount produced.

With the beginning of the nineteenth century, coffee production soon

became much heavier; and in 1825 Java exported, of her own production,

some 36,500,000 pounds, besides 1,360,000 pounds brought from

neighboring islands to which the cultivation had spread. In 1855, the

amount was 168,100,000 pounds of Java coffee, and 4,080,000 pounds of

coffee from the other islands. This is the highest record for the

half-century following the beginning of the regular reports of exports

in 1825. From 1875 to 1879 the average annual yield was 152,184,000

pounds. In 1900, production in Java was 84,184,000 pounds; in 1910, it

was 31,552,000 pounds, and in 1915 it had jumped to 73,984,000 pounds.

On the west coast of Sumatra coffee was regularly cultivated, according

to one account, as early as 1783; but it was not until about 1800, that

exportation began, with about 270,000 pounds. By 1840, exports were

averaging 11,000,000 to 12,250,000 pounds per year. Official records of

production date from 1852, in which year the figures were 16,714,000

pounds. Five years later the recorded yield was 25,960,000 pounds, the

high-water mark of Sumatra production. The total output in 1860 was

21,400,000 pounds; and 22,275,000 pounds in 1870. The average from 1875

to 1879 was 17,408,000 pounds; and from 1895 to 1899, it was 7,589,000

pounds. The yield was 5,576,000 pounds in 1900; 1,360,000 in 1910; and

7,752,000 in 1915.

In Celebes, the first plants were set out about 1750; but seventy years

later production was only some 10,000 pounds. This soon increased to

half a million pounds; and from 1835 to 1852 the yield ran between

340,000 and 1,768,000 pounds. From 1875 to 1879, production averaged

2,176,000 pounds; from 1885 to 1889, 2,747,000 pounds; and from 1895 to

1899, 707,000 pounds. In 1900, it was 680,000 pounds; in 1910, 272,000

pounds; and in 1915, 272,000 pounds.

Planting under government control, largely with forced labor, has been

the special feature of coffee cultivation in the Dutch East Indies. At

first the government exercised what was practically a monopoly; but

private planting was more and more permitted; and in the latter part of

the nineteenth century, the amount of coffee produced on private

plantations exceeded that raised by the government. The government has

now entirely given up the business of coffee production.

The total production of coffee in Java, Sumatra, and Celebes, in 1920,

in piculs of 136 pounds, was as follows:

DUTCH EAST INDIES' COFFEE PRODUCTION

_Kind of_ _Quantity Produced in_

_Coffee_ Java Sumatra Celebes Total

and Bali

(piculs) (piculs) (piculs) (piculs)

Liberica 14,972 6,243 2,074 23,289

Java 16,312 24,291 70,621 111,224

Robusta 411,235 256,645 4,998 672,878

------- ------- ------ -------

Total 442,519 287,179 77,693 807,391

STRAITS SETTLEMENTS. Trade in coffee is a transhipping trade, Singapore

acting as a clearing center for large quantities of coffee from the

neighboring islands. In 1920, the imports were 25,914,267 pounds; and

the exports, 26,856,000 pounds.

FEDERATED MALAY STATES. The acreage in coffee in the Federated Malay

States is steadily declining. In 1903, coffee plantations covered 22,700

acres; in 1913, 7,695 acres; and in 1916, 4,312 acres. There was

formerly a considerable export; but apparently local production is now

required for home consumption, as in 1920 exports were practically

nothing, and about 9,800 pounds were imported.

BRITISH NORTH BORNEO. Total exports of coffee have reached as high as

50,000 pounds, which was the figure in 1904; but they are much less now;

being 5,973 pounds in 1915; 15,109 pounds in 1916; and 1,980 pounds in

1918.

SARAWAK. Previous to 1912, the exportation of coffee from Sarawak, was

20,000 to 45,000 pounds annually. In 1912, a coffee estate of 300 acres

was abandoned, and since that time there have been no exports.

PHILIPPINES. Coffee raising was formerly one of the chief industries of

the Philippines; but it has now greatly declined, partly because of the

blight. Exports reached their highest point in 1883, when 16,805,000

pounds were shipped. Since then, they have fallen off steadily to

nothing; and the islands are now importers, although still producing

considerable for their own use. The area still under cultivation in 1920

was 2,700 acres; and the production in that year was given as 2,710,000

pounds, as compared with 1,580,000 pounds in 1919, and an average of

1,500,000 pounds for the previous five years.

GUAM. Coffee is a common plant on the island but is not systematically

cultivated. There is no exportation, but a Navy Department report says

that the possible export is not less than seventy-five tons annually.

HAWAII. A certain amount of coffee has been produced in the Hawaiian

Islands for many years, exports being recorded as 49,000 pounds in 1861;

as 452,000 pounds in 1870; and as 143,000 pounds in 1877. The trees grow

on all the islands; but nearly all the coffee produced is raised on

Hawaii. The trees are not carefully cultivated; but the coffee has an

excellent flavor. The amount of land planted to coffee is about 6,000

acres. The exports go mostly to continental United States. The exports

are increasing, the figures up to 1909 ranging usually between 1,000,000

and 2,000,000 pounds, and now usually running between 2,000,000 and

5,000,000 pounds. Including shipments to continental United States,

Hawaii exported 5,775,825 pounds in 1918; 3,649,672 pounds in 1919;

2,573,300 pounds in 1920; and 4,979,121 pounds in 1921.

AUSTRALIA. Queensland is the only state of the Commonwealth in which

coffee growing has been at all extensively tried; and here the results

have, up to the present time, been far from satisfactory. The total area

devoted to this crop reached its highest point in the season 1901-02

when an area of 547 acres was recorded. The area then continuously

declined to 1906-07, when it was as low as 256 acres. In subsequent

seasons the area fluctuated somewhat; but, on the whole, with a downward

tendency. In 1919-20, only 24 productive acres were recorded, with a

yield of 16,101 pounds. The country is now listed among the consuming

rather than the producing countries.

ABYSSINIA. This country, usually credited with being the original home

of the coffee plant, still has, in its southern part, vast forests of

wild coffee whose extent is unknown, but whose total production is

believed to be immense. It is of inferior grade, and reaches the market

as "Abyssinian" coffee. There is also a large district of coffee

plantations producing a very good grade called "Harari", which is

considered almost, if not quite, the equal of the Arabian Mocha. This is

usually shipped to Aden for re-export. Abyssinia's coffee reaches the

outside world through three different gateways; and as the neighboring

countries, through which the produce passes, also produce coffee, no

accurate statistics are available to show the country's annual export.

The total probably ranges from 10,000,000 to 20,000,000 pounds a year.

Coffee was shipped from Abyssinia to the extent of 6,773,800 pounds in

1914, over the Franco-Ethiopian railroad; 10,054,000 pounds in 1915; and

9,064,000 pounds in 1916. Export figures of the port of Massowah include

a large amount of Abyssinian coffee, but the proportion is unknown. At

this port 108,680 pounds of coffee were exported in 1914; and 1,221,880

pounds in 1915. Abyssinian coffee exported by way of the Sudan amounted

to 232,616 pounds in 1914; to 140,461 pounds in 1915; and to 4,164,600

pounds in 1916.

BRITISH EAST AFRICAN PROTECTORATE. The acreage in coffee has greatly

increased in recent years. It was estimated at 1,000 acres in 1911; and

by 1916, it had grown to 22,200 acres. Production, as shown by the

exports, has likewise increased greatly; and exports in recent years

have averaged about 8,000,000 pounds a year. They were 10,984,000 pounds

in 1917; and were 18,735,000 pounds in 1918.

UGANDA PROTECTORATE. The acreage in coffee has been steadily increasing,

as shown by the following figures: 1910, 697 acres; 1914, 19,278 acres;

1916, 23,857 acres; 1917, 22,745 acres. In 1909, 33,440 pounds of coffee

were produced; and by 1918, this had grown to 10,000,000 pounds. The

average for the five years, 1914-18, was 5,076,000 pounds.

NYASALAND PROTECTORATE. Twenty-five years ago, this colony exported

coffee in amounts ranging from 300,000 to more than 2,000,000 pounds.

Production has now so declined, that only 122,000 pounds were exported

in 1918; and the average for recent years has been about 92,000 pounds.

The acreage in bearing in 1903 was 8,234; and in 1917 it was 1,237.

NIGERIA. Production has been falling off in recent years. Exports were

35,000 pounds in 1896; 57,000 pounds in 1901; and 70,000 pounds in 1909.

In 1916 and 1917, however, they were only about 3,000 pounds.

GOLD COAST. This colony formerly produced considerable coffee, exporting

142,000 pounds in 1896. There have been no exports in recent years,

except about 440 pounds in 1916, and 660 pounds in 1917.

SOMALILAND PROTECTORATE. Exports of coffee were more than 7,500,000

pounds in 1897, indicating a very extensive production. But since then,

there has been a steady decline; and in 1918 only about 440,000 pounds

were shipped.

SOMALI COAST (FRENCH). Exports of coffee from this colony amounted to

more than 5,000,000 pounds in 1902; and since then, they have remained

fairly steadily at that figure, showing considerable increase in late

years. Total exports in 1917 were 11,200,000 pounds.

ITALIAN SOMALILAND. Some coffee appears to be grown in this colony; but

exports have been inconsiderable for many years.

SIERRA LEONE. Production has been steadily declining for twenty years.

Exports were 33,376 pounds in 1903; 17,096 pounds in 1913; and 8,228

pounds in 1917.

MAURITIUS. In former times this island was an important coffee producer,

exports in the early part of the nineteenth century running as high as

600,000 pounds. Today there is practically no export, and only about 30

acres are in bearing, producing 4,000 to 8,000 pounds a year.

RÉUNION. This island also was once a notable grower of coffee. A century

ago, production was estimated as high as 10,000,000 pounds; and this

rate of output continued well through the nineteenth century. In the

present century, production has fallen off; and only about 530,000

pounds were exported in 1909. The decrease has continued, so that the

average in recent years has been only about 25,000 pounds.

_Coffee Consumption_

Of the million or more tons of coffee produced in the world each year,

practically all--with the exception of that which is used in the

coffee-growing countries themselves--is consumed by the United States

and western Europe, the British dominions, and the non-producing

countries of South America. Over that vast stretch of territory

beginning with western Russia, and extending over almost the whole of

Asia, coffee is very little known. In the consuming regions mentioned,

moreover, consumption is concentrated in a few countries, which together

account for some ninety percent of all the coffee that enters the

world's markets. These are, the United States, which now takes more than

one-half, and Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Holland, Belgium,

Switzerland, and Scandinavia.

The United Kingdom stands out conspicuously among the nations of western

Europe as a small consumer of coffee, the per capita consumption in that

country being only about two-thirds of a pound each year. France and

Germany are by far the biggest coffee buyers of Europe so far as actual

quantity is concerned; although some of the other countries mentioned

drink much more coffee in proportion to the population. The

Mediterranean countries and the Balkans are of only secondary

importance as coffee drinkers. Among the British dominions, the Union of

South Africa takes much the largest amount, doubtless because of the

Dutch element in its population; while Canada, Australia, and New

Zealand show the influence of the mother country, consumption per head

in the last two being no greater than in England.

[Illustration: No. 4--WORLD'S COFFEE CONSUMPTION, 1850-1920

Diagram showing the relationship between the leading coffee-consuming

countries]

In South America, Brazil, Bolivia, and all the countries to the north,

are coffee producers. Of the southern countries, Argentina is the chief

coffee buyer, with Chile second. In the western hemisphere, however, the

largest per capita coffee consumer is the island of Cuba, which raises

some coffee of its own and imports heavily from its neighbors.

The list of coffee-consuming countries includes practically all those

that do not raise coffee, and also a few that have some coffee

plantations, but do not grow enough for their own use. These countries

are listed on page 287. Consumption figures can be determined with fair

accuracy by the import figures; although in some countries, where there

is a considerable transit trade, it is necessary to deduct export from

import figures to obtain actual consumption figures. The import figures

given are the latest available for each country named.

[Illustration: No. 5--COFFEE IMPORTS, 1916-1920

In this diagram a comparison is drawn between the coffee imports of the

leading consuming countries over a critical 5-year period]

GENERAL COFFEE CONSUMPTION TABLE

_Country_ _Year_ _Imports_ _Exports_ _Consumption_

(pounds) (pounds) (pounds)

United States 1921[j] 1,345,366,943[k] 41,813,197[k] 1,303,553,746

Canada 1921[l] 17,517,353 20,349 17,497,004

Newfoundland 1920[l] 46,813[m] 46,813

United Kingdom 1921[j] 34,363,728[m] 34,360,128

France 1921[j] 322,419,884 1,154,769 321,265,115

Spain 1920 48,518,854 5,033 48,513,821

Portugal 1919[j] 6,926,575 1,258,271 5,668,304

Belgium 1921[j] 105,365,586 21,541,049 83,824,537

Holland 1921[j] 135,566,943 66,567,702 69,999,241

Denmark 1921[j] 46,571,954 3,449,537 43,122,417

Norway 1921[j] 29,835,544 169,921 29,665,623

Sweden 1921[j] 89,660,766 89,660,766

Finland 1921[j] 27,968,355 27,968,355

Russia 1916 9,801,014 9,801,014

Austria-Hungary 1917 17,966,167 56,217 17,909,950

(former)

Austria 1921[n] 5,128,781 79,365 5,049,416

Germany (former) 1913 371,130,520 1,783,521 369,346,999

Germany (present) 1921[o] 167,675,258 210,535 167,464,723

Poland 1920 7,612,526 26,781 7,585,745

Bulgaria 1914 1,300,493 1,300,493

Rumania 1919 5,134,198 66,757 5,067,441

Greece 1920[p] 13,118,626 13,118,626

Switzerland 1921[j] 31,582,879 47,619 31,535,260

Italy 1920 66,509,255 14,330 66,494,925

Algeria 1920 17,273,041 17,273,041

Tunis 1920 3,458,018 3,458,018

Egypt 1921[j] 20,939,542 218,938 20,720,604

Union of S. Africa 1920 28,752,538 954,181[q] 27,798,357

Northern Rhodesia 1920 43,880 8,263 35,617

Southern Rhodesia 1920 325,900 10,064 315,836

Mozambique 1919 111,614 78,973 32,641

Ceylon 1920 1,853,537 2,240 1,851,297

China 1920 613,217 297,663 315,554

Japan 1920 684,826 684,826

Philippines 1920 3,475,530 26 3,475,504

Canary Islands 1917 529,104 529,104

Cyprus 1918 451,880 451,880

Australia 1920[l] 2,502,429 263,430[r] 2,238,999

New Zealand 1920 304,737 21,104 283,633

Cuba 1920[l] 39,983,001 1,305 39,981,696

Martinique 1918 335,099 10,362 324,737

Panama 1920 216,923 518 216,405

Argentina 1919 37,541,020 37,541,020

Chile 1920 12,357,929 12,357,929

Uruguay 1921[p] 4,896,507 4,896,507

Paraguay 1920 262,737 262,737

[j] Preliminary figures.

[k] Figures are for continental U.S. Imports include both foreign coffee

and coffee from our Island possessions. Exports Include both foreign and

domestic exports from continental U.S. and also exports to our island

possessions.

[l] Fiscal year.

[m] Entered for home consumption.

[n] First six months. Imports in 1920 were 6,042,808 pounds; exports

93,034 pounds.

[o] Eight months, May-December.

[p] First eleven months.

[q] Exports of foreign coffee. Domestic exports were 48,463 pounds.

[r] Exports of foreign coffee. Domestic exports were 208,445 pounds.

On account of the very wide fluctuations in imports during the war and

the period following the war, per capita figures of consumption are of

only relative value, as they have naturally changed radically in recent

years. For the most part, however, the trade has about swung back to

normal; and per capita figures based on the amounts retained for

consumption, as given in the General Coffee Consumption Table, are

fairly close to those for the years before the war. As per capita

calculations must take into account population as well as amounts of

coffee consumed; and as population figures are usually estimates, the

results arrived at by different authorities are likely to vary slightly,

although usually they are not far apart. In figuring the per capita

amounts in the table on page 288, latest available estimates of

population have been used. The figures show that the following are the

ten leading countries in the per capita consumption of coffee in pounds:

1. Sweden 15.25 6. Norway 10.95

2. Cuba 13.79 7. Holland 10.22

3. Denmark 13.19 8. Finland 8.25

4. United States 12.09 9. Switzerland 8.17

5. Belgium 11.06 10. France 7.74

The per capita consumption of the most important coffee-consuming

countries, based on the large table, is given with the 1913 per capita

figures for comparison:

PER CAPITA COFFEE CONSUMPTION TABLE

_Country Year Pounds Pds_., 1913

United States 1921 12.09 8.90[t]

Canada 1921[s] 1.93 2.17[u]

Newfoundland 1920[s] 0.19 0.19[t]

United Kingdom 1921 0.72 0.61[t]

France 1921 7.74 6.41

Spain 1920 2.33 1.64

Portugal 1919 0.86 1.16

Belgium 1921 11.06 12.27

Holland 1921 10.22 18.80

Denmark 1921 13.19 12.85

Norway 1921 10.95 12.29

Sweden 1921 15.25 13.41

Finland 1921 8.25 8.85

Russia 1916 0.05 0.16

Austria-Hungary 1917 0.34 2.54

Germany 1921 4.10 5.43

Roumania 1919 0.29 1.04

Greece 1920 2.97 1.19

Switzerland 1921 8.17 6.48

Italy 1920 1.84 1.79

Egypt 1921 1.53 1.15

Union of So. Africa 1920 3.80[v] 4.19[v]

Ceylon 1920 0.43 0.36

China 1920 0.001 0.01

Japan 1920 0.01 0.004

Cuba 1920[s] 13.79 10.00

Argentina 1919 4.40 3.74

Chile 1920 3.06 3.04

Uruguay 1921 3.61 [w]

Paraguay 1920 0.26 [w]

Australia 1920[s] 0.42 0.64

New Zealand 1920 0.24 0.29

[s] Fiscal year.

[t] Fiscal year 1913.

[u] Fiscal year ending March 31, 1914.

[v] Including both white and colored population.

[w] Not available.

_Tea and Coffee in England and the U. S_.

The rise of the United States as a coffee consumer in the last century

and a quarter has been marked, not only by steadily increased imports as

the population of the country increased, but also by a steady growth in

per capita consumption, showing that the beverage has been continually

advancing in favor with the American people. Today it stands at

practically its highest point, each individual man, woman, and child

having more than 12 pounds a year, enough for almost 500 cups, allotted

to him as his portion. This is four times as much as it was a hundred

years ago; and more than twice as much as it was in the years

immediately following the Civil War. In general it is fifty percent more

than the average in the twenty years preceding 1897, in which year a new

high level of coffee consumption was apparently established, the per

capita figure for that year being 10.12 pounds, which has been

approximately the average since then.

[Illustration: No. 6--WORLD'S CONSUMPTION OF TEA AND COFFEE

Diagram showing their relationship, 1860-1920]

Since the advent of country-wide prohibition in the United States on

July 1, 1919, about two pounds more coffee per person, or 80 to 100

cups, have been consumed than before. Part of this increase is doubtless

to be charged to prohibition; but it is yet too early to judge fairly as

to the exact effect of "bone-dry" legislation on coffee drinking. The

continued growth in the use of coffee in the United States has been in

decided contrast to the per capita consumption of tea, which is less now

than half a century ago.

In the United Kingdom, the reverse condition prevails. Tea drinking

there steadily maintains a popularity which it has enjoyed for

centuries; while coffee apparently makes no advance in favor. In this

respect, the country is sharply distinguished from its neighbors of

western Europe, in many of which coffee drinking has been much heavier,

considering the population, even than in the United States. The contrast

between the tastes of the two countries in beverages is shown clearly by

the per capita figures of tea and coffee consumption for half a century,

as they appear in the table, next column.

TEA AND COFFEE CONSUMPTION PER CAPITA

_Year United States United Kingdom_

Coffee Tea Coffee Tea

pounds pounds pounds pounds

1866 4.96 1.17 1.02 3.42

1867 5.01 1.09 1.04 3.68

1868 6.52 .96 1.00 3.52

1869 6.45 1.08 .94 3.63

1870 6.00 1.10 .98 3.81

1871 7.91 1.14 .97 3.92

1872 7.28 1.46 .98 4.01

1873 6.87 1.53 .99 4.11

1874 6.59 1.27 .96 4.23

1875 7.08 1.44 .98 4.44

1876 7.33 1.35 .99 4.50

1877 6.94 1.23 .96 4.52

1878 6.24 1.33 .97 4.66

1879 7.42 1.21 .99 4.68

1880 8.78 1.39 .92 4.57

1881 8.25 1.54 .89 4.58

1882 8.30 1.47 .89 4.69

1883 8.91 1.30 .89 4.82

1884 9.26 1.09 .90 4.90

1885 9.60 1.18 .91 5.06

1886 9.36 1.37 .87 4.92

1887 8.53 1.49 .80 5.02

1888 6.81 1.49 .83 5.03

1889 9.16 1.25 .76 4.99

1890 7.77 1.32 .75 5.17

1891 7.94 1.28 .76 5.36

1892 9.59 1.36 .74 5.43

1893 8.23 1.32 .69 5.40

1894 8.01 1.34 .68 5.51

1895 9.24 1.39 .70 5.65

1896 8.08 1.32 .69 5.75

1897 10.04 1.56 .68 5.79

1898 11.59 .93 .68 5.83

1899 10.72 .97 .71 5.95

1900 9.84 1.09 .71 6.07

1901 10.43 1.12 .76 6.16

1902 13.32 .92 .68 6.07

1903 10.80 1.27 .71 6.04

1904 11.67 1.31 .68 6.02

1905 11.98 1.19 .67 6.02

1906 9.72 1.06 .66 6.22

1907 11.15 .96 .67 6.26

1908 9.82 1.03 .66 6.24

1909 11.43 1.24 .67 6.37

1910 9.33 .89 .65 6.39

1911 9.29 1.05 .62 6.47

1912 9.26 1.04 .61 6.49

1913 8.90 .96 .61 6.68

1914 10.14 .91 .63 6.89

1915 10.62 .91 .71 6.87

1916 11.20 1.07 .66 6.56

1917 12.38 .99 1.02 6.03

1918 10.43 1.40 1.19 6.75

1919 9.13 .87 .76 8.43

1920 12.78 .84 .74 8.51

Figures for all except most recent years are taken

from the _Statistical Abstract_ publications of

the two countries. For the United States the figures

given apply to fiscal years ending June 30, and for

the United Kingdom to calendar years.

_Coffee Consumption in Europe_

On the continent of Europe, however, coffee enjoys much the same sort of

popularity that it does in the United States. The leading continental

coffee ports are Hamburg, Bremen, Copenhagen, Amsterdam, Rotterdam,

Antwerp, Havre, Bordeaux, Marseilles, and Trieste; and the nationalities

of these ports indicate pretty well the countries that consume the most

coffee. The northern ports are transhipping points for large quantities

of coffee going to the Scandinavian countries, as well as importing

ports for their own countries; and these countries have been among the

leading coffee drinkers, per head of population, for many decades.

Norway, for instance, in 1876 was consuming about 8.8 pounds of coffee

per person; Sweden, 5 pounds; and Denmark, 5.2 pounds. The per capita

consumption of various other countries at about the same period, 1875 to

1880, has been estimated as follows: Holland, 17.6 pounds; Belgium, 9.1

pounds; Germany, 5.1 pounds; Austria-Hungary, 2.2 pounds; Switzerland,

6.6 pounds; Prance, 3 pounds; Spain, 0.2 pounds; Portugal, 0.7 pounds;

and Greece, 1.6 pounds.

Today, the leading country of the world in point of per capita

consumption is Sweden (15.25 pounds); but Holland held that position for

a long while. During the World War the disturbance of trade currents,

and the high price of coffee, greatly reduced the amount of coffee

drinking; and the Dutch took to drinking tea in considerable

quantities.

FRANCE. Second only to the United States, in the total amount of coffee

consumed, is France; although that country before the war occupied third

place, being passed by Germany. Havre is one of the great coffee ports

of Europe; and has a coffee exchange organized in 1882, only a short

time after the Exchange in New York began operations. France draws on

all the large producing regions for her coffee; but is especially

prominent in the trade in the West Indies and the countries around the

Caribbean Sea. Imports in 1921 (preliminary) amounted to 322,419,884

pounds; exports to 1,154,769 pounds; and net consumption, to 321,265,115

pounds.

GERMANY. Hamburg is one of the world's important coffee ports; and in

normal times coffee is brought there in vast amounts, not only for

shipment into the interior of Germany, but also for transhipment to

Scandinavia, Finland and Russia. Up to the outbreak of the war, Germany

was the chief coffee-drinking country of Europe. During the blockade,

the Germans resorted to substitutes; and after the war because of high

prices, there was still some consumption of them. German coffee imports

since the war have not quite climbed back to their former high mark; and

the per capita consumption, judged by these figures is still somewhat

low. Importations amounted to 90,602,000 pounds in 1920. The amount of

total imports was 371,130,520 pounds in 1913; total exports, 1,783,521

pounds; and net imports, 369,346,999 pounds.

NETHERLANDS. Netherlands is one of the oldest coffee countries of

Europe, and for centuries has been a great transhipping agent,

distributing coffee from her East Indian possessions and from America

among her northern neighbors. Before sending these coffee shipments

along, however, she kept back enough plentifully to supply her own

people, so that for many years before the war she led the world in per

capita consumption. As far back as 1867-76, coffee consumption was

averaging more than 13 pounds per capita. In the year before the war,

the average was 18.8 pounds. The blockade, and other abnormal conditions

during the war, threw the trade off; and it is still sub-normal. In 1920

the net imports were about 96,000,000 pounds, which would give a per

capita consumption of about 14 pounds if it all went into consumption.

But part of it was probably stored for later exportation, as indicated

by the figures for 1921, which show heavy exports and a consequent lower

figure for consumption. Eighty percent of the Netherlands coffee trade

is handled through Amsterdam.

Consumption of coffee is now slowly going back to normal, but the change

in source of imports--which before the war came largely from Brazil but

which war conditions turned heavily toward the East Indies--is still in

evidence. Per capita consumption of coffee in Holland up to the outbreak

of the war was as follows:

COFFEE CONSUMPTION PER CAPITA IN HOLLAND

_Year Pounds Year Pounds_

1847-56 9.6 1907 14.9

1857-66 7.1 1908 14.3

1867-76 13.3 1909 16.7

1877-86 16.7 1910 15.7

1887-96 12.8 1911 15.8

1897-1906 16.7 1912 12.3

1906 17.2 1913 18.8

OTHER COUNTRIES OF EUROPE. Denmark, Norway, and Sweden are all heavy

coffee drinkers. In 1921 Sweden had the highest per capita consumption

in the world, 15.25 pounds. Before the war, these three countries each

consumed about as much per capita as the United States does today, 12 to

13 pounds. The 1921 imports for consumption[317] were as follows:

Denmark, 43,122,417 pounds; Norway, 29,665,623 pounds; Sweden,

89,660,766 pounds. Austria-Hungary was formerly an important buyer of

coffee, large quantities coming into the country yearly through Trieste.

Imports in 1913 totaled 130,951,000 pounds; and in 1912, 124,527,000

pounds. In 1917 the war cut down the total to 17,910,000 pounds net

consumption. Finland shares with her neighbors of the Baltic a strong

taste for coffee, importing, in 1921, 27,968,000 pounds, about 8.25

pounds per capita. In the same year, Belgium had a net importation of

83,824,000 pounds.

Spain, in 1920, consumed 48,513,821 pounds. Portugal, in 1919, imported

6,926,575 pounds; and exported 1,258,271 pounds, leaving 5,668,304

pounds for home consumption. Coffee is not especially popular in the

Balkan States and Italy; importations into the last-named country in

1920 amounting to 66,494,925 pounds net. Switzerland is a steady coffee

drinker, consuming 31,535,260 pounds in 1921. Russia was never fond of

coffee; and her total imports in 1917, according to a compilation made

under Soviet auspices, were only 4,464,000 pounds.

[Illustration: A MEETING OF THE COFFEE BROKERS OF AMSTERDAM, 1820

Reproduced from an old print]

OTHER COUNTRIES. The Union of South Africa, in 1920, imported 27,798,000

pounds net, or about 3.8 pounds per capita. Cuba purchased 39,981,696

pounds in the fiscal year 1920; Argentina, 37,541,000 pounds in 1919;

Chile, 12,358,000 pounds in 1920; Australia, 2,239,000 pounds in 1920;

and New Zealand, 283,633 pounds in that year.

_Three Centuries of Coffee Trading_

The story of the development of the world's coffee trade is a story of

about three centuries. When Columbus sailed for the new world, the

coffee plant was unknown even as near its original home as his native

Italy. In its probable birthplace in southern Abyssinia, the natives had

enjoyed its use for a long time, and it had spread to southwestern

Arabia; but the Mediterranean knew nothing of it until after the

beginning of the sixteenth century. It then crept slowly along the coast

of Asia Minor, through Syria, Damascus, and Aleppo, until it reached

Constantinople about 1554. It became very popular; coffee houses were

opened, and the first of many controversies arose. But coffee made its

way against all opposition, and soon was firmly established in Turkish

territory.

In those deliberate times, the next step westward, from Asia to Europe,

was not taken for more than fifty years. In general, its introduction

and establishment in Europe occupied the whole of the seventeenth

century.

The greatest pioneering work in coffee trading was done by the

Netherlands East India Company, which began operations in 1602. The

enterprise not only promoted the spread of coffee growing in two

hemispheres; but it was active also in introducing the sale of the

product in many European countries.

Coffee reached Venice about 1615, and Marseilles about 1644. The French

began importing coffee in commercial quantities in 1660. The Dutch began

to import Mocha coffee regularly at Amsterdam in 1663; and by 1679 the

French had developed a considerable trade in the berry between the

Levant and the cities of Lyons and Marseilles. Meanwhile, the coffee

drink had become fashionable in Paris, partly through its use by the

Turkish ambassador, and the first Parisian _café_ was opened in 1672. It

is significant of its steady popularity since then that the name _café_,

which is both French and Spanish for coffee, has come to mean a general

eating or drinking place.

[Illustration: BILL OF PUBLIC SALE OF COFFEE, ETC., 1790

Reproduction of an advertisement by the Dutch East India Company]

Active trading in coffee began in Germany about 1670, and in Sweden

about 1674.

Trading in coffee in England followed swiftly upon the heels of the

opening of the first coffee house in London in 1652. By 1700, the trade

included not only exporting and importing merchants, but wholesale and

retail dealers; the latter succeeding the apothecaries who, up to then,

had enjoyed a kind of monopoly of the business.

Trade and literary authorities[318] on coffee trading tell us that in

the early days of the eighteenth century the chief supplies of coffee

for England and western Europe came from the East Indies and Arabia. The

Arabian, or--as it was more generally known--Turkey berry, was bought

first-hand by Turkish merchants, who were accustomed to travel inland in

Arabia Felix, and to contract with native growers.

It was moved thence by camel transport through Judea to Grand Cairo,

_via_ Suez, to be transhipped down the Nile to Alexandria, then the

great shipping port for Asia and Europe. By 1722, 60,000 to 70,000 bales

of Turkish (Arabian) coffee a year were being received in England, the

sale price at Grand Cairo being fixed by the Bashaw, who "valorized" it

according to the supply. "Indian" coffee, which was also grown in

Arabia, was brought to Bettelfukere (Beit-el-fakih) in the mountains of

southwestern Arabia, where English, Dutch, and French factors went to

buy it and to transport it on camels to Moco (Mocha), whence it was

shipped to Europe around the Cape of Good Hope.

In the beginning, "Indian" coffee was inferior to Turkish coffee;

because it was the refuse, or what remained after the Turkish merchants

had taken the best. But after the European merchants began to make their

own purchases at Bettelfukere, the character of the "Indian" product as

sold in the London and other European markets was vastly improved.

Doubtless the long journey in sailing vessels over tropic seas made for

better quality. It was estimated that Arabia in this way exported about

a million bushels a year of "Turkish" and "Indian" coffee.

The coffee houses became the gathering places for wits, fashionable

people, and brilliant and scholarly men, to whom they afforded

opportunity for endless gossip and discussion. It was only natural that

the lively interchange of ideas at these public clubs should generate

liberal and radical opinions, and that the constituted authorities

should look askance at them. Indeed the consumption of coffee has been

curiously associated with movements of political protest in its whole

history, at least up to the nineteenth century.

Coffee has promoted clear thinking and right living wherever introduced.

It has gone hand in hand with the world's onward march toward democracy.

As already told in this work, royal orders closed the coffee houses for

short periods in Constantinople and in London; Germany required a

license for the sale of the beverage; the French Revolution was fomented

in coffee-house meetings; and the real cradle of American liberty is

said to have been a coffee house in New York. It is interesting also to

note that, while the consumption of coffee has been attended by these

agitations for greater liberty for three centuries, its production for

three centuries, in the Dutch East Indies, in the West Indies, and in

Brazil, was very largely in the hands of slaves or of forced labor.

Since the spread of the use of coffee to western Europe in the

seventeenth century, the development of the trade has been marked,

broadly speaking, by two features: (1) the shifting of the weight of

production, first to the West Indies, then to the East Indies, and then

to Brazil; and (2) the rise of the United States as the chief coffee

consumer of the world. Until the close of the seventeenth century, the

little district in Arabia, whence the coffee beans had first made their

way to Europe, continued to supply the whole world's trade. But sprigs

of coffee trees were beginning to go out from Arabia to other promising

lands, both eastward and westward. As previously related, the year 1699

was an important one in the history of this expansion, as it was then

that the Dutch successfully introduced the coffee plant from Arabia into

Java. This started a Far Eastern industry, whose importance continues to

this day, and also caused the mother country, Holland, to take up the

rôle of one of the leading coffee traders of the world, which she still

holds. Holland, in fact, took to coffee from the very first. It is

claimed that the first samples were introduced into that country from

Mocha in 1616--long before the beans were known in England or

France--and that by 1663, regular shipments were being made. Soon after

the coffee culture became firmly established in Java, regular shipments

to the mother country began, the first of these being a consignment of

894 pounds in 1711. Under the auspices of the Netherlands East India Co.

the system of cultivating coffee by forced labor was begun in the East

Indian colonies. It flourished until well into the nineteenth century.

One result of this colonial production of coffee was to make Holland the

leading coffee consumer per capita of the world, consumption in 1913, as

recorded on page 290, having reached as high as 18.8 pounds. It has long

been one of the leading coffee traders, importing and exporting in

normal times before the war between 150,000,000 and 300,000,000 pounds a

year.

[Illustration: PRE-WAR AVERAGE ANNUAL PRODUCTION OF COFFEE BY CONTINENTS

Fiscal years: 1910-1914

Total pounds: 2,311,917,200]

The introduction of the coffee plant into the new world took place

between 1715 and 1723. It quickly spread to the islands and the mainland

washed by the Caribbean. The latter part of the eighteenth century saw

tens of millions of pounds of coffee being shipped yearly to the mother

countries of western Europe; and for decades, the two great coffee trade

currents of the world continued to run from the West Indies to France,

England, Holland, and Germany; and from the Dutch East Indies to

Holland. These currents continued to flow until the disruption of world

trade-routes by the World War; but they had been pushed into positions

of secondary importance by the establishing of two new currents, running

respectively from Brazil to Europe, and from Brazil to the United

States, which constituted the nineteenth century's contribution to the

history of the world's coffee trade.

[Illustration: PRE-WAR AVERAGE ANNUAL PRODUCTION OF COFFEE BY COUNTRIES

Fiscal years: 1910-1914

Total pounds: 2,311,917,200]

The chief feature of the twentieth century's developments has been the

passing by the United States of the half-way mark in world consumption;

this country, since the second year of the World War, having taken more

than all the rest of the world put together. The world's chief coffee

"stream," so to speak, is now from Santos and Rio de Janeiro to New

York, other lesser streams being from these ports to Havre, Antwerp,

Amsterdam, and (in normal times) Hamburg; and from Java to Amsterdam and

Rotterdam. It is said that a movement, fostered by Belgium and Brazil,

is under way to have Antwerp succeed Hamburg as a coffee port.

The rise of Brazil to the place of all-important source of the world's

coffee was entirely a nineteenth century development. When the coffee

tree found its true home in southern Brazil in 1770, it began at once to

spread widely over the area of excellent soil; but there was little

exportation for thirty or forty years. By the middle of the nineteenth

century Brazil was contributing twice as much to the world's commerce as

her nearest competitor, the Dutch East Indies, exports in 1852-53 being

2,353,563 bags from Brazil and 1,190,543 bags from the Dutch East

Indies. The world's total that year was 4,567,000 bags, so that

Brazilian coffee represented about one-half of the total. This

proportion was roughly maintained during the latter half of the

nineteenth century, but has gradually increased since then to its

present three-fourths.

[Illustration: PRE-WAR AVERAGE ANNUAL IMPORTS OF COFFEE INTO THE UNITED

STATES BY CONTINENTS

Fiscal years: 1910-1914

Total pounds: 899,339,327]

The most important single event in the history of Brazilian production

was the carrying out of the valorization scheme, by which the State of

São Paulo, in 1906 and 1907, purchased 8,474,623 bags of coffee, and

stored it in Santos, in New York, and in certain European ports, in

order to stabilize the price in the face of very heavy production. At

the same time, a law was passed limiting the exports to 10,000,000 bags

per year. This law has since been repealed. The story of valorization is

told more fully in chapter XXXI. The coffee thus purchased by the state

was placed in the hands of an international committee, which fed it into

the world's markets at the rate of several hundred thousand bags a year.

Good prices were realized for all coffee sold; and the plan was

successful, not only financially, but in the achievement of its main

object, the prevention of the ruin of planters through overproduction.

[Illustration: PRE-WAR AVERAGE ANNUAL IMPORTS OF COFFEE INTO THE UNITED

STATES BY COUNTRIES

Fiscal years: 1910-1914

Total pounds: 899,339,327]

Another valorization campaign was launched by Brazil in 1918, and a

third in 1921. Early in 1918, the São Paulo government bought about

3,000,000 bags. Subsequent events caused a sharp advance in prices, and

at one time it was said that the holdings showed a profit of

$60,000,000. The Brazil federal government appointed an official

director of valorization, Count Alexandre Siciliano. A federal loan of

£9,000,000, with 4,535,000 bags of valorized coffee as collateral, was

placed in London and New York in May, 1922.

European consumption during the last century has been marked by the

growth of imports into France and Germany; these being the two leading

coffee drinkers of the world, aside from the United States. Germany held

the lead in European consumption during the whole of the nineteenth

century, and also in this century until all imports were stopped by the

Allied navies; although, in actual imports, Holland for many years

showed higher figures. Both Holland and England have acted as

distributers, re-exporting each year most of the coffee which entered

their ports. In the last half-century, the chief consumers, in the order

named, have been Germany, France, Holland, Austria-Hungary, and Belgium.

However, with the removal of the duty on coffee in the last-named

country in 1904, imports trebled; and Belgium took third place. The

table at the top of this page shows the general trend of the trade for

the last seventy years.

TREND OF EUROPEAN COFFEE CONSUMPTION FOR SEVENTY YEARS

_Year_ _Germany_ _France_ _Holland_ _Aus.-Hung._ _Belgium_

(pounds) (pounds) (pounds) (pounds) (pounds)

1853 104,049,000 48,095,000 46,162,000 44,716,000 41,270,000

1863 146,969,000 87,524,000 30,299,000 44,966,000 39,305,000

1873 215,822,000 98,841,000 79,562,000 71,111,000 49,874,000

1883 251,706,000 150,468,000 130,380,000 74,145,000 62,846,000

1893 269,381,000 152,203,000 75,562,000 79,438,000 52,046,000

1903 403,070,000 246,122,000 78,328,000 104,200,000 51,859,000

1913 369,347,000 254,102,000 116,749,000 130,951,000 93,250,000

Most of the coffee for these countries has for many years been supplied

by Brazil, even Holland bringing in several times as much from Brazil as

from the Dutch East Indies. Special features of the European trade have

been the organization, in 1873, and successful operation, in Germany, of

the world's first international syndicate to control the coffee trade;

and the opening of coffee exchanges in Havre in 1882, in Amsterdam and

Hamburg, in 1887: in Antwerp, London, and Rotterdam, in 1890; and in

Trieste in 1905.

The advance of coffee consumption in the United States, the chief

coffee-consuming country in the world, has taken place through about the

same period as the advance of production in Brazil, the chief producing

country; but it has been far less rapid. From 1790 to 1800, coffee

imports for consumption ranged from 3,500,000 to 32,000,000 pounds. The

figures in the next column show the net importations of coffee into this

country since the beginning of the nineteenth century.

The chief source of supply, of course, has been Brazil; and the

commercial and economic ties created by this immense coffee traffic has

knit the two countries closely together. Brazil is probably more

friendly to the United States than any other South American country, as

shown by her action in following this country into the World War against

Germany. She also grants the United States certain tariff preferentials

as a recognition of the continued policy of this country of admitting

coffee free of duty. The chief port of entry of coffee into the United

States is New York, which for decades has recorded entries amounting

from sixty to ninety percent of the country's total. Since 1902, New

Orleans has shown a big advance, and in 1910 imported some thirty-five

percent of the total. The only other port of importance is San

Francisco, where imports have been increasing in recent years because of

the growth of the trade in Central American coffee.

COFFEE IMPORTS, UNITED STATES, FOR 120 YEARS

_Net Imports_

Year Pounds Year Pounds

1800[x] 8,792,472 1906 804,808,594

1811[x] 19,801,230 1907 935,678,412

1821[x] 11,886,063 1908 850,982,919

1830[x] 38,363,687 1909 1,006,975,047

1840[x] 86,297,761 1910 813,442,972

1850 129,791,466 1911 869,489,902

1860 182,049,527 1912 880,838,776

1870 231,173,574 1913 859,166,618

1880 440,128,838 1914 991,953,821

1890 490,161,900 1915 1,051,716,023

1900 748,800,771 1916 1,131,730,672

1901 809,036,029 1917 1,267,975,290

1902 1,056,541,637 1918 1,083,480,622

1903 867,385,063 1919 968,297,668

1904 960,878,977 1920 1,364,252,073

1905 991,160,207 1921 1,309,010,452

[x] Fiscal year ending Sept. 30; all other years end June 30.

Throughout the century and a third of steady increase of importations of

coffee, Congress has for the most part permitted its free entry; as a

rule, resorting to taxation of "the poor man's breakfast cup" only when

in need of revenue for war purposes. At times, the free entry has been

qualified; but for the most part, coffee has been free from the burden

of customs tariff.

The country's coffee trade before the Civil War was without special

incident; but since that time, the continued growth has brought about

manipulations that have often resulted in highly dramatic crises;

organizations to exercise some sort of regulation in the trade; the

development of a trade in substitutes; the advance of the sale of

branded package coffee; the institution of large advertising campaigns;

and other interesting features. These are treated more in detail in

chapters that follow.

[Illustration: PRE-WAR CHART OF COFFEE IMPORTS

Quantity and value of net imports of coffee into the United States for

the fiscal years 1851 to 1914 in five-year averages. Solid line

represents quantity, figures in million pounds on left side. Dotted line

represents value, figures in million dollars on right side]

_Coffee Drinking in the United States_

Is the United States using more coffee than formerly, allowing for the

increase in population? Of course there are sporadic increases, in

particular years and groups of years, and they may indicate to the

casual observer that our coffee drinking is mounting rapidly. And then

there is the steadily growing import figure, double what it was within

the memory of a man still young.

[Illustration: PRE-WAR CONSUMPTION AND PRICE CHART

Import price and per capita consumption of coffee in the United States

for the fiscal years 1851 to 1914, in five-year averages. Solid line

represents import price per pound. Dotted line represents per capita

consumption]

But the apparent growth in any given year is a matter of comparison with

a nearby year, and there are declines as well as jumps; and, as for the

gradual growth, it must always be remembered that, according to the

Census Bureau, some 1,400,000 more people are born into this country

every year, or enter its ports, than are removed by death or emigration.

At the present rate this increase would account for about 17,000,000

pounds more coffee each year than was consumed in the year before.

The question is: Do Mr. Citizen, or Mrs. Citizen, or the little Citizens

growing up into the coffee-drinking age, pass his or her or their

respective cups along for a second pouring where they used to be

satisfied with one, or do they take a cup in the evening as well as in

the morning, or do they perhaps have it served to them at an afternoon

reception where they used to get something else? In other words, is the

coffee habit becoming more intensive as well as more extensive?

There are plenty of very good reasons why it should have become so in

the last twenty-five or thirty years; for the improvements in

distributing, packing, and preparing coffee have been many and notable.

It is a far cry these days from the times when the housewife snatched a

couple of minutes amid a hundred other kitchen duties to set a pan over

the fire to roast a handful of green coffee beans, and then took two or

three more minutes to pound or grind the crudely roasted product into

coarse granules for boiling.

For a good many years, the keenest wits of the coffee merchants, not

only of the United States but of Europe as well, have been at work to

refine the beverage as it comes to the consumer's cup; and their success

has been striking. Now the consumer can have his favorite brand not only

roasted but packed air-tight to preserve its flavor; and made up,

moreover, of growths brought from the four corners of the earth and

blended to suit the most exacting taste. He can buy it already ground,

or he can have it in the form of a soluble powder; he can even get it

with the caffein element ninety-nine percent removed. It is preserved

for his use in paper or tin or fiber boxes, with wrappings whose

attractive designs seem to add something in themselves to the quality.

Instead of the old coffee pot, black with long service, he has modern

shining percolators and filtration devices; with a new one coming out

every little while, to challenge even these. Last but not least, he is

being educated to make it properly--tuition free.

It would be surprising, with these and dozens of other refinements, if a

far better average cup of coffee were not produced than was served forty

years ago, and if the coffee drinker did not show his appreciation by

coming back for more.

As a matter of fact, the figures show that he does come back for more.

We do not refer to the figures of the last two years, which indeed are

higher than those for many preceding years, but to the only averages

that are of much significance in this connection; namely, those for

periods of years going back half a century or more. Five-year averages

back to the Civil War show increasing per capita consumption for

continental United States (see table).

FIVE-YEAR PER CAPITA CONSUMPTION FIGURES

_Five-year Per capita Five-year Per capita

Period Pounds Period Pounds_

1867-71 6.38 1897-1901 10.52

1872-76 7.03 1902-06 11.50

1877-81 7.53 1907-11 10.21

1882-86 9.09 1912-16 10.02

1887-91 8.07 1917-21 11.39

1892-96 8.63

It will be seen that the gain has been a decided one, fairly steady, but

not exactly uniform. In the fifty years, John Doe has not quite come to

the point where he hands up his cup for a second helping and keeps a

meaningful silence. Instead, he stipulates, "Don't fill it quite full;

fill it about five-sixths as full as it was before." That is a

substantial gain, and one that the next fifty years can hardly be

expected to duplicate, in spite of the efforts of our coffee

advertisers, our inventors, and our vigorous importers and roasters.

The most striking feature of this fifty-year growth was the big step

upward in 1897, when the per capita rose two pounds over the year before

and established an average that has been pretty well maintained since.

Something of the sort may have taken place again in 1920, when there was

a three-pound jump over the year before. It will be interesting to see

whether this is merely a jump or a permanent rise; whether our coffee

trade has climbed to a hilltop or a plateau.

In this connection it should be noted that the government's per capita

coffee figures apply only to continental United States, and that in

computing them all the various items of trade of the non-contiguous

possessions (not counting the Philippines, whose statistics are kept

entirely separate from those of the United States proper) are carefully

taken into account.

But for the benefit of students of coffee figures it should be added

that this method does not result in a final figure except for one year

in ten. The reason is that between censuses the population of the

country is determined only by estimates; and these estimates (by the

U.S. Bureau of the Census) are based on the average increase in the

preceding census decade. The increase between 1910 and 1920, for

instance, is divided by 120, the number of months in the period, and

this average monthly increase is assumed to be the same as that of the

current year and of other years following 1920. Until new figures are

obtained in 1930, the monthly increase will continue to be estimated at

the same rate as the increase from 1910 to 1920, or about 118,000. This

figure will be used in computing the per capita coffee consumption. But

when the 1930 figures are in, it may be found that the estimates were

too low or too high, and the per capita figures for all intervening

years will accordingly be subject to revision. This will not amount to

much, probably five-hundredths of a pound at most; but it is evident

that between 1920 and 1930 all per capita consumption figures issued by

the government are to be considered as provisional to that extent at

least.

In the 1920 _Statistical Abstract_ the government has revised its per

capita coffee and tea figures to conform to actual instead of estimated

population figures between 1910 and 1920, with the result that these

figures are slightly different from those published in previous editions

of the _Abstract_. Figures from 1890 to 1910 have also been slightly

changed, as they were originally computed by using population figures as

of June 1, whereas it is desirable to have computations based on July 1

estimates to make them conform to present per capita figures.

_Reviewing the 1921 Trade in the United States_

According to the latest available foreign trade summaries issued by the

government, the United States bought more coffee in 1921 than in any

previous calendar year of our history, although the total imports did

not quite reach the highest fiscal-year mark. Our purchases passed the

1920 mark by more than 40,000,000 pounds and were higher than those of

two years ago by 3,500,000 pounds.

But this record was made only in actual amounts shipped, as the value of

imported coffee was far below that of immediately preceding years.

Coffee values, however, fell off less than the average values for all

imports, the decrease for coffee being forty-three percent and for the

country's total imports fifty-two percent.

Exports of coffee were somewhat less in quantity than in 1920, and about

the same as in 1919; although the value, like that of imports, was

considerably less than in either previous year.

Re-exports of foreign coffee were considerably below the 1920 mark, in

both quantity and value, and indeed were less than in several years. The

amount of tea re-exported to foreign countries was only about half that

shipped out in 1920, showing a continuation of the tendency of the

United States to discontinue its services as a middleman, which raised

the through traffic in tea several million pounds during the dislocation

of shipping.

Actual figures of amounts and values of gross coffee imports for the

three calendar years, 1919-1921, have been as follows:

_Pounds_ _Value_

1921 1,340,979,776 $142,808,719

1920 1,297,439,310 252,450,651

1919 1,337,564,067 261,270,106

This represents a gain of three and three-tenths percent over 1920 in

quantity and of only about one-fifth of one percent over 1919. The

decrease in value in 1921 was forty-three percent from the figures for

1920 and forty-five percent from those of 1919.

Domestic exports of coffee, mostly from Hawaii and Porto Rico, amounted

to 34,572,967 pounds valued at $5,895,606, as compared with 36,757,443

pounds valued at $9,803,574 in the calendar year 1920, or a decrease of

six percent in quantity and forty percent in value. In 1919 domestic

exports were 34,351,554 pounds, having a value of $8,816,581,

practically the same in quantity, but showing a falling off of

thirty-three percent in value.

Re-exports of foreign coffee amounted to 36,804,684 pounds in 1921,

having a value of $3,911,847, a decline of twenty-five percent from the

49,144,691 pounds of 1920 and of fifty-four percent from the 81,129,691

pounds of 1919; whereas in point of value there was a decrease of

fifty-six percent from 1920, which was $9,037,882, and of eighty-eight

percent from that of 1919, which was $16,815,468.

The average value per pound of the imported coffee, according to these

figures, works out at little more than half that of either 1920 or 1919,

illustrating the precipitate drop of prices when the depression came on.

The pound value in 1921 was 10.6c.; for 1920, 19.4c.; and for 1919,

19.5c. These values are derived from the valuations placed on shipments

at the point of export, the "foreign valuation" for which the much

discussed "American valuation" is proposed as a substitute. They

accordingly do not take into account costs of freight, insurance, etc.

It is interesting to note that the average valuation of 10.6c. a pound

for coffee shipped during the calendar year is a substantial drop from

the 13.12c. a pound that was the average for the fiscal year 1921,

showing that the decline in values continued during the last half of the

calendar year.

Coffee imports in 1921 continued to run in about the same well-worn

channels as in previous years, according to the figures showing the

trade with the producing countries. The United States, as heretofore,

drew almost its whole supply from its neighbors on this side of the

globe; the countries to the south furnishing ninety-seven percent of the

total entering our ports. The three chief countries of South America

contributed eighty-five percent; and the share of Brazil alone was

sixty-two and five-tenths percent.

Brazil's progress to her normal pre-war position in our coffee trade is

rather slow, although she continues to show a gain in percentage each

year. Formerly we obtained seventy percent to seventy-five percent of

our coffee from that country; but war conditions, diverting nearly all

of Central America's production to our ports, reduced the proportion to

almost half. In 1919 this had risen to fifty-nine percent, in 1920 it

was somewhat over sixty percent, and in 1921 it attained a mark of

sixty-two and five-tenths percent. The actual amount shipped, which was

839,212,388 pounds having a value of $77,186,271, was about seven

percent higher than in 1920, which was 785,810,689 pounds valued at

$148,793,593; and about the same percent higher than that of

1919--787,312,293 pounds valued at $160,038,196. Although the actual

poundage showed an increase, it will be noted that the value fell off

almost one-half as compared with 1920, and more than one-half as

compared with the year before.

The real feature of the year, and perhaps the most interesting

development in the coffee trade of this country in recent years, is the

steady advance of Colombian coffee.

In the year before the war, we obtained from our nearest South American

neighbor 87,176,477 pounds of coffee valued at $11,381,675, which was

about ten percent of our total imports. In 1919, the first year after

the war, this amount was almost doubled, being 150,483,853 pounds with a

value of $30,425,162. In 1920, there was a further increase to

194,682,616 pounds valued at $41,557,669, and in 1921 the high mark of

249,123,356 pounds valued at $37,322,305 was reached. This was a gain of

twenty-eight percent over 1920 shipments; and, although the value was

less than in the year before, the decrease was only ten percent in a

year when the average fall in value was forty-three percent.

It will be news to many people interested in the coffee trade that the

value of Colombian coffee now imported into the United States is almost

half the value of the Brazilian coffee--$37,000,000 as compared with

$77,000,000. The number of pounds imported is a little less than

one-third the Brazilian contribution; but at the present rate of

increase, it will pass the half mark in a few years.

Colombia and Venezuela together now supply considerably more than half

as much coffee as Brazil in value, and more than one-third as much in

quantity. The average value of Colombian coffee in 1921 was about

fifteen cents a pound, as compared with eleven cents for Venezuelan,

nine cents for Brazilian, ten cents for Central American, and ten and

six-tenths cents for total coffee imports.

Shipments from Venezuela showed a drop in quantity of nine percent as

compared with 1920 imports, being 59,783,303 pounds valued at

$6,798,709; in 1920 they were 65,970,954 pounds valued at $13,802,995;

and in 1919, they were 109,777,831 pounds valued at $23,163,071.

The figures relating to imports from Central America are of interest as

showing to what extent we are continuing to hold the trade of the war

years, when nearly all coffee shipped from that region came to the

United States. Although there has probably been a considerable swing

back to the trade with Europe, the 1921 figures show that a large

percent of the trade that this country gained during the war is being

retained. Imports in 1921 were considerably lower than in 1920 or in

1919, but were still more than three times as heavy as in 1913, the last

year of normal trade.

The displacement of Central America's trade by the war, and the extent

to which it has so far returned to old channels, are illustrated in the

table of Imports into the United States from Central America in the last

nine years on page 301.

As Germany was very prominent in pre-war trade, it is likely that more

and more coffee will be diverted from the United States as German

imports gradually increase to their old level.

IMPORTS INTO THE UNITED STATES FROM

CENTRAL AMERICA

_Year_ _Pounds_ _Value_

1913 36,326,440 $4,635,359

1914 44,896,856 5,465,893

1915 71,361,288 8,093,532

1916 111,259,125 12,775,921

1917 148,031,640 15,751,761

1918 195,259,628 19,234,198

1919 131,638,695 19,375,179

1920 159,204,341 30,388,567

1921 118,607,382 12,308,250

Imports from Mexico in 1921 were greater by thirty-eight percent than in

1920, but were less than in 1919, and were still much below the normal

trade before the war. The total was 26,895,034 pounds having a value of

$3,475,122, as compared with 19,519,865 pounds valued at $3,873,217 in

the year before, and with 29,567,469 pounds valued at $5,434,884 in

1919. The imports in 1913 were more than 40,000,000 pounds, in 1914 more

than 43,000,000 pounds, and in 1915 more than 52,000,000 pounds.

West Indian coffees showed a gradual settling back to pre-war figures,

which ranged from 3,000,000 to 12,000,000 pounds annually, but which in

1918, the last year of the war, leaped to 52,000,000 pounds. In 1919

they amounted to 42,013,841 pounds valued at $7,575,051; and in 1920,

fell to 29,204,674 pounds valued at $5,711,993. In 1921 they continued

to drop, the total being 15,398,073 pounds valued at $1,518,784, a

decrease of forty-seven and three-tenths percent in quantity.

The year under review showed practically a return to normal for

importations from Aden, which up to 1917 ran about 3,000,000 pounds a

year. In that year the full effects of the war were felt in the Aden

district, and shipments of coffee to this country dropped to 187,817

pounds. They rose to 432,000 pounds in 1918; and in 1919, to 681,290

pounds valued at $141,391. In 1920 there was a further rise to 889,633

pounds valued at $200,505; and in 1921 they amounted to 2,799,824 pounds

valued at $476,672. But this trade is of little importance compared with

that of the producing countries of this hemisphere, being less than one

percent of our total imports.

Imports from the Dutch East Indies continued to decline, being

fifty-five percent less than in 1920. The total of 12,438,016 pounds,

however, valued at $1,771,602, is still two or three times the normal

pre-war importations.

Exports of coffee in 1921--33,389,805 pounds of green coffee valued at

$5,590,318 and 1,183,162 pounds of roasted valued at $305,288--were

about the same as those of the year before in quantity, although much

lower in value. The 1920 shipments were 34,785,574 pounds valued at

$9,223,966 of green coffee and 1,971,869 pounds of roasted valued at

$579,608.

In the re-export trade, shipments of coffee were lower than in several

years, total amounts for 1921, 1920, and 1919 being 36,804,684 pounds,

49,144,091 pounds, and 81,129,641 pounds, and total values $3,911,847,

$9,037,882, and $16,815,468.

PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL COFFEE IMPORTS INTO UNITED STATES

_Percentage of_

_increase (+) or_

_decrease (-) of_

_1921 imports_

_compared_

1919 1920 1921 _with 1920_.

/ \ / \ / \

From Quantity Value Quantity Value Quantity Value Quantity Value

Central America 9.80 7.40 12.30 12.00 8.80 8.60 -25.50 -50.00

Mexico 2.20 2.10 1.50 1.50 2.00 2.40 +37.80 -10.30

West Indies 3.10 2.90 2.20 2.20 1.10 1.00 -47.30 -73.40

Brazil 58.80 61.30 60.50 58.90 62.50 54.00 +6.80 -48.10

Colombia 11.20 11.60 15.00 16.40 18.50 26.10 +28.00 -10.20

Venezuela 8.20 8.90 5.10 5.10 4.40 4.80 -9.30 -50.70

Aden 0.05 0.05 0.07 0.08 0.20 0.30 214.80 +137.70

Dutch East Indies 4.20 3.80 2.10 2.00 0.90 1.20 -55.70 -65.40

Other countries 2.45 1.95 1.23 1.52 1.60 1.60 ... ...

------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------ ------- -------

Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 +3.40 -43.40

Re-exports to France fell off from 16,760,977 pounds in 1920 to

11,429,952 in 1921. Mexico took 3,236,245 pounds as compared with

9,892,639 in the previous year, and Cuba also reduced her purchases from

6,319,105 pounds to 2,831,109. Shipments to Denmark, 4,099,403 pounds,

were practically the same as in 1920, 3,951,166 pounds, as were also

those to Germany, 3,200,158 pounds as compared with 2,917,773 in 1920.

In the trade of the two coffee-exporting possessions of the United

States, Hawaii and Porto Rico, the 1921 figures show a considerable

increase in shipments from Hawaii to continental United States and to

foreign countries, while exports from Porto Rico fell off slightly.

Hawaii in 1921 sent 803,905 pounds valued at $123,347 to foreign

countries, which compared with 687,597 pounds valued at $200,180 in the

year before, and 4,183,046 valued at $650,036 to continental United

States, as against 1,885,703 pounds valued at $476,033 in the previous

year.

Porto Rico's crop, as usual, furnished the bulk of the domestic exports

of the United States to foreign countries--29,546,348 pounds valued at

$5,027,741, as against 1920 exports of 31,321,415 pounds valued at

$8,455,908. Shipments from Porto Rico to continental United States

amounted to 211,531 pounds valued at $35,780, as against 418,127 pounds

valued at $118,663 in 1920.

Following are the figures of re-exports of coffee by countries in the

calendar year 1921:

RE-EXPORTS OF COFFEE FROM UNITED STATES, 1921

_Country_ _Pounds_

Belgium 2,717,949

Denmark 4,099,403

France 11,429,952

Germany 3,200,158

Greece 539,933

Netherlands 920,855

Norway 237,155

Sweden 1,935,641

Canada 1,037,628

Mexico 3,236,245

Cuba 2,831,109

Other Countries 4,618,656

----------

Total 36,804,684

Per capita consumption of coffee in continental United States showed a

slight increase during the calendar year 1921 over that of 1920, the

figure being 12.09 pounds as against 11.70 for the previous year. This

calendar-year figure compares with the fiscal-year figure of 12.21

pounds, indicating that imports during the last half of 1920 were

somewhat heavier than during the last half of 1921.

The various items for the two calendar years 1920 and 1921 are shown as

follows:

1921 1920

_Calendar year_, _Calendar year_,

(_pounds_) (_pounds_)

(a) Total imports

into U.S. 1,340,979,776 1,297,439,310

(b) Imports into

non-contiguous

territory

from foreign

countries 7,410 27

------------- -------------

(c) (a) minus (b) 1,340,972,366 1,297,439,283

(d) Total exports from

U.S. 34,572,967 36,757,443

(e) Exports from

non-contiguous

territory

to foreign

countries 30,363,098 32,028,832

---------- ----------

(f) (d) minus (e) 4,209,869 4,728,611

(g) Total re-exports

from U.S. 36,804,684 49,144,691

(h) Re-exports from

non-contiguous

territory

to foreign

countries ... 20,008

--------- ----------

(i) (g) minus (h) 36,804,684 49,124,683

(j) Imports into

continental

U.S. from

non-contiguous

territory 4,394,577 2,303,830

(k) Exports to

non-contiguous

territory from

continental U.S. 798,644 972,303

---------- ---------

(l) (j) minus (k) 3,595,933 1,331,527

Net consumption,

continental U.S.:

(c) minus (f) minus

(i) plus (l) 1,303,553,746 1,244,917,516

Population, July 1 107,833,279 106,418,170

Per capita consumption,

1921 12.09 11.70

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XXIII

HOW GREEN COFFEES ARE BOUGHT AND SOLD

_Buying coffee in the producing countries--Transporting coffee to

the consuming markets--Some record coffee cargoes shipped to the

United States--Transport over seas--Java coffee "ex-sailing

vessels"--Handling coffee at New York, New Orleans, and San

Francisco--The coffee exchanges of Europe and the United

States--Commission men and brokers--Trade and exchange contracts

for delivery--Important rulings affecting coffee trading--Some well

known green coffee marks_

In moving green coffee from the plantations to the consuming countries,

the shipments pass through much the same trade channels as other

foreign-grown food products. In general, the coffee goes from planter to

trader in the shipping ports; thence to the exporter, who sells it to an

importer in the consuming country; he in turn passing it on, to a

roaster, to be prepared for consumption. The system varies in some

respects in the different countries, according to the development of

economic and transportation methods; but, broadly considered, this is

the general method.

_Buying Coffee in the Producing Countries_

The marketing of coffee begins when the berries are swept up from the

drying patios, put in gunny sacks, and sent to the ports of export to be

sampled and shipped. In Brazil, four-wheeled wagons drawn by six mules,

or two-wheeled carts carry it to the nearest railroad or river.

Brazil, as the world's largest producer of coffee, has the most highly

developed buying system. Coffee cultivation has been the chief

agricultural pursuit in that country for many years; and large amounts

of government and private capital have been invested in growing,

transportation, storage, and ship-loading facilities, particularly in

the state of São Paulo.

The usual method in Brazil is for the _fazendeiro_ (coffee-grower) or

the _commisario_ (commission merchant) to load his shipments of coffee

at an interior railroad station. If his consignee is in Santos, he

generally deposits the bill of lading with a bank and draws a draft,

usually payable after thirty days, against the consignee. When the

consignee accepts the draft, he receives the bill of lading, and is then

permitted to put the coffee in a warehouse.

_Storing at Santos_

At Santos most of the storing is done in the steel warehouses of the

City Dock Company, a private corporation whose warehouses extend for

three miles along the waterfront at one end of the town. Railroad

switches lead to these warehouses, so that the coffee is brought to

storage in the same cars in which it was originally loaded up-country.

The warehouses are leased by _commisarios_. There are also many old

warehouses, built of wood, still operated in Santos, and to these the

coffee is transferred from the railroad station either by mule carts or

by automobile trucks.

At the receiving warehouses, samples of each bag are taken; the tester,

or sampler, standing at the door with a sharp tool, resembling a

cheese-tester, which he thrusts into the center of the bag as the men

pass him with the bags of coffee on their heads, removing a double

handful of the contents. The samples are divided into two parts; one for

the seller, and one that the _commisario_ retains until he has sold the

consignment of coffee covered by that particular lot of samples.

[Illustration: THE LAST SAMPLE BEFORE EXPORT, SANTOS]

_The Disappearing Ensaccador_

In the old days it was the custom every morning for the _ensaccadores_,

or baggers, and the exporters or their brokers, to visit the

_commisarios'_ warehouses and to bargain for lots of coffee made up by

the _commisario_.

In the Santos market, until recent years, the _ensaccador_, or

coffee-bagger, often stood between the _commisario_ and exporter. When

American importing houses began to establish their own buying offices in

the Brazilian ports (about 1910) to deal direct with the _fazendeiro_

and the _commisario_, the gradual elimination of the _ensaccador_ was

begun. Today he has entirely disappeared from the Santos market, and is

disappearing from Rio de Janeiro, Bahia, and Victoria.

Coffee reaches Santos in a mixed condition; that is, it has not been

graded, or separated according to its various qualities. This is the

work of the _commisario_, who puts each shipment into "lots" in new

"official" bags, each of which bears a mark stating that the contents

are São Paulo growth. If the coffee is offered for sale by the owner,

the _commisario_ will then put it on the "street," the section of Santos

given over to coffee trading.

The _commisario_ works with samples of the coffee he has to offer and

only puts out one set at a time. He names his "asking" price, known

locally as the _pedido_, which is the maximum rate he expects to get,

but seldom receives. A set of samples may be shown to twenty-five or

thirty exporting houses in a day, one at a time. When the sample is in

the hands of a firm for consideration, no other exporter has the right

to buy the lot even at the _pedido_ price, and the _commisario_ can not

accept other offers until he has refused the bid. On the other hand, if

a house refuses to give up the samples, it is understood that it is

willing to pay the _pedido_ price. The firm first offering a price

acceptable to the _commisario's_ broker gets the lot, even though other

houses have offered the same price.

When a lot is sold, the samples are turned over to the successful

bidder, and he then asks the _commisario_ for larger samples for

comparison with the first set.

[Illustration: STAMPING BAGS FOR EXPORT, SANTOS]

_Commisarios Make as High as Nine Percent_

Having sold the coffee of a given planter, the _commisario_ often gets

as much as nine percent for his share of the transaction. Unless the

bags have been furnished to the planter at a good rental, the coffee

must be transferred to the _commisario's_ bags; and for this the planter

pays a commission.

[Illustration: COFFEE FROM THE FAZENDAS IS DELIVERED AT THE

COMMISSARIOS' WAREHOUSES IN RIO]

[Illustration: INTERIOR OF A SANTOS CLEANING AND GRADING WAREHOUSE]

[Illustration: PREPARING BRAZIL COFFEE FOR EXPORT]

[Illustration: GRADING COFFEE AT SANTOS]

Formerly the coffee, being rebagged by the _ensaccador_, was manipulated

in what is called ligas; that is, mixing several neutral grades from

various lots to create an artificial grade; or, more properly speaking,

a "type," desirable for trading on the New York market.

_Grading and Testing in Brazil_

Having bought a lot of coffee, the exporter's next step is to grade and

to test it. Grading is generally done in the morning and late afternoon,

the hours from one to half-past four being devoted to making offers. The

afternoon grading is done by sight. The morning examinations are more

thorough, some progressive exporting houses even cup-testing the

samples. Samples are compared with house standards, and with the

requirements that have been cabled from the home office in the consuming

country. Some of the coffee is roasted to obtain a standard by which all

"chops" (varieties) are then graded and marked according to

quality--fine, good, fair, or poor. Quality is further classified by the

numerals from two to eight, which standards have been established on the

New York Coffee and Sugar Exchange, and are described farther on in this

chapter. Some traders also use the terms large or small bean; fair,

good, or poor roasters; soft or hard bean; light or dark; and similar

descriptive terms.

When a lot is ready for shipment overseas, the _commisario_ stamps each

bag with his identifying mark, to which the buyer or exporter adds his

brand. If the _commisario_ is ordered before eleven in the morning to

ship a lot of coffee, he must be paid before three in the afternoon of

the same day; if he receives the order after eleven, payment need not be

made before three in the afternoon of the following day. Generally the

terms of sale are full settlement in thirty days, less discount at the

rate of six percent per annum for the unexpired time, if paid before the

period of grace is up.

_Dispatching and Capitazias_

The exporter collects his money by drawing a draft against his client on

deposit of bill of lading, cashing the draft through an exchange broker

who deducts his brokerage fee. The exporter must obtain a consular

invoice, a shipping permit from both federal and state authorities, and

pay an export tax, before the coffee goes aboard the ship. This process

is known as "dispatching," while the dock company's charges are known as

_capitazias_.

In practically all coffee-growing sections the small planter is helped

financially by the owners of processing plants or by the exporting

firms. The larger planters may even obtain advances on their crops from

the importing houses in New York, Havre, Hamburg, or other foreign

centers.

[Illustration: THE TEST BY CUPS, SANTOS]

_The Exchange at Santos_

A new coffee exchange began business at Santos on May 1, 1917, sitting

with the Coffee Brokers Board of Control. This Board consists of five

coffee brokers, four elected annually at a general meeting of the

brokers of Santos, and one chosen annually by the president of the state

of São Paulo. Among the duties of the Board are the classification and

valuation of coffee, adjustment of differences, etc.

[Illustration: WHERE COFFEES ARE SIGHT-GRADED BEFORE BEING SUBMITTED TO

CUP TESTS]

[Illustration: HAND & RAND BUILDING: FIRST FLOOR, STORAGE; SECOND FLOOR,

OFFICES]

[Illustration: NEW YORK COFFEE IMPORTERS' MODEL ESTABLISHMENT AT SANTOS]

[Illustration: PACK-MULE TRANSPORT IN VENEZUELA]

_Transporting Coffee to Points of Export_

Transportation methods from plantation to shipside naturally vary with

local topographical and economic conditions. In Venezuela, the bulk of

the coffee is transported by pack-mule from the plantations and shipping

towns to the head of the railroad system, and thence by rail to the

Catatumbo River, where it is carried in small steamers down the river

and across Lake Maracaibo to the city of Maracaibo. In Colombia, coffee

is sent down the Magdalena River aboard small steamers direct to the

seaboard. In Central America, transportation is one of the most serious

problems facing the grower. The roads are poor, and in the rainy season

are sometimes deep with mud; so much so that it may require a week to

drive a wagon-load of coffee to the railroad or the river shipping

point.

[Illustration: COFFEE-CARRYING CART, GUATEMALA]

_Buying Coffee in Abyssinia_

Coffee is generally grown in Abyssinia by small farmers, who mostly

finance themselves and sell the crop to native brokers, who in turn sell

it to representatives of foreign houses in the larger trading centers.

Trading methods between farmer and broker are not much more than the old

system of barter. In the southwestern section, where the Abyssinian

coffee grows wild, transport to the nearest trading center is by mule

train, and not infrequently by camel back. In the Harar district, the

women of the farmers living near Harar the market center, carry the

coffee in long shallow baskets on their heads to the native brokers. In

the more remote places the coffee farmer waits for the broker to call on

him. From the town of Harar the coffee is transported by mule or camel

train to Dire-Daoua, whence it is shipped by rail to Jibuti, to be sent

by direct steamers to Europe, or across the Gulf of Aden to Aden in

Arabia.

[Illustration: COFFEE-LADEN OXEN FORDING STREAM, COLOMBIA]

Ten different languages are spoken in Harar. In order successfully to

engage in the coffee business there, it is necessary either to become

proficient in all these tongues, or to engage some one who is.

[Illustration: TRANSPORTING COFFEE BY MULEBACK IN THE CITY OF CUCUTA,

COLOMBIA]

[Illustration: Schooner from Encontrados to Maracaibo]

[Illustration: One of the lake and river steamers]

[Illustration: COFFEE CARGO CARRIERS THAT OPERATE ON LAKE MARACAIBO AND

TRIBUTARY RIVERS]

[Illustration: DONKEY TRANSPORT TRAIN FOR COFFEE IN MEXICO]

[Illustration: COFFEE TRANSPORT IN MEXICO AND SOUTH AMERICA]

When the coffee is brought, partially cleaned, into Harar by donkey or

mule train, it is first taken to the open air custom-house (coffee

exchange) in the center of the town, where a ten-percent duty (in

coffee) is exacted by the local government, and one Abyssinian dollar

(fifty cents) is added for every thirty-seven and a half pounds, this

latter being Ras Makonnen's share. As soon as the native dealer has

released to him what remains of his shipment, he takes it out of the

custom-house enclosure and disposes of it through the native brokers,

who have their little "office" booths stretching in a long line up the

street just outside the custom-house entrance.

[Illustration: DONKEY COFFEE TRANSPORT ON THE WAY FROM HARAR TO

DIRE-DAOUA]

There, a brokerage charge of one piaster per bag is paid by the buyer,

and the coffee then becomes the property of the European merchant. In

some cases it is put through a further cleaning process; but usually it

is shipped to Jibuti or Aden uncleaned. Arriving at Jibuti, there is a

one-percent ad valorem duty to pay. At Aden, there is another tax of one

anna (two cents) to be paid to the British authorities.

[Illustration: COFFEE CAMELS IN THE CUSTOM-HOUSE, HARAR]

Since 1914, however, Abyssinian coffee has been exported largely through

the Sudan, a much shorter and less expensive trip than that to Adis

Abeba and Jibuti. Now the coffee is carried by pack-train to Gambela on

the Sobat River; and thence by river steamer to Khartoum, where it is

loaded on railroad trains and sent to Port Sudan on the Red Sea.

_Buying Coffee in Arabia_

Most of the coffee in Arabia is grown in almost inaccessible mountain

valleys by native Arabs, and is transported by camel caravan to Aden or

Hodeida, where it is sold to agents of foreign importing houses. Mocha,

once the principal exporting city for coffee, was abandoned as a coffee

port early in the nineteenth century, chiefly because of the difficulty

of keeping the roadstead of the harbor free from sandbars.

[Illustration: SELLING COFFEE AT ADEN BY TAPPING HANDS UNDER COVER]

In Aden there is a kind of open-air coffee "exchange" (as in Harar)

where the camel trains unload their coffee from the interior. The

European coffee merchant does not frequent it, but is represented by

native brokers, through whom all coffee business is transacted. This

native broker is an important person, and one of the most picturesque

characters in Aden. He receives a commission of one and a half percent

from both buyer and seller. Certain grades of coffee are purchasable

only in Maria Theresa dollars; so a knowledge of exchange values is

essential to the broker's calling.

[Illustration: PACKING AND TRANSPORTING COFFEE AT ADEN]

In making coffee sales, the negotiations between buyer and seller are

carried on by means of finger taps under a handkerchief. The would-be

purchaser reaches out his hand to the seller under cover of the cloth

and makes his bid in the palm of the seller's hand by tapping his

fingers. The code is well understood by both. Its advantage lies in the

fact that a possible purchaser is enabled to make his bid in the

presence of other buyers without the latter knowing what he is offering.

_Buying Coffee in Netherlands India_

In the Dutch East Indies cultivation of _Coffea arabica_ has diminished,

the decay of the industry beginning when Brazil and Central America

became the dominant factors in the green market. Not so many years ago

coffee growing and coffee trading were virtually government monopolies.

Under government control each native family was required to keep from

six hundred to a thousand coffee trees in bearing, and to sell

two-fifths of the crop to the government. It was also compulsory to

deliver the coffee cleaned and sorted to the official godowns, and to

sell the crop at fixed prices--nine to twelve florins per picul previous

to 1874, although forty to fifty florins were offered in the open

market. Later, the price was advanced; until about 1900 the government

paid fifteen florins per picul for coffee in parchment. All government

coffee was sold at public auction in Batavia and Padang, these sales

being held four times a year in Batavia and three times a year in

Padang.

Coffee from private estates, not under government control and operated

by European corporations or individuals, has now succeeded the

government monopoly coffee. Private-estate crops are sold by public

tender, usually on or about January 28 of each year. If the owners do

not get the price they desire in Batavia or Padang, the coffee is sent

to Amsterdam for disposal. Some coffees always are sent to Holland;

because the directors of the company get a commission on all sales

there, and also because the coffees are prepared especially for the

Dutch market. The Hollander wants his coffee blue-green in color.

[Illustration: COFFEE CAMEL TRAIN ARRIVING AT THE HODEIDA CUSTOM-HOUSE

FROM THE INTERIOR OF YEMEN]

[Illustration: LOADING BY THE OLD-STYLE HAND-LABOR METHOD]

[Illustration: HERE THE AUTOMATIC BELT POURS INTO THE HOLD A CONTINUOUS

STREAM OF BAGS OF COFFEE]

[Illustration: OLD AND NEW METHODS OF LOADING COFFEE AT SANTOS]

_Loading Coffee at Santos_

In Brazil, when the coffee has been rebagged and marked by both the

_commisario_ and the exporter, the coffee is again sampled. These

samples are compared with those by which the purchase was made; and if

right, the bags are turned over to the dock-master, who sets his

laborers to work loading ship. Two methods are used at Santos. The old

familiar style of hand labor is still in evidence--men of all

nationalities, but largely Spaniards and Portuguese, take the bags on

their heads and carry them in single file up the gangplanks and into the

hold of the ship. The dock company, however, operates a huge automatic

loading machine, or belt, which saves a great deal of time and labor. In

other Brazilian ports all loading is done by manual labor.

[Illustration: A COFFEE FREIGHTER ON THE CAUCA RIVER, COLOMBIA]

Recently, at the suggestion of the Commercial Association of Santos, the

minister of transport of São Paulo ordered that coffees destined for

legitimate traders should be transported during four days of the week,

and those of a speculative nature during the remaining two days. A

premium of as much as five milreis a bag has been paid by speculators in

order to obtain immediate transport.

_Shipping Coffee from Colombia_

As Colombia ranks next to Brazil in coffee, a brief description of its

transportation methods, which are unique, should be of interest to

coffee shippers. A goodly portion of Colombia's coffee exports comes

from the district around the little city of Cucuta, whose official name

is San José de Cucuta. It is the capital of North Santander, is situated

in a beautiful valley of the Colombian Andes mountains that is watered

by several rivers, and is only about a half-hour's ride by motor from

the Venezuelan frontier.

Due to its geographical position, Cucuta serves as the most convenient

inland port and commercial center for most of the department of North

Santander. For the same reason, it is forced to depend on Maracaibo as

its seaport, even though the Venezuelan government has a number of

annoying laws controlling the commerce thus conducted. The Colombian

ports of Baranquilla and Cartagena on the Atlantic are too distant from

Cucuta to be available; and a large part of the traffic would have to be

done on mule-back across one of the most formidable ranges of the

Colombian Andes, involving high cost and delay in transportation. Yet

its frontier position makes it possible for Cucuta to have important

commercial relations with the neighboring republic of Venezuela, and to

enjoy exceptional privileges from the Colombian central government.

[Illustration: COFFEE STEAMERS ON THE MAGDALENA, COLOMBIA]

A cargo of coffee leaving Cucuta has to go through the following steps

on its way to a foreign market:

1. From Cucuta, it travels thirty-five miles by railroad to Puerto

Villamizar, a Colombian river port on the Zulia river.

2. At Puerto Villamizar it is loaded into small, flat-bottomed, steel

lighters that are taken to Puerto Encontrados by man power. Puerto

Encontrados, belonging to Venezuela, is on the Catatumbo river; and the

trip from Villamizar takes from two to four days, depending on the depth

of water in the river. During high water, river steamers are also used,

and make the trip in less than a day.

3. At Encontrados the cargo is loaded on river steamboats more or less

of the Mississippi river type, which take it to Maracaibo, Venezuela.

Coffee is also carried to Maracaibo by small sailing vessels.

4. At Maracaibo it is taken by ocean vessel, which either carries it

direct to New York or to Curaçao, Dutch West Indies, where it is

transhipped to steamers plying between New York and Curaçao. It is

obvious that the many transhipments that coffee coming from Cucuta has

to undergo greatly retard its arrival at a foreign port; and a cargo

sometimes takes a month or more to reach New York.

[Illustration: OLD AND NEW METHODS EMPLOYED IN LOADING HEAVY CARGO ON

THE SANTA CECILIA]

Coffee from Cucuta is stored in the Venezuelan custom-house, from which

it must be shipped for export within forty-five days, or the shipper

runs the risk of having it declared by the Venezuelan government for

_consumo_ (home consumption) at a prohibitory tariff. Arrangements can

be made at considerable cost to have the coffee taken to a private

warehouse; but it is no longer possible to make up the chops in

Maracaibo, as was done formerly with all the Cucutas. The Venezuelan

customs will not even allow the Maracaibo forwarding agent the same

chops, as a general rule. Special permission must be obtained to change

any bags that are stained or damaged. Schooners from Curaçao have, in

the past, carried a great deal of the Colombian coffee to Curaçao.

_Port Handling Charges in Brazil_

It is almost impossible to list all the various charges for the handling

of coffee at the port of shipment in Brazil, the figures not being

accessible to outsiders. Some figures, such as warehouse charges and

various forms of tax, are obtainable, however. For every bag of coffee

which is in warehouse over forty-eight hours from the time of its

arrival from the railroad there is a charge of two hundred reis (about

five cents). In São Paulo there is an export tax of nine percent ad

valorem levied by the state, and in Rio the state tax is eight and a

half percent. Then there is a surtax of five francs per bag in Santos,

and of three francs in Rio, which goes toward defraying the expenses of

valorization. For every bag of coffee that passes over the dock the dock

company charges one hundred reis (about two and a half cents).

_Some Record Coffee Cargoes_

With its superior loading and shipping facilities Brazil has been able

to send extraordinarily large cargoes of coffee to the United States

since the development of large modern freight-carrying steamships. While

75,000 or 90,000 bag cargoes were of common occurrence just prior to the

outbreak of the World War, several shipments of more than 100,000 bags

were made in the years 1915, 1916, and 1917. Up to January, 1919, the

record was held by the steamship Bjornstjerne Bjornson which unloaded

136,424 bags at New York on November 17, 1915. Other shipments of more

than 100,000 bags were by the Rossetti (December, 1900), 125,918 bags;

the Wascana (March 3, 1915), 108,781 bags; the Wagama (October, 1916),

105,650 bags; the American (October 23, 1916), 124,212 bags; the Santa

Cecilia (November 2, 1916), 105,500 bags, and the Dakotan (January 6,

1917), which carried 136,387 bags.

_Transport Overseas_

To bring green coffee to the consuming markets, both steamships and

sailing vessels are used, although the latter have almost wholly given

way to the speedier and more capacious modern steamers. Because of its

large consumption, a constant stream of vessels is always on the way to

the markets of the United States. The majority of these unload at New

York, which in 1920 received about fifty-nine percent of all the coffee

imported into this country. New Orleans came next, with about

twenty-five percent; and San Francisco third, with about twelve percent.

The approximate time consumed in transporting green coffee overseas from

the principal producing countries to the United States by freight

steamships is shown in the table in the next column.

In some cases, that of Guadeloupe, for instance, the vessels stop at a

number of ports, and this lengthens the time. This is also true of

vessels running on the west coast of Central America and of those from

Aden.

During the World War, one shipment of Timor coffee consumed three and a

half years coming from Java to New York. It was aboard the German

steamship Brisbane, which cleared from Batavia, July 4, 1914, and

fearing capture, took refuge in Goa, Portuguese India, where it lay

until Portugal joined the Allies. Then the Portuguese seized the vessel,

and turned it over to the British, who moved it to Bombay. Here the

cargo was finally transhipped to the City of Adelaide, reaching New York

in January, 1918, three and a half years after the coffee left Batavia.

TRANSPORTATION TIME FOR COFFEE[J]

Rio de Janeiro to New York 11 to 16 days

Santos " " " 14 to 18 "

Bahia " " " 17 "

Victoria " " " 19 "

Maracaibo " " " 10 "

Puerto Cabello " " " 10 "

La Guaira " " " 8 "

Costa Rica " " " 10 "

Salvador " " " 18 "

Mexico " " " 9 "

Guatemala " " " 11 "

(Puerto

Barrios)

Colombia " " " 10 "

Haiti " " " 7 "

Porto Rico " " " 5 "

Guadeloupe " " " 10 "

Hawaii " " " 28 "

(via P.C.)

Java " " " 30 "

(via Suez)

Sumatra " " " 30 "

(via Suez)

Singapore " " " 35 "

(via Suez)

India " " " 35 "

(via Suez)

Aden " " " 45 "

(via Suez)

Porto Rico " New Orleans 7 "

Guadeloupe " " " 10 "

Haiti " " " 7 "

Guatemala " " " 8 "

Costa Rica " " " 7 "

Colombia " " " 6 "

Mexico " " " 4 "

Salvador " " " 15 "

Guatemala " San Francisco 10 "

Costa Rica " " " 18 "

Salvador " " " 14 "

Mexico " " " 8 "

Hawaii " " " 8 "

Singapore " " " 30 "

India " " " 33 "

[J] The American Legion and the Southern Cross, of the Munson Line, make

the journey from Rio de Janeiro to New York in eleven days. These are

freight-and-passenger vessels, and have carried as many as 5,000 bags of

coffee at one time.

_Java Coffee "Ex-Sailing Ships"_

Up to 1915 it was the custom to ship considerable Java coffee to New

York in slow-going sailing vessels of the type in favor a hundred years

ago. Java coffees "ex-sailing ships" always commanded a premium because

of the natural sweating they experienced in transit. Attempts to imitate

this natural sweating process by steam-heating the coffees that reached

New York by the faster-going steamship lines, and interference therewith

by the pure-food authorities, caused a falling off in the demand for

"light," "brown," or "extra brown" Dutch East Indian growths; and

gradually the picturesque sailing vessels were seen no more in New York

harbor. At the end they were mostly Norwegian barks of the type of the

Gaa Paa.

It usually took from four to five months to make the trip from Padang or

Batavia to New York. Crossing the Equator twice, first in the Indian

Ocean, then in the South Atlantic, the trip was more than equal to

circumnavigating the earth in our latitude. In the hold of the vessel

the cargo underwent a sweating that gave to the coffee a rare shade of

color and that, in the opinion of coffee experts, greatly enhanced its

flavor and body. The captain always received a handsome gratuity if the

coffee turned "extra brown."

[Illustration: UNLOADING JAVA COFFEE FROM A SAILING VESSEL AT A BROOKLYN

DOCK

The ship is the Gaa Paa, which made the voyage from Padang in five

months in 1912]

The demand for sweated, or brown, Javas probably had its origin in the

good old days when the American housewife bought her coffee green and

roasted it herself in a skillet over a quick fire. Coffee slightly brown

was looked upon with favor; for every good housewife in those days knew

that green coffee changed its color in aging, and that of course aged

coffee was best.

And so it came about that Java coffees were preferably shipped in

slow-going Dutch sailing vessels, because it was desirable to have a

long voyage under the hot tropical sun suitably to sweat the coffee on

its way to market and to have it a handsome brown on arrival. The

sweating frequently produced a musty flavor which, if not too

pronounced, was highly prized by experts. When the ship left Padang or

Batavia the hatches were battened down, not to be opened again until New

York harbor was reached.

Many of the old-style Dutch sailing vessels were built somewhat after

the pattern of the Goed Vrouw, which Irving tells us was a hundred feet

long, a hundred feet wide, and a hundred feet high. Sometimes she sailed

forward, sometimes backward, and sometimes sideways. After dark, the

lights were put out, all sail was taken in, and all hands turned in for

the night.

The last of the coffee-carrying sailing vessels to reach the United

States was the bark Padang, which arrived in New York on Christmas day,

1914.

[Illustration: THE BUSH TERMINAL SYSTEM OF DOCKS AND WAREHOUSES

Much of the green coffee received in New York is discharged and stored

here, at one of the most modern waterfront and terminal developments in

the world]

[Illustration: AIRPLANE VIEW OF NEW YORK DOCK COMPANY'S PIERS AND

WAREHOUSES

This is the Fulton Street section of the Brooklyn waterfront, where more

than half the coffee received in New York is unloaded. The storage

warehouses are to be seen back of the piers]

[Illustration: RECEIVING PIERS FOR COFFEE AT NEW YORK]

_Handling Coffee at New York_

The handling of the cargoes of coffee when they arrive at their

destination is a source of wonder to the layman. There is probably no

better place to study the handling of coffee than in New York City--the

world's largest coffee center. Millions of bags of coffee pass into

consumption every year through its docks, and scarcely a day goes by

when there are not one or more ships discharging coffee upon the docks

lining the Brooklyn shore, the center of the coffee-warehouse district

for New York. In 1921, the New York Dock Company alone had 159 bonded

warehouses with a storage capacity of some 65,000,000 cubic feet; and 34

piers, the longest measuring 1,193 feet and containing more than 175,000

square feet. These piers have a total deck space of sixty-one and a half

acres. The wharfage distance is more than nine and a third miles. More

than twenty steamship lines berth their vessels there regularly, and

many of them are coffee ships. The warehouses have direct connections

with all the principal railway trunk lines running into the New York

district; and the whole property of the company stretches along the

waterfront opposite lower Manhattan for about two and one-half miles.

Although coffee is admitted to the United States free of duty, it is

subject to practically the same formalities as dutiable goods. Before

the cargo can be "broken out," a government permit to "land and deliver"

must be placed in the hands of the customs inspector on the dock. This

done, the ship's samples, which consist of the samples sent by the

exporter to the importer, are taken to the United States appraiser's

office for inspection, and are then delivered to the importer's

representative. Meanwhile the shipping documents covering the cargo,

including bills of lading and consular invoices, have been sent to the

post office for delivery to banks and bankers' agents, who check and

deliver them to the customs officers for entry. The government requires

that this entry shall be made within forty-eight hours of the vessel's

arrival, else the cargo will be stored in a United States bonded

warehouse under what is known as "general order" which makes the

consignee liable for storage and cartage charges.

[Illustration: UNLOADING COFFEE AT ONE OF THE COVERED PIERS OF THE NEW

YORK DOCK COMPANY]

When a coffee ship arrives in New York, not much time is lost in

discharging the cargo. As soon as the vessel is securely moored to the

pier, and the government's permission to "land and deliver" is secured,

the hatches are removed, the coffee is hauled out of the hold by block

and tackle and swung off in slings to the pier, where dock laborers

carry the bags to their proper places. If each cargo consisted of one

consignment to a single importer, and contained only one variety of

coffee, unloading would be a comparatively simple affair. In general

practise, however, the cargoes consist of a large number of consignments

and a variety of grades, necessitating a careful sorting as unloading

progresses. Accordingly, even before the unloading begins, the dock is

chalked off into squares, each square having a number, or symbol,

representing a particular consignment. As the bags come up out of the

hold, the foreman of the laborers, who has a key to the brand marks on

the bags, indicates where each bag is to be placed. Coffee to be

reshipped, either by lighter or rail, is heaped in piles by itself until

loaded on to the lighters or freight cars.

[Illustration: STORING COFFEE BY MARKS AND CHOPS]

[Illustration: HOISTING COFFEE INTO THE STORAGE WAREHOUSES ADJOINING THE

BROOKLYN PIERS]

[Illustration: RECEIVING AND STORING COFFEE AT NEW YORK]

The next step is to transfer the cargo to the warehouse, and to

separate each consignment according to the various kinds of coffee

making up the invoices. When the importer gives his orders to store, he

sends also a list of the different kinds of coffees in his consignment,

called "chops" by the trade, with directions how to divide the shipment.

To do this, the floor of the warehouse is chalked off into squares, as

was done on the dock; but now the numbers, or symbols, in each space

indicate the chops in each invoice, or consignment.

[Illustration: TESTER AT WORK, BUSH TERMINAL, NEW YORK]

[Illustration: LOADING LIGHTERS, BUSH DOCKS, NEW YORK]

The importer naturally is eager to sample the newly arrived coffee.

Sampling is generally done by trained warehouse employees, who are

equipped with coffee triers, sampling instruments resembling

apple-corers, which they thrust into the bags. The instrument is hollow,

and the coffee flows into the hand of the sampler, who places each

sample in a paper bag which is marked to indicate the chop. The total

sample of each chop usually consists of about ten pounds of coffee,

which the importer compares with the exporter's sample.

When sampling for trade delivery, about two-thirds of the bags in a chop

are tried. But when sampling for delivery on Coffee Exchange contract,

every bag must be tested, and care taken that each chop is uniform in

color, kind, and quality. Coffee for Exchange delivery must be stored in

a warehouse licensed by the Exchange; and the warehouseman is

responsible for the uniformity of grade of each chop.

When approximately ninety percent of the cargo has been unloaded and

stored, the warehouse issues what has become known as the "last bag

notice." In the majority of cases the coffee has been sold before

arrival; and on receipt of the last bag notice, the importer can

transfer ownership of the coffee and save interest.

In a cargo of 75,000 to 100,000 bags of coffee that have been hurriedly

loaded in the producing country and unloaded at destination in equal

haste, a small portion of the cargo is almost certain to be damaged.

Generally the damage is slight. If a bag is torn or stained, the coffee

is placed in a new bag. If the contents have become mildewed, the

damaged portion is taken to a warehouse for reconditioning; while the

sound coffee is thoroughly aired to remove the odor and is then placed

in a clean bag. The reconditioned lot is put into a separate package and

forwarded to the buyer with a "reconditioning statement" that shows what

has been done.

[Illustration: THE NEW TERMINAL SYSTEM ON STATEN ISLAND

On the left are three piers of the Pouch Terminal at Clifton; on the

right, four of the American Dock Terminal at Tompkinsville; and between

these are thirteen piers of the new Municipal Terminal]

Bags that have become torn in transit, and parts of their contents

spilled, are called "slacks." These are weighed as they arrive on the

dock by a licensed public weigher; and a sufficient quantity of the

coffee remaining on the floor of the ship's hold is put into the bag to

make it of the proper weight. The expense of reconditioning and

rebagging is generally borne by the marine insurance companies. When the

entire cargo is unloaded, and the slacks and bad-order bags are weighed

and marked, the warehouseman tallies up the records of his clerks, and

renders a corrected chop list to the consignee.

[Illustration: MOTOR TRACTOR MOVING COFFEE AT THE BUSH TERMINAL DOCKS,

BROOKLYN]

_Electric Tractors and Trailers_

Another district along the water front of Brooklyn where coffee is

discharged in large quantities is that between Thirty-third and

Forty-fourth Streets, south Brooklyn, occupied by the Bush Terminal

Stores. This plant is laid out with railroad spurs on every pier, so

that its own transfer cars, or the cars of the railroads running out of

New York, can be run into the sheds of the docks where coffee is being

discharged from the ships. The methods employed by the Bush Terminal are

similar to those just described, except that all the coffee is handled

by electrically-manipulated cars or trucks, in some instances the

powerful little tractors hauling many "trailers" to various parts of the

yards.

_Handling Charges at New York_

Before the World War, it cost approximately one-half cent a bag to

handle green coffee from the vessel to warehouse and in storage in New

York. The rate advanced nearly one hundred percent in the latter part of

1919, then dropped slightly, although it is still (1922) above the

pre-war price. Other handling charges are shown in the following

tabulation:

COFFEE HANDLING CHARGES AT NEW YORK

Pre-war prices Present prices

Cents per bag Cents per bag

(132 lbs.) (132 lbs.)

Storage 3 to 4 5 to 8

Labor 3 to 4 5 to 8

Sampling for damage 1 1

Cleaning 35 20

Dumping and mixing 10 15

Dumping and airing 10 15

Shoveling and airing 10 15

Transferring coffee

from floor to floor 4 8

Marking 1 1

Labor at vessel $9 per M $12.50 to $15 per M

The warehousemen in 1919 charged four cents per bag for loading into

railroad cars. This charge was discontinued in 1921. The cost of

weighing increased from two and one-half cents per bag in 1914 to four

and one-half cents in 1919, and then dropped to the present price of

three to three and one-half cents. Other handling charges at the port of

New York are:

OTHER HANDLING CHARGES, 1922

Cents per bag

(132 lbs.)

Drawing samples, each 10 lbs 17 to 20

Grading for variation 4

Matching in 12

Reducing or evening off slack 9

Transferring to new bag 10

Trucking to weigher in store 3

Collecting and preparing

sweepings 25

Delivering sample below Canal

Street 75

Each additional sample 10 to 15

New bags 15

Old bags 6

[Illustration: UNLOADING COFFEE WITH MODERN CONVEYOR, NEW ORLEANS]

A plan intended to cut down handling costs in New York, and to expedite

deliveries, was inaugurated by the National Coffee Roasters Association

at the beginning of 1920. The Association formed a freight-forwarding

bureau, and invited members to have their coffee shipments handled

through the bureau. The charges for forwarding direct importations are

two cents per bag. Cartage charges vary from six to eighteen cents per

hundred pounds. Claims are handled without charge.

_The Seven Stages of Transportation_

The foregoing story has taken the reader through the seven most direct

routes that lead from the plantation to the roaster: first, from the

patio to the railroad or river; then to the city of export; into the

warehouses there; then into the steamers; out of them, and upon the

wharf at the port of destination; from the wharf into the warehouses;

and, finally, from the warehouses to the roasting rooms. It will be

understood that in some instances where the plantation is hidden away in

the mountains, it is necessary to relay the coffee; and again, at this

end, the coffee is very often transhipped. In such cases, more handlings

are required.

[Illustration: UNLOADING A COFFEE SHIP BY BLOCK AND TACKLE AT THE PORT

OF NEW ORLEANS]

[Illustration: IN FOREGROUND--LOADING COFFEE BY MEANS OF AN AUTOMATIC

TRAVELING-BELT CONVEYOR, ON GOVERNMENT BARGES FOR ST. LOUIS]

[Illustration: COFFEE-HANDLING SCENES ON THE WHARVES AT NEW ORLEANS]

_Handling Coffee at New Orleans_

Coffee ships are unloaded in New Orleans, the second coffee port in the

United States, in about the same general manner as in New York, with the

important exception that the block-and-tackle system for transferring

the bags from the ship to the dock has been largely supplanted by the

automatic traveling-belt conveyor system. Another notable feature is New

Orleans' steel-roofed piers, whereon the coffee can be stored until

ready for shipment to the interior. Because of the class of

labor--mostly negro--employed in unloading ships, New Orleans has found

it expedient to retain the old flag system to indicate the part of the

pier where each mark of coffee is to be piled as taken from the vessel.

These little flags vary in shape, color and printed pattern, each

representing a particular lot of coffee, and they are firmly fixed at

the part of the pier where those bags should be stacked. Trained

checkers read the marks on the bags as the laborers carry them past, and

tell the carrier where the bag should be placed. To the illiterate

laborers the checker's cries of "blue check," "green ball," "red heart,"

"black hand," and the like, are more understandable than such

indications as letters or numbers.

[Illustration: SHOWING HOW COFFEE IS STORED UNDER STEEL-COVERED SHEDS AT

NEW ORLEANS]

_Handling Coffee at San Francisco_

San Francisco ranks third in the list of United States coffee ports,

having received its greatest development in the four years of the World

War, when the flow of Central American coffees was largely diverted from

Hamburg to the Californian port. In the course of these four years, the

annual volume of coffee imports increased from some 380,000 bags to more

than 1,000,000 bags in 1918. The bulk of these importations came from

Central America, though some came from Hawaii, India, and Brazil and

other South American countries. Because of its improved unloading and

distributing facilities, San Francisco claims to be able to handle a

cargo of coffee more rapidly than either New York or New Orleans.

Handling Central American coffees in San Francisco is distinctly

different from the business in Brazil. In order to secure the Central

American planter's crops, the importers find it necessary to finance his

operations to a large extent. Consequently, the Central American trade

is not a simple matter of buying and selling, but an intricate financial

operation on the part of the San Francisco importers. Practically all

the coffee coming in is either on consignment, or is already sold to

established coffee-importing houses. Brokers do not deal direct with the

exporters; and practically none of the roasters now import direct.

[Illustration: DISCHARGING COFFEE FROM A STEAMER JUST ARRIVED FROM

CENTRAL AMERICA]

[Illustration: HOW A LARGE CARGO OF COFFEE IS HANDLED ON THE PIER AS IT

IS UNLOADED FROM THE SHIP]

[Illustration: UNLOADING AND STORING COFFEE AT SAN FRANCISCO]

In recent years San Francisco has adopted the practise of buying a

large part of her coffee on the "to arrive" basis; that is the purchase

has been made before the coffee is shipped from the producing country,

or while in transit. This practise applies, of course, only to well

known marks and standard grades. Coffee that has not been sold before

arrival in San Francisco is generally sampled on the docks during

unloading, although this is sometimes postponed until the consignment is

in the warehouse. It is then graded and priced, and is offered for sale

by samples through brokers.

San Francisco is better equipped with modern unloading machinery and

other apparatus than either New Orleans or New York, even more liberal

use being made there than in New Orleans of the automatic-belt conveyors

both for transferring the bags from the ships to the docks and for

stacking them in high tiers on the pier. Another notable feature of the

modern coffee docks is that the newer ones are of steel and concrete

and, as in New Orleans, are covered to protect the coffee from wind and

storm.

_Europe's Great Coffee Markets_

Europe has three great coffee-trading markets--Havre, Hamburg, and

Antwerp. Rotterdam and Amsterdam are also important coffee centers, but

rank far below the others named. In point of volume of stocks, Havre led

the world before the war; while in respect to commercial transactions,

it ranked second, with New York first. In pre-war days, the largest part

of the world's visible supply of coffee was stored in the Havre bonded

warehouses, being available for shipment to any part of Europe on short

notice, or even to the United States in emergencies. Even during the

World War, this French port remained a powerful factor in international

coffee trading. Coffee trading in Havre, both exchange and "spot"

transactions, follows about the same general lines as in New York and

the other great coffee markets. Coffee "futures" are dealt in on the

Havre Bourse.

Green coffee is sold in London by auction in Mincing Lane. On arrival,

it is stored in bonded warehouses, and is released for domestic use only

when customs duty at the rate of four and one-half pence per pound has

been paid. The bulk of the coffee comes in parchment on consignment; and

before sale, it must be hulled and sorted in the milling establishments,

most of which are on the banks of the Thames.

[Illustration: ONE OF THE MODERN DEVICES USED IN SAN FRANCISCO FOR

HANDLING GREEN COFFEE]

The auctions are held four times a week, usually on Tuesday, Wednesday,

Thursday, and Friday. The sales are advertised in the market

papers--chief among which is the _Public Ledger_--and also by the

auctioneers, who issue catalogs of their offerings. A few hours before

the beginning of the sale, samples are laid out for inspection by

prospective buyers, who may cup-test them if they desire. The actual

selling is done by competitive cash bidding, the highest bidder becoming

the owner. Two classes of brokers do the bidding, one for home trade and

the other for exporters.

Home trade takes about a tenth of the coffee, the remainder being sold

for export. If the coffee is bought for re-export, it can be transferred

to the shipping port, still in bond, and shipped out of the country

without paying duty. During the World War, auctions were held about

twice a week; but after the signing of the armistice in November 1918,

the London traders resumed the four times a week practise.

[Illustration: COFFEE AUCTION SAMPLES ON DISPLAY AT AMSTERDAM]

[Illustration: GREEN COFFEE STORED ON THE DOCKS AT HAVRE, FRANCE]

[Illustration: HANDLING GREEN COFFEE AT TWO EUROPEAN PORTS]

_Coffee Exchanges and Trading Methods_

Green-coffee buyers in the large importing centers of the United States

and Europe recognize two distinct markets in their operations. One of

these is called the "spot" market; because the importers, brokers,

jobbers, and roasters trading there deal in actual coffee in warehouses

in the consuming country. In New York the spot market is located in the

district of lower Wall Street, which includes a block or two each side

on Front and Water Streets. Here, coffee importers, coffee roasters,

coffee dealers, and coffee brokers conduct their "street" sales.

The other market is designated as the "futures" market; and the trading

is not concerned with actual coffee, but with the purchase or sale of

contracts for future delivery of coffee that may still be on the trees

in the producing country. Futures, or "options" as they are frequently

called, are dealt in only on a coffee exchange. The principal exchanges

are in New York, Havre, and Hamburg. New Orleans and San Francisco

exchange dealers trade on their local boards of trade.

Coffee-exchange contracts are dealt in just like stocks and bonds. They

are settled by the payment of the difference, or "margin"; and the

option of delivering actual coffee is seldom exercised. Generally, the

operations are either in the nature of ordinary speculation on margin or

for the legitimate purpose of effecting "hedges" against holdings or

short sales of actual coffees.

The New York Coffee and Sugar Exchange--the most important in the world,

because of the volume of its business--deals in all coffees from North,

South, and Central America, the West Indies and the East Indies (except

those of the Robusta variety) and uses Type No. 7 as the basis for all

Exchange quotations. All other types are judged in relation to it. In

determining the number of a type, the coffee is graded by the number of

imperfections contained in it.

[Illustration: NEW YORK COFFEE AND SUGAR EXCHANGE

The building fronts on Hanover Square and extends through to Beaver

Street. The exchange rooms are indicated by the arched windows on the

second floor. The rest of the building is devoted to offices. The

exchange was founded in 1881, and was the first national coffee trading

organization in the world.]

These imperfections are black beans, broken beans, shells, immature

beans ("quakers"), stones, and pods. For counting the imperfections, the

black bean has been taken as the basis unit, and all imperfections, no

matter what they may be, are calculated in terms of black beans,

according to a scale, which is practically as follows:

BLACK-BEAN SCALE

3 shells equal 1 black bean

5 "quakers" equal 1 " "

5 broken beans equal 1 " "

1 pod equals 1 " "

1 medium size stone equals 1 " "

2 small stones equal 1 " "

1 large stone equals 2 to 3 " "

[Illustration: THE COFFEE PIT IN THE NEW YORK COFFEE AND SUGAR EXCHANGE]

By this scale a coffee containing no imperfections would be classified

as Type No. 1. The test is made on one-pound samples. If a sample shows

six black beans, or equivalent imperfections, it is graded as No. 2; if

thirteen black beans, as No. 3; if twenty-nine black beans, as No. 4; if

sixty black beans, as No. 5; if one hundred and ten black beans, as No.

6, and if more than one hundred and ten black beans, as No. 7 or No. 8.

These two are graded by comparison with recognized exchange types.

Coffees grading lower than No. 8 are not admissible to this country.

The quotation relationship of other types with the basic Rio No. 7 is

shown in the table below.

By this scale one can determine that when Rio No. 7 is quoted at 17.10,

Rio No. 2 is 18.60, Santos No. 3, 19.10, and Bogota No. 5, 18.10. The

quotations are on the pound and cents basis.

SCALE OF QUOTATION RELATIONSHIP

BRAZILIAN COFFEE-- SANTOS COFFEE OTHER KINDS--NOT

NOT SANTOS BRAZILIAN

Type Type Type

No. 1--180 points above No. 1--260 points above No. 1--300 points above

No. 2--150 points above No. 2--230 points above No. 2--250 points above

No. 3--120 points above No. 3--200 points above No. 3--200 points above

No. 4---90 points above No. 4--150 points above No. 4--150 points above

No. 5---60 points above No. 5--100 points above No. 5--100 points above

No. 6---30 points above No. 6-- 50 points above No. 6--50 points above

No. 7---Basis No. 7--Basis No. 7--Basis

No. 8---50 points below No. 8--50 points below No. 8--50 points below

A point is the hundredth part of a cent

In the spot market, a trader may also buy or sell coffee "to arrive";

that is, a consignment that is aboard ship on the way to the market.

Coffee is shipped to New York either on a consignment basis and sold

for a commission, or it may have been bought in the shipping port and be

already the property of an importer. When shipped on consignment, a

wholesaler usually buys on the in-store contract, which provides that

the purchaser must take delivery at the warehouse, though he is

generally given a month's storage privilege before removal of the

coffee. The practise among New York importers at present is to buy

coffee on either the basis of F.O.B. delivery steamer at loading port,

or delivery C. & F. (cost and freight), or C.I.F. (cost, insurance, and

freight), port of destination. Payment is made by letter of credit drawn

on a New York or London bank, entitling the exporter to draw at ninety

days' sight against the shipping documents, so that the shipment will be

in the hands of the purchaser long before the draft is made. Frequently

a jobber acts as his own importer of Brazil coffee, buying direct from

the exporter without utilizing the agency of a broker or a regular

importing firm.

Brazil coffee is bought with the stipulation that differences between

samples and the coffee actually delivered may be adjusted either on

"Brazil grading," "half difference," or "full difference"; and with the

further provision that, if the delivery is a full type higher or lower

than specified in the contract, the entire shipment may be rejected.

Under the "Brazil grading" provision, the buyer must accept delivery if

the coffee is better than the next lower type, even though not up to the

type ordered; and if the coffee is of a higher type than contracted for,

he need not pay premium for it. In buying on the "half difference" or

"full difference" basis, the buyer is entitled to payment for half the

difference or the full difference, respectively, for any undergrading,

or must pay the seller accordingly if there is any overgrading. When a

buyer specifies special features of description, in addition to type,

some sellers protect themselves against claims for difference on this

score by inserting in the contract a clause to the effect that the

description is given in good faith, but is not guaranteed by the seller.

[Illustration: TWO OF THE COFFEE EXCHANGE BLACKBOARDS

The one on the right is a record of transactions in the coffee pit. As

soon as a trade is made, it is noted in the proper column on the lower

part, the entry showing the time of the transaction, the number of

"250-pound bag lots," and the price. The left-hand board gives Santos

and Rio future quotations. For a detailed description of these and other

exchange quotation boards, see page 457]

_How the New York Exchange Functions_

When the New York Coffee Exchange was incorporated in 1881, its charter

stated its purposes to be "to provide, regulate and maintain a suitable

building, room or rooms for the purchase and sales of coffees and other

similar grocery articles in the city of New York, to adjust

controversies between members, to inculcate and establish just and

equitable principles in the trade, to establish and maintain uniformity

in its rules, regulations and usages, to adopt standards of

classification, to acquire, preserve and disseminate useful and valuable

business information, and generally to promote the above mentioned trade

in the city of New York, increase its amount, and augment the facilities

with which it may be conducted."

In the promotion of trade at New York the Exchange has been highly

successful. From time to time it has been criticized; and, more than

once, coffee traders in the East and in the West have raised a question

as to its value to non-speculating members. There are those who believe

it serves a useful purpose, and others who call it a huge pool room. To

say that, on the whole, it is not of benefit to the trade would be

untrue. As one of its champions pointed out in 1914, when it shut down

for a period of four months on account of the World War:

The ability to discount the future is a necessity, and demands the

facilities that a unit of centralization like the Exchange affords.

There is no difference between a purchase of coffee and one of a

future month on options.

The experience gained here and abroad demonstrates that any check

placed upon such dealings is detrimental, with far-reaching effects

upon the whole body of the trade. Unquestionably the Exchange is a

powerful factor as a regulator of extremes in the market.

The experience gained in Germany, where an embargo was placed upon

transactions in futures, is illuminating. The disastrous effects

were so plain that the authorities were forced to abandon their

objections and permit a resumption of the business along the old

lines.

But a good thing can be abused, and the opportunity to gamble in

options availed of by so many is the increment that disturbs the

legitimacy of the market and creates the opposition to the whole

proposition. When the Exchange is ready to insist that every

transaction in futures must be a legitimate one, and that every

trader under its jurisdiction using the facilities of the Exchange

is made to realize that any operations that are purely of a

gambling nature will subject him to severe discipline, then the

Coffee Exchange will begin to stem the tide of an ever-growing

opposition by the general public.

[Illustration: THE "COFFEE AFLOAT" BLACKBOARD]

The New York State legislative committee on speculations in securities

and commodities had the following to say on the Coffee Exchange in its

report to Governor Charles E. Hughes in 1909:

It [the Coffee Exchange] was established in order to supply a daily

market where coffee could be bought and sold and to fix quotations

therefor, in distinction from the former method of alternate glut

and scarcity, with wide variations in price--in short, to create

stability and certainty in trading in an important article of

commerce. This it has accomplished; and it has made New York the

most important primary coffee market in the United States. But

there has been recently introduced a non-commercial factor known as

"valorization," a governmental scheme of Brazil, by which the

public treasury has assumed to purchase and hold a certain

percentage of the coffee grown there, in order to prevent a decline

of the price. This has created abnormal conditions in the coffee

trade.

All transactions must be reported by the seller to the

superintendent of the Exchange, with an exact statement of the time

and terms of delivery. The record shows that the average annual

sales in the past five years have been in excess of 16,000,000 bags

of 130 pounds each.

Contracts may be transferred or offset by voluntary clearings by

groups of members. There is no general clearing system.[319] There

is a commendable rule providing that, in case of a "corner," the

officials may fix a settlement price for contracts to avoid

disastrous failures.

The original initiation fee was $250. Seats on the Exchange once sold

for as low as $110. In January, 1916, there was a sale at $3,000; in

October, 1916, there was a sale for $5,000; in April, 1921, three seats

were sold for $5,500 each; but the record price of $8,600 was paid in

1919. Seats are now (1922) worth about $6,000.

The Exchange includes in its membership 323 brokers, importers, dealers,

and roasters. Membership is passed upon by a committee on membership;

but any one twenty-one years old, resident or non-resident, of good

character and commercial standing, is eligible when proposed and

seconded by Exchange members. The committee refers the application with

its recommendation to the board of managers, which takes a ballot. The

adverse vote of one-third of all votes cast rejects.

The Exchange elects annually a president, a vice-president, and a

treasurer, who perform the usual duties of Exchange officers. The real

governing body is the board of managers, consisting of the president,

vice-president, treasurer, and twelve other members. This governing

board, meeting monthly, appoints the necessary subordinate officers and

employees, and fixes their compensation, and may "summon before them any

officer or member for any purpose whatsoever." It appoints the secretary

of the Exchange from among its own number, a superintendent of the

Exchange, and the numerous committees which are in active charge of

specified activities. It also licenses the necessary coffee graders,

warehousemen, weighmasters, and samplers of the Exchange.

A brief discussion of the duties of the superintendent and the various

committees will help to explain the methods of the Exchange market. The

superintendent, under the direction of the board of managers, has charge

of the details of its work and of that of the various committees. He

keeps all the books and documents of the Exchange; collects and pays

over to the treasurer all moneys due the Exchange not otherwise provided

for; receives, deposits, and pays over all margins on coffee contracts;

has active charge of the Exchange rooms and the bulletin board; and

manages and appoints, with the consent of the board of managers, the

assistants needed to perform the details of the work under his charge.

One of the functions of the Exchange is to grade and to classify coffee,

in which it takes every possible precaution. The rules provide for eight

standard grades; and only licensed graders are permitted to pass upon

the product handled on the Exchange. There are twenty-five of these

graders; one of whom is appointed as a supervisor of types, to provide

fresh standards and to "maintain them as nearly as possible on an

equality." When these standards are approved by the board and the

Exchange, they remain in force for a year.

When coffee is received at a licensed warehouse, two official graders

are chosen, one by the buyer and one by the seller. These graders

receive four cents a bag if employed by a member; and eight cents a bag,

if employed by a non-member.

If the graders disagree, their differences are referred to the board of

coffee arbitrators, consisting of ten experts appointed by the board of

managers. The superintendent selects by lot three of these arbitrators,

who decide on the basis of the samples submitted, but will not make a

decision lowering the grade below that of the lowest submitted nor

higher than the highest. If the disputants do not change the grading to

come within the arbitrators' findings, the samples are sent to the

entire board of arbitrators, exclusive of those who may have been the

original graders, and final decision is made by majority vote. As soon

as the coffee is graded, a certificate is issued stating the grades, and

bearing the signatures of the superintendent and graders. This

certificate is conclusive evidence of the grade as far as the parties

involved are concerned, for the subsequent twelve months. The buyer

receives the original, and the seller a duplicate.

The rules provide that weights decided upon at the initial delivery are

good during the life of the grading certificate for re-delivery, with

definite allowances to the receiver, on re-delivery, of a quarter of a

pound a bag a month, instead of having to re-weigh and re-sample for

every separate delivery, as formerly.

As claims and trade controversies occasionally arise, the Exchange has

provided means for their peaceful settlement. The board of managers

elects annually an arbitration committee of five members, who swear to

decide disputes fairly. This is the only committee on the Exchange that

has power to adjudicate disputes between members and non-members; and

its services must be sought by the disputants, who must agree to abide

by its decision. An adjudication committee of seven is annually chosen

from the membership by the managers, to adjust all claims and

controversies between members arising out of any merchandise

transaction, "if notice in writing of such claim or controversy, and of

the intention to demand an adjudication thereon, be served by either

party thereto within ten days from the ascertainment thereof."

Within three days of the serving of this notice, each disputant selects

an Exchange member as his adjudicator; and these two name the third, who

must be a member of the adjudicating committee. Even this decision may

be appealed to the board of managers, which, if it finds the grounds of

appeal good (as decided by majority vote), appoints an appeal committee

of five, of whom three must be members of the board. This last

committee's decision is final. No new testimony bearing on the case may

be introduced after the case has been closed by the adjudicators.

Arbitration is voluntary with both parties; while adjudication is

compulsory upon the application of either.

Another committee of trade importance is the spot quotation committee of

five Exchange members. Each day at two o'clock, except on Saturday, when

it meets at 11:45, this committee by a majority vote establishes the

official daily market quotation of No. 7 coffee. There is likewise a

committee on quotations of futures. This committee of five meets daily

"immediately after the first call and at the close of the Exchange and

reports to the superintendent the tone and price of the contract market,

to be posted on the blackboard and transmitted to other Exchanges and

commercial bodies."

A committee of five on trade and statistics has the important function

of reporting to the board as to regulations for the "purchase, sale,

transportation and custody of merchandise," and it attempts to establish

uniformity in such matters between different markets. It has charge also

of "all matters pertaining to the supply of newspapers, market reports,

telegraphic and statistical information for the use of the Exchange. In

the early 80's the Exchange abolished the old method of keeping coffee

statistics, and the basis then adopted has since been accepted by all

the large coffee markets of the world."

The minimum rates of commission on coffee "per contract of 250 bags, for

members of the Exchange residing in the United States, are based upon a

price" as follows, quoting from the Exchange bylaws adopted June 8,

1920:

COFFEE EXCHANGE COMMISSION RATES

(Per contract of 250 bags)

Floor

Commission brokerage

for buying for buying

or selling or selling

Below 10 cents $6.25 $1.50

10 cents up to 19.99 cents 7.50 1.75

20 cents and above 10.00 2.00

For non-members residing within the United States, double the above

rates of commission shall be charged.

For members and non-members residing outside of the United States a

commission of $2.50 shall be charged in addition to the above

rates.

Whenever before thirty minutes after the close of the exchange a

member gives to another member for clearance purchases and sales of

contracts corresponding in all respects except as to price, made

during the day by himself or for his account _when present on the

floor_ of the Exchange, a charge for each contract shall be made

equal to the corresponding floor brokerage rate for buying and

selling, in addition to any floor brokerage incurred.

Members procuring business for other members may, by agreement, be

entitled to one-half the commission rates for non-members

prescribed in this Section, less the corresponding brokerage

charge, whether paid or not.

When a transferable notice is given or received by a customer in

fulfillment of a contract the brokerage in that case shall be not

less than one-half of the corresponding buying or selling

commission prescribed in Section 103.

Other committees are the finance committee (two) to audit bills and

claims against the Exchange, to direct deposits and investments, and to

audit the monthly and yearly accounts of the treasurer; a law committee

(three), to deal with matters of legislation; a membership and floor

committee (five); and a nominating committee (five). Organized as above

outlined, and with a well established code of trade rules, the Exchange

annually transacts a large number of sales in a business-like way.

There is considerable trading in future contracts; and a standard form

has been adopted by the Exchange. No future contracts are valid unless

they are made in the following form:

BRAZILIAN COFFEE--NOT SANTOS

Office of _____________

New York__________ 19__

Sold for M_______________________

To M_______________________

Thirty-two thousand five hundred pounds in about 250 bags coffee,

growth of North, South or Central America, West Indies or East

Indies, excepting coffee known as "Robusta," and also any coffee of

new or unknown growth, deliverable from licensed warehouse in the

port of New York, between the first and last days of ________ next,

inclusive. The delivery within such time to be at seller's option,

upon a notice to buyer of either five, six or seven days, as may be

prescribed by the trade rules. The coffee to be of any grade, from

No. 8 to No. 1 inclusive (no coffee to grade below No. 8) provided

the average grade of Brazilian coffees shall not be above No. 3.

Nothing in this contract, however, shall be construed as

prohibiting a delivery averaging above No. 3 at the No. 3 grade. At

the rate of __________ cents per pound for No. 7, with additions or

deductions for other grades according to the rates of the New York

Coffee and Sugar Exchange, Inc., existing on the afternoon of the

day previous to the date of the notice of delivery. Either party to

have the right to call for margins as the variations of the market

for like deliveries may warrant, which margins shall be kept good.

This contract is made in view of, and in all respect subject to the

rules and conditions established by the New York Coffee and Sugar

Exchange, Inc., and in full accordance with section 102 of the

bylaws.

_____________________________

Brokers

Across the face is the following:

For and in consideration of one dollar to __________________ in

hand paid, receipt whereof is hereby acknowledged, ______________

accept this contract with all its obligations and conditions.

All deliveries on such future contracts must be made from licensed

warehouses. There is a separate "to arrive contract"; but this likewise

requires delivery at a licensed warehouse, unless the buyer and the

seller have a mutual understanding to deliver the coffee from dock or

ex-ship. Margins to protect the contract may be called for by either

party. The largest deposit for margins was made in 1904, when

$22,661,710 was deposited with the superintendent as required by the

Exchange rules.

The basic grade in a future sale is No. 7; but variations are provided

as follows: 30 points for Rio, Victoria, and Bahia of all grades between

7 and 1, and of 50 points between 7 and 8; 50 points is allowed on

Santos and all other coffees except between grades 1 and 2 and 2 and 3

Santos, which are allowed 30 points. Thus the buyer and the seller when

entering upon a transaction know exactly what the difference will be

between the standard No. 7 and the coffee that can be delivered. The

right to deliver any grade in a future transaction has done much to

lessen the probability of corners in coffee; but this protection is

further given by the stringent rule that the maximum fluctuations on the

Exchange can be only two cents a pound on coffee in one day and one cent

on sugar. If greater changes should threaten, the Exchange operations

would automatically cease.

False or fictitious sales are prohibited, and all contracts must be

reported to the superintendent. All contracts are binding and call for

actual delivery.

The future contract, besides being used for the delivery of coffee

during stated months in the future at a given price, is also used for

hedging purposes. As in the grain and cotton markets, dealers protect

themselves against price fluctuations by hedging in the future market.

Importers, for instance, when purchasing coffee abroad, frequently sell

an equal amount for future delivery on the Exchange. When the time for

delivery arrives, it is simply a question of calculation of the market

conditions whether it is more advantageous to repurchase the sales made

as a hedge, or as a kind of insurance to protect themselves against

loss, and free the coffee so engaged, or to make delivery of the coffee

as it comes in.

The board of managers has power to close the Exchange or to suspend

trading on such days or parts of days as would in their judgment be for

the Exchange's best interest.

The Clearing Association is a recent outgrowth of the Exchange, and is

composed exclusively of Exchange members. Every member has to bring his

contracts up to market closing every night, either by making a deposit

with the Association to cover his balances, or by withdrawing in case he

should be over. Members deposit $15,000 at the time of joining as a

guaranty fund; and if the surplus is not sufficient to take care of

balances, the bylaws provide for the levying of assessments.

The daily quotations on the coffee exchanges of New York, Havre, and

(before the war) of Hamburg, determined to a large extent the price of

green coffee the world over. The prices prevailing on the New York

Coffee and Sugar Exchange are studied by coffee traders in all

countries, the fluctuations being reflected in foreign markets as the

reports come from the United States. Quotations are cabled from one

great market to another; and as each must heed those of the others to

some extent, the coffee trade thus obtains a world price, and the

effect on supply and demand is universal rather than local, as would be

the case if quotations were not exchanged.

In 1921 the Exchange adopted an amendment to the trade rules, and

abolished the one day transferable notice for both coffee and sugar.

_Foreign Coffee Quotations_

Brazil coffee cable quotations are the market prices, in Rio or Santos,

of ten kilograms of coffee, the price being stated in milreis, the

monetary unit of Brazil money. The basic grade of coffee at Rio is the

No. 7 of the New York Coffee Exchange; and at Santos, the international

standard of good average ("g. a.") Santos. One kilogram (often written

kilo, or abbreviated to K.) is equal to two and one-fifth pounds; and

the ten-kilogram standard of quantity is, therefore, equivalent to

twenty-two pounds, or just one-sixth of a standard Brazil bag.

The money value is not so simple, since Brazilian paper currency is

unstable; and the milreis quotation means nothing unless it is

considered in connection with the rate of exchange for the same day,

i.e., the current gold value of the milreis. This gold value is always

given with the daily quotations from Brazil, and is expressed in British

pence. The par value of the milreis (1000 reis) is 54.6 cents (gold) of

United States money; but its present actual value is only about 15

cents, and it has been as low as 11-1/4 cents. Our dollar sign is used

to denote milreis, placing it after the whole number, and before the

fractional part expressed in one-thousandths. Thus, 8-1/4 milreis would

be written 8$250 RS.

Suppose, for example, a Rio quotation is given at 8$400, with exchange

at 7-1/2 d. This means that 22 pounds of coffee have a gold value of 63

British pence (8.4 × 7-1/2 = 63.0), or 5/3, as the Englishman would

write it, which is equal to $1.27-1/2, making the coffee worth 5.8 cents

per pound. Of course the person familiar with Brazil quotations will not

need to make this reduction to the pound-cent term in order to

understand the figures. They will have a proper relative meaning to him

in their original form; and it must not be overlooked that it is in this

form only that they express correctly the value of the coffee in Brazil.

It may make a great difference to the Brazilian planter or exporter

whether an increased gold value of his coffee arises through a higher

milreis bid or an appreciated exchange, simply on account of local

currency considerations. That is to say, the purchasing power of a

milreis in Brazil will not necessarily vary exactly as the rate of

exchange on London.

London quotations are made in shillings and pence, on one hundred-weight

(cwt) of coffee. This "cwt" is not 100 pounds but 112 pounds, one

twentieth of the English ton (our long ton) of 2,240 pounds. And in all

English coffee statistics the coffee quantities are expressed in this

ton. A London quotation of 30/9 (30 shillings and 9 pence) for example,

is equivalent to $7.44 for 112 pounds of coffee, or 6.64 cents per pound

at the normal rate of exchange, $4.80 to $4.86 the pound sterling.

At Havre, the coffee price is given in francs, on a quantity of 50

kilograms. This is 110 pounds and almost as much, therefore, as the

British cwt. In normal times the franc is equal to 19.3 cents. A French

quotation of 37-1/2, for instance, means, therefore, $7.19 for 110

pounds of coffee, or 6.53 cents per pound.

The Hamburg quotation (formerly from Brazil per fifty kilos) is made on

one pound German, equal to 1/2 kilogram, and is expressed in pfennigs.

One pfennig is one-hundredth of a mark, and the mark once was equal to

23.8 cents. A German quotation of, say, 31, means, therefore, 7.38 cents

(31 × .238 = 7.378) for 1.1 pounds, or 6.71 cents per pound.

_Three Kinds of Brokers_

In the coffee trade there are three kinds of brokers--floor, spot, and

cost and freight.

Floor brokers are those who buy and sell options on the Coffee Exchange

for a fixed consideration per lot of 250 bags. The coffee commission

rate put into effect June 8, 1920, for round term (buying and selling)

by the New York Coffee Exchange was as follows:

COMMISSION RATE ON 250 BAGS

(For Round Term--Buying and Selling)

Up to 10¢ to

9.99c 19.99c 20c & up

per lb. per lb. per lb.

Members $12.50 $15.00 $20.00

Non-members 25.00 30.00 40.00

Foreign members 17.50 20.00 25.00

Foreign non-members 30.00 35.00 45.00

Floor brokerage--

Buying or selling 1.50 1.75 2.00

There is at present (1922) a stamp tax of two cents on each hundred

dollars value, or fraction thereof, figured on each separate lot.

[Illustration: SUN-CURING THE WASHED GREEN BEANS ON CEMENT DRYING

PATIOS]

[Illustration: NEAR VIEW OF HEAVILY LADEN TREES READY FOR THE PICKERS]

[Illustration: TYPICAL COFFEE SCENES IN COSTA RICA]

Spot brokers are those who deal in actual coffee, selling from jobber

to jobber, or representing out-of-town houses; the seller paying a

commission of about fifteen cents a bag in small lots, and half of one

percent in large lots.

Cost and freight brokers represent Brazilian accounts, and generally

receive a brokerage of one and one-quarter percent. On out-of-town

business, they usually split the commission with the out-of-town or

"local" brokers. The out-of-town brokers sometimes, however, deal direct

with the importer. All brokers except floor brokers are sometimes called

"street brokers." Most of the large New York, New Orleans, and San

Francisco brokerage houses also do a commission business, handling one

or more Brazilian or other coffee-producing-country accounts.

_Important Rulings Affecting Coffee Trading_

The United States have no coffee law as they have a tea law--prescribing

"purity, quality and fitness for consumption"--but buyers and sellers of

green coffees are required to observe certain well defined federal rules

and regulations relating specifically to coffee. Up to the year 1906,

when the Pure Food and Drugs Act became law, the green coffee trade was

practically unhampered; and several irregularities developed, calling

into existence federal laws that were designed to protect the consumer

against trade abuses, and at the same time to raise the standards of

coffee trading.

Under these regulations it is illegal to import into this country a

coffee that grades below a No. 8 Exchange type, which generally contains

a large proportion of sour or damaged beans, known in the trade as

"black jack," or damaged coffee, as found in "skimmings." "Black jack"

is a term applied to coffee that has turned black during the process of

curing, or in the hold of a ship during transportation; or it may be due

to a blighting disease.

Another ruling is intended to prevent the sale of artificially "sweated"

coffee, which has been submitted to a steaming process to give the beans

the extra-brown appearance of high grade East Indian and Mocha coffees

which have been naturally "sweated" in the holds of sailing vessels

during the long journey to American ports. Up to the time that the Pure

Food and Drugs Act went into effect, artificial "sweating" was resorted

to by some coffee firms; and out of that practise grew a suit[320] that

resulted in a federal court decision sustaining the Pure Food Act, and

classifying the practise as adulteration and misbranding.

The Act also is intended to prevent the sale of coffees under trade

names that do not properly belong to them. For example, only coffees

grown on the island of Java can properly be labeled and sold as Javas;

coffees from Sumatra, Timor, etc., must be sold under their respective

names. Food Inspection Decision No. 82, which limited the use of the

term Java to coffee grown on the island of Java, was sustained in a

service and regulatory announcement issued in January, 1916. Likewise

the name Mocha may be used only for coffees of Arabia. Before the

pure-food law was enacted, it was frequently the custom to mix Bourbon

Santos with Mocha and to sell the blend as Mocha. Also, Abyssinian

coffees were generally known in the trade as Longberry Mocha, or just

straight Mocha; and Sumatra growths were practically always sold as

Javas. Traders used the names of Mocha and Java because of the high

value placed upon these coffees by consumers, who, before Brazil

dominated the market, had practically no other names for coffee.

One of the most celebrated coffee cases under the Pure Food Act was

tried in Chicago, February, 1912. The question was, whether in view of

the long-standing trade custom, it was still proper to call an

Abyssinian coffee (Longberry Mocha) Mocha. The defendant was charged

with misbranding, because he sold as Java and Mocha a coffee containing

Abyssinian coffee. The court decided that the product should be called

Abyssinian Mocha;[321] but since then, general acceptance has obtained

of the government's viewpoint as expressed in F.I.D. No. 91, which was

that only coffee grown in the province of Yemen in Arabia could properly

be known as Mocha coffee.

Another important ruling, concerning coffee buyers and sellers,

prohibits the importation of green coffees coated with lead chromate,

Prussian blue, and other substances, to give the beans a more stylish

appearance than they have normally. Such "polished" coffees find great

favor in the European markets, but are now denied admittance here.

The Board of Food and Drug Inspection decided in 1910 against a trade

custom that had prevailed until then of calling Minãs coffee Santos when

shipped through Santos, instead of Rio.[322]

For years a practise obtained of rebagging certain Central American

growths in New York. In this way Bucaramangas frequently were

transformed into Bogotas, Rios became Santos, Bahias and Victorias were

sold as Rios, and the misbranding of peaberry was quite common. A

celebrated case grew out of an attempt by a New York coffee importer and

broker to continue one of these practises after the Pure Food Act made

it a criminal offense. The defendants, who were found guilty of

conspiracy, and who were fined three thousand dollars each, mixed,

re-packed and sold under the name P.A.L. Bogota, a well known Colombian

mark, eighty-four bags of washed Caracas coffee.[323]

After an exchange of views with the United States Board of Food and Drug

Inspection, the New York Coffee Exchange decided that, after June 1,

1912, it would abolish all grades of coffee under the Exchange type No.

8.

The practise in Holland of grading Santos coffees--by selecting beans

most like Java beans, and polishing and coloring them to add

verisimilitude--known as "manipulated Java," became such a nuisance in

1912 that United States consuls refused to certify invoices to the

United States unless accompanied by a declaration that the produce was

"pure Java, neither mixed with other kinds nor counterfeited."

The United States Bureau of Chemistry ruled in February, 1921, that

_Coffea robusta_ could not be sold as Java coffee, or under any form of

labeling which tended either directly or indirectly to create the

impression that it was _Coffea arabica_, so long and favorably known as

Java coffee. This was in line with the Department of Agriculture's

previous definition that coffee was the seed of the _Coffea arabica_ or

_Coffea liberica_, and that Java coffee was _Coffea arabica_ from Java.

_Coffea robusta_ was barred from deliveries on the New York Coffee

Exchange in 1912.

During the greater part of the year 1918, the United States government

assumed virtually full control of coffee trading. It was a war-time

measure, and was intended to prevent speculation in coffee contracts and

freight rates, to cut down the number of vessels carrying coffee to this

country so as to provide more ships for transporting food and soldiers

to Europe, and to put the coffee merchants on rations during the stress

of war. On February 4, 1918, importers and dealers were placed under

license; and two days later, rules were issued through the Food

Administration fixing the maximum price for coffee for the spot month in

the "futures" markets at eight and a half cents, prohibiting dealers

from taking more than normal pre-war profits, or holding supplies in

excess of ninety days' requirements, and greatly limiting resales. On

May 8, the United States Shipping Board fixed the "official" freight

rate from Rio de Janeiro to New York at one dollar and fifty cents per

bag, which, without control, had risen to as high as four dollars and

more, as compared with the ordinary rate of thirty-five cents before the

war. On January 12, 1919, two months after the armistice was signed, the

rules were withdrawn, and the coffee trade was left to carry on its

business under its own direction.

_Some Well Known Green Coffee Marks_

Practically every bag of good quality green coffee is imprinted with a

brand which indicates by whom it was shipped. These imprints are known

in the trade as "green coffee marks." Many of them, through long usage,

have become celebrated in international trade. One of the most famous

was HLOG. This stood for "Heaven's Light Our Guide," and was owned by

John O'Donohue's Sons. For many years it was used on Mocha coffee, but

it is now out of existence. Other well-known Mocha marks are M R

(Maurice Ries) with the figure of a camel, a star, or deer's head

between the letters; L F or L B (Livierato Frères); C F or C B

(Caracanda Frères).

Bogota marks includes PAL (in triangle) Bogota (P.A. Lopez & Co.);

Camelia; Pinzon & Co.; Salazar; AOL (in triangle) Bogota; and Carmencita

Manizales Excelso (Steinwender, Stoffregen & Co.).

[Illustration: SOME WELL KNOWN GREEN-COFFEE MARKS]

Among the best known Medellin marks are FAC & H (F.A. Correa & Sons):

PEC & C (Pedro Estrado Co.); LMT & C (Louis M. Torro & Co.); A & C (A.

Angel & Co.); E C S Medellin Excelso (Eppens, Smith Co.); Balzacbro

Medellin Excelso (Balzac Bros.); La Rambla (Banco Lopez); and Don Carlos

Medellin Excelso (Steinwender, Stoffregen & Co.).

Caracas marks show J P P & H (Juan Pablo Perez & Sons); HLB & C (H.L.

Boulton & Co.); FST & C (Filipe S. Toledo & Co.); JLG (J.L. Garrondona);

and many others. Kolster (Kolster & Co.) is a well known Puerto Cabello

mark.

Maracaibos bear numerous marks, chief among which are: M & C (Menda &

Co.); Cogollo (Cogollo & Co.); Fossi (Fossi & Co.); B M & C (Breur.

Moller & Co.); B & C (Blohm & Co.); FST & C (Filipe S. Toledo & Co.); V

D R & C (Van Dessel, Rodo & Co.); and J E C & C over R G E (J.E. Carret

& Co.).

A prominent Mexican mark is P A N (Rafael del Castillo & Co.).

Brazil coffee is usually marked merely with the initials of the firm or

bank financing the shipment. Some representative Brazilian marks are:

Aronco (in rectangle) Brazil; J A & Co (in rectangle) Brazil Rosebud; J

A & Co (in rectangle) Brazil Bourbona--all used by J. Aron & Company; S

S C (in circle) Rio; S S C (in triangle) Santos; both used by

Steinwender, Stoffregen & Co.; Sions M/M Bourbns (Sion & Co.); and

Nossack V S S C (in swastika), used by Nossack & Co.

There are hundreds of other marks. In most countries they change so

often that one rarely stands out above the rest.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XXIV

GREEN AND ROASTED COFFEE CHARACTERISTICS

_The trade values, bean characteristics, and cup merits of the

leading coffees of commerce, with a "Complete Reference Table of

the Principal Kinds of Coffee Grown in the World"--Appearance,

aroma, and flavor in cup-testing--How experts test coffee--A

typical sample-roasting and cup-testing outfit_

More than a hundred different kinds of coffee are bought and sold in the

United States. All of them belong to the same botanical genus, and

practically all to the same species, the _Coffea arabica_; but each has

distinguishing characteristics which determine its commercial value in

the eyes of the importers, roasters, and distributers.

The American trade deals almost exclusively in _Coffea arabica_,

although in the latter years of the World War increasing quantities of

_robusta_ and _liberica_ growths were imported, largely because of the

scarcity of Brazilian stocks and the improvement in the preparation

methods, especially in the case of _robustas_. Considerable quantities

of _robusta_ grades were sold in the United States before 1912, but

trading in them fell off when the New York Coffee and Sugar Exchange

prohibited their delivery on Exchange contracts after March 1, 1912.

All coffees used in the United States are divided into two general

groups, Brazils and Milds. Brazils comprise those coffees grown in São

Paulo, Minãs Geraes, Rio de Janeiro, Bahia, Victoria, and other

Brazilian states. The Milds include all coffees grown elsewhere. In 1921

Brazils made up about three-fourths of the world's total consumption.

They are regarded by American traders as the "price" coffees, while

Milds are considered as the "quality" grades.

Brazil coffees are classified into four great groups, which bear the

names of the ports through which they are exported; Santos, Rio,

Victoria, and Bahia. Santos coffee is grown principally in the state of

São Paulo; Rio, in the state of Rio de Janeiro and the state of Minãs

Geraes; Victoria, in the state of Espirito Santo; and Bahia in the state

of Bahia. All of these groups are further subdivided according to their

bean characteristics and the districts in which they are produced.

_Brazil Coffee Characteristics_

SANTOS. Santos coffees, considered as a whole, have the distinction of

being the best grown in Brazil. Rios rank next, Victorias coming third

in favor, and Bahias fourth. Of the Santos growths the best is that

known in the trade as Bourbon, produced by trees grown from Mocha seed

(_Coffea arabica_) brought originally from the French island colony of

Bourbon (now Réunion) in the Indian Ocean. The true Bourbon is obtained

from the first few crops of Mocha seed. After the third or fourth year

of bearing, the fruit gradually changes in form, yielding in the sixth

year the flat-shaped beans which are sold under the trade name of Flat

Bean Santos. By that time, the coffee has lost most of its Bourbon

characteristics. The true Bourbon of the first and second crops is a

small bean, and resembles the Mocha, but makes a much handsomer roast

with fewer "quakers". The Bourbons grown in the Campinas district often

have a red center.

[Illustration: _Coffee Map of Brazil_

_Showing the Principal Coffee-Producing States and Shipping Ports_

Copyright 1922 by The Tea and Coffee Trade Journal Co.]

As regards flavor, a good Bourbon Santos is considered the best coffee

for its price, and is the most satisfactory low-cost blending coffee to

be obtained. It is used with practically any of the high-priced coffees

to reduce the cost of the blend. When properly made, this coffee

produces a drink that is smooth and palatable, without tang or special

character, and is suitable to the average taste. When aged, Bourbon

Santos decreases in acidity, and increases somewhat in size of bean.

The Santos coffee described as Flat Bean usually has a smooth surface,

varying in size from small to large bean, and in color from a pale

yellow to a pale green. The cup has a good and smooth body of neutral

character, and the bean can be used straight or in a blend with

practically any Mild coffee.

Another Santos growth, known in the trade as Harsh Santos, grows near

the boundary between São Paulo and Minãs Geraes. It often has some of

the Rio characteristics, and commands a lower price than other Santos

coffees.

Some trade authorities are of the opinion that Santos coffees are an

exception to the rule that most green coffees improve with age. They

argue that careful cup-testing will reveal that a new crop Santos is to

be preferred to an old crop.

RIOS. Rio coffee is not generally liked in the United States, though in

former years it had some following even in the better trade. The demand

for all grades of Rios has been decreasing, Santos taking their place in

the United States. Rio coffee has a peculiar, rank flavor. It has a

heavy, pungent, and harsh taste which traders do not consider of value

either in straight coffee or in blends. However, its low price

recommends it to some packers, and it is often found in the cheapest

brands of package coffees and also in many compounds. In color, the bean

runs from light green to dark green; but when it is stored for any

length of time--a common practise in the past--the color changes to a

golden yellow; and the coffee is then known as golden Rio. The bean

also expands with age.

[Illustration: BOURBON SANTOS BEANS--ROASTED]

All Rio coffee is described by the name Rio; but the American trade

recognizes eight different grades, designated by numerals from one to

eight. These grades are determined by standards adopted by the New York

Coffee and Sugar Exchange, and are classified by the number of

imperfections found in the chops exported. No. 1 Rio contains no

imperfections, such as black beans, shells, stones, broken beans, pods

or immature beans ("quakers"). Such a chop is rarely found. No. 2 has

six imperfections. No. 3 has thirteen. No. 4 has twenty-nine, No. 5 has

sixty, No. 6 has one hundred and ten, No. 7 has two hundred, and No. 8

has about four hundred, although on the Exchange these last two are

graded by standard types.

[Illustration: FLAT AND BOURBON SANTOS BEANS--ROASTED]

VICTORIAS. Up to about the year 1917, Victoria coffees were held in even

less favor by American traders than were Rios. As a rule the bean was

large and punky, of a dark brown or dingy color, and its flavor was

described as muddy. Then, the coffee growers began to introduce modern

machinery for handling the crops, with the result that the character of

the produce has been much improved, and the demand for it has been

steadily growing. Many roasters who formerly used Rios straight for

their lower grades, have changed to Victorias, not only to improve the

appearance of the roast, but to soften the harsh drinking qualities of

the low-grade Rios.

[Illustration: RIO BEANS--ROASTED]

BAHIAS. Until recent years Bahia coffee has been decidedly unpopular in

the United States, largely because of its peculiar smoky flavor, due to

drying the coffee by means of wood fires, instead of by the usual sun

method. This practise has been abandoned; Bahia coffee has shown a

marked improvement in quality; and importations into the United States

have increased. The Bahia coffee produced in the Chapada district is

considered to be the best of the group. The bean is light-colored and of

fair size. Other types are Caravella and Nazareth, both of which are

below the standards demanded by the majority of the American trade.

[Illustration: _Coffee Map

of

São Paulo, Minãs, and Rio_]

MARAGOGIPE. This is a variety of _Coffea arabica_ first observed

growing near the town of Maragogipe on All Saints Bay, county of

Maragogipe, Bahia, Brazil, where it is called _Coffea indigena_. The

green bean is of huge size, and varies in color from green to dingy

brown. It is the largest of all coffee beans, and makes an elephantine

roast, free from quakers, but woody and generally disagreeable in the

cup. However, Dr. P.J.S. Cramer of the Netherlands government's

experimental garden in Bangelan, Java, regards it very highly, referring

to it as "the finest coffee known", and as having "a highly developed,

splendid flavor." This coffee is now found in practically all the

producing countries, and shows the characteristics of the other coffees

produced in the same soil.

_The Characteristics of Mild Coffees_

Among the Mild coffees there is a much greater variation in

characteristics than is found among the Brazilian growths. This is due

to the differences in climate, altitude, and soil, as well as in the

cultural, processing, storage, and transportation methods employed in

the widely separated countries in which Milds are produced.

Mild coffees generally have more body, more acidity, and a much finer

aroma than Brazils; and from the standpoint of quality they are far more

desirable in the cup. As a rule they have also better appearance, or

"style", both in the green and in the roast, due to the fact that

greater care is exercised in picking and preparing the higher grades.

Milds are important for blending purposes, most of them possessing

distinctive individual characteristics, which increase their value as

blending coffees.

_Not All Coffees Improve with Age_

Although it has long been held that green coffee improves with age, and

there is little doubt that this is true in so far as roasting merits are

concerned; the question has been raised among coffee experts as to

whether age improves the drinking qualities of all coffees alike.

Rio coffees should improve with age, as they are naturally strong and

earthy. Age might be expected to soften and to mellow them and others

having like characteristics. If, however, the coffee is mild in cup

quality in the first instance, then it may be asked if age does not

weaken it so that in time it must become quite insipid. Several years

ago, a New York coffee expert pointed out that this was what happened to

Santos coffees. The new crop, he said, was always a more pleasant and

enjoyable drink than the old crop, because it was a more pronounced mild

coffee in the cup.

MEXICANS. Considering those coffees grown nearest the American market

first, we come to the coffees of Mexico. All coffees grown in this

republic are known as Mexicans. They are further divided according to

the states and districts in which they are produced, and as to whether

they are prepared according to the wet or the dry method. The types best

known in the American market are Coatepec, Huatusco, Orizaba, Cordoba,

Oaxaca, and Jalapa. The lesser known are the Uruapan, Michoacan, Colima,

Chiapas, Triunfo, Tapachula, Sierra, Tabasco, Tampico, and

Coatzacoalcos. Some of these are rarely seen in the markets of the

United States.

The coffee most cultivated in Mexico is supposed to have come from Mocha

seed. Of this species is the Oaxaca coffee, which is valued because of

its sharp acidity and excellent flavor, two qualities that make it

desirable for blending. The bean of the Sierra Oaxaca (common unwashed)

is not large, nor is the appearance stylish. The Pluma Oaxaca (washed)

coffee, however, is a fancy bean and good for blending purposes.

Coatepec coffees are among the finest grown in Mexico, and take rank

with the world's best grades. They are quite acidy, but have a desirable

flavor; and when blended with coffees like Bourbon Santos, make a

satisfactory cup.

The Orizaba, Huatusco, and Jalapa growths resemble Coatepecs, of which

they are neighbors in the state of Vera Cruz. They are thin in body but

are stylish roasters, and have a good cup qualities. As a class they do

not possess the heavy body and acidity of genuine Coatepecs. Some

Huatuscos are exceptions. Orizaba is superior to Jalapa. Chiapas and

Tapachula coffees are generally more like Guatemalan growths than any

others produced in Mexico, which is natural in view of the proximity of

the districts to the northern boundary of Guatemala. The Sierra,

Tampico, Tabasco, and Coatzacoalcos coffees are uncertain in quality;

mostly they are low grade, some of them frequently possessing a groundy,

flat, or Rioy flavor.

[Illustration: _Mild Coffee Map--No. 1_

_Showing the Mild Coffee-Producing Countries of the Western Hemisphere_

Copyright 1922 by The Tea and Coffee Trade Journal Co.]

Cordoba coffees lack the acidity and tang of the Oaxacas, but make a

handsome roast. They are considered too neutral to form the basis of a

blend, but can be used to balance the tang of other grades.

CENTRAL AMERICANS. Central American coffee is the general trade name

applied to the growths produced in Guatemala, Honduras, Salvador,

Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama, the countries comprising Central

America.

GUATEMALA. This country sends the largest quantity to the United States,

and also produces the best average grades of the Central American

districts. Guatemalas are mostly washed and are very stylish. The bean

has a waxy, bluish color. It splits open when roasting and shows a white

center. Low-grown Guatemalas are thin in the cup, but the coffees grown

in the mountainous districts of Cobán and Antigua are quite acidy and

heavy in body. Some Cobáns border on bitterness because of the extreme

acidity. The Antiguas are medium, flinty beans; while Cobáns are larger.

Both grades are spicy and aromatic in the cup, and are particularly good

blenders. Properly roasted to a light cinnamon color, and blended with a

high-grade combination, Cobáns make one of the most serviceable coffees

on the American market.

Guatemalas are generally classified as noted in the Complete Reference

Table.

[Illustration: MEXICAN BEANS--ROASTED]

[Illustration: GUATEMALA BEANS--ROASTED]

HONDURAS. While the upland coffee of Honduras is of good quality, the

general run of the country's production seldom brings as high a price as

Santos of equal grade. Nearly all Honduras coffee consists of small,

round berries, bluish green in color. Very little of this growth comes

to the United States; the bulk of the exports going to Europe, where it

commands a high price, especially in France.

SALVADOR. Salvador coffee is inferior to Guatemala's product, grade for

grade. Only a small proportion is washed; and the bulk of the crops is

"naturals"; that is, unwashed. The bean is large and of fair average

roast. The washed grades are fancy roasters, with very thin cup. The

largest part of the production goes to Europe; some twenty-five percent

of the exports are brought into the United States through San Francisco.

NICARAGUA. The ordinary run of Nicaragua coffee (the naturals) is looked

upon in the United States as being of low quality, though the washed

coffees from the Matagalpa district have plenty of acid in the cup and

usually are fine roasters. Matagalpa beans are large and blue-tinged.

Germany, Great Britain, and France take about all the Honduras coffee

exported, only about six percent of the total coming to the United

States. These coffees are described more in detail in the Complete

Reference Table.

COSTA RICA. Good grades of Costa Rican coffee, such as are grown in the

Cartago, San José, Alajuela, and Grecia districts at high altitudes, are

highly esteemed by blenders. They are characterized by their fine

flavor, rich body, and sharp acidity. It is frequently declared that

some of these coffees are often acidy enough to sour cream if used

straight. Due to careless methods of handling, sour or "hidey" beans are

sometimes found in chops of Costa Ricans from the lowlands.

PANAMA. Panama grows coffee only for domestic use, and consequently it

is little known in foreign markets. The bean is of average size and

tends toward green in color. In the cup it has a heavy body and a strong

flavor. The coffee grown in Boquette Valley is considered to be of fine

quality, due no doubt to the care given in cultivation by the American

and English planters there.

_South America_

COLOMBIANS. Colombia produces some of the world's finest coffees, of

which the best known are Medellins, Manizales, Bogotas, Bucaramangas,

Tolimas, and Cucutas. Old-crop Colombians of the higher grades, when

mellowed with age, have many of the characteristics of the best East

Indian coffees, and in style and cup are difficult to distinguish from

the Mandhelings and the Ankolas of Sumatra. Such coffees are scarce on

the American market, practically all the shipments coming to the United

States being new crop and lacking some of the qualities of the mellowed

beans. Compared with Santos coffee, good grade Colombians give

one-fourth more liquor to a given strength with better flavor and aroma.

They are classed and graded as noted in the Complete Reference Table.

Medellins are a fancy mountain-grown coffee, and are esteemed for their

good qualities. The beans vary in size, and the color ranges from light

to dark green, making a rather rough roast. In the cup they have a fine,

rich, distinctive flavor, and in the American grading are regarded as

the best of the Colombian commercial growths.

Manizales rank next to Medellins, and have nearly the same

characteristics.

[Illustration: BOGOTA (COLOMBIA) BEANS--ROASTED]

Bogotas of good grade are noted for their acidity, body, and flavor.

When the acidity is tempered with age, the coffee can be drunk

"straight" which can not be done with many other growths. The Bogota

green bean ranges from a blue-green bean to a fancy yellow. It is long,

and generally has a sharp turn in one end of the center stripe. It is a

smooth roaster, and has a rich mellow flavor.

Bucaramangas, grown in the district of that name, are regarded favorably

in the American markets as good commercial coffees for blending

purposes; the naturals have heavy body, but lack acidity and decided

flavor, and are much used to give "back-bone" to blends. The fancies

sometimes push the superior East Indian growths hard for first place.

Tolimas are considered a good grade average coffee, and are

characterized by a fair-sized bean, attractive style, and good cup

quality.

Cucuta coffees, though grown in Colombia, are generally classified among

the Maracaibos of Venezuela, because they are mostly shipped from that

port. They are described, accordingly, with the Venezuelan coffees.

VENEZUELA. The coffees of Venezuela are generally grouped under the

heads of Caracas, Puerto Cabello, and Maracaibo, the names of the ports

through which they are exported. Each group is further subdivided by the

names of the districts in which the principal plantations lie. La Guaira

coffee includes that produced in the vicinity of Caracas and Cumana.

Caracas coffee is one of the best known in the American market. The

washed Caracas is in steady demand in France and Spain. The bean is

bluish in color, somewhat short, and of a uniform size. The liquor has a

rather light body. Some light-blue washed Caracas coffees are very

desirable, and have a peculiar flavor that is quite pleasant to the

educated palate. Caracas chops rarely hold their style for any length of

time, as the owners usually are not willing to dry properly and

thoroughly before milling. When, however, the price is right, American

buyers will use some Caracas chops instead of Bogotas. At equal prices

the latter have the preference, as they have more body in the cup.

Puerto Cabello and Cumana coffees are valued just below Caracas. They

are grown at a lower altitude, and are somewhat inferior in flavor.

Not less than one-third of Puerto Cabello coffees come across the

thirty-mile gulf to the westward from the port of Tucacas, in a little

steamer called the Barquisimento, which is famous all along the coast as

the "cocktail shaker." C.H. Stewart[324] solemnly asserts that "Barky"

can do the "shimmy" when lying at anchor in quiet waters.

[Illustration: MARACAIBO BEANS--ROASTED]

Merida and Tachira coffees are considered the best of the Maracaibo

grades, Tovars and Trujillos being classed as lower in trade value.

Though Cucuta coffee is grown in the Colombian district of that name, it

is largely shipped through Maracaibo; and hence is classed among the

Maracaibo types. It ranks with Meridas and fine grade Boconos, and

somewhat resembles the Java bean in form and roast, but is decidedly

different in the cup. Washed Cucutas are noted for their large size,

roughness, and waxy color. They make a good-appearing roast, splitting

open, and showing irregular white centers. New-crop beans are sometimes

sharply acid, though they mellow with age and gain in body.

Until recent years, Tachira coffee was always sold as Cucuta; but now

there is a tendency to ship it under the name Tachira-Venezuela, while

true Cucuta is marked Cucuta-Colombia. Tachiras closely resemble the

true Cucutas, grade for grade. Up to about 1905 the coffees grown near

Salazar, in Colombia, came to market under the name of Salazar; but

since then, they have been included among the Cucuta grades and are sold

under that name.

The state of Tachira lies next to the Colombian boundary, and its

mountains produce much fine washed coffee. This has size and fair style,

as a rule, but does not possess cup qualities to make it much sought. It

ages well and, being of good body, the old crops, other things being

equal, frequently bring a tidy premium.

The Rubio section of Tachira produces the best of its washed coffees.

Here are several of the largest and best-equipped estates in all

Venezuela. Washed when fresh, the coffees from these estates are usually

sold somewhat under the fancy Caracas; but the trillados of the Tachira

rank with the best of the country, owing to their large bean, solid

color, and good quality. They roast well, and cup with good body, though

not much character. Good Tachira trillados are sold on the same basis as

the Cucutas, which they resemble.

The Meridas are raised at higher altitudes than Cucutas, and good grades

are sought for their peculiarly delicate flavor--which is neither acidy

nor bitter--and heavy body. They rank as the best by far of the

Maracaibo type. The bean is high-grown, of medium size, and roundish. It

is well knit, and brings the highest price while it still holds its

bluish style, as it then retains its delicate aroma and character. The

trillados of Merida run unevenly.

Tovars rank between Trujillos and Tachiras. They are fair to good body

without acidity; make a duller roast than Cucutas, but contain fewer

quakers. They are used for blending with Bourbon Santos. Boconos are

light in color and body. They are of two classes; one a round, small to

medium, bean; and the other larger and softer. Their flavor is rather

neutral, and they are frequently used as fillers in blends. Trujillos

lack acidity and make a dull, rough roast, unless aged. They are blended

with Bourbon Santos to make a low-priced palatable coffee. Some coffees

of merit are produced at Santa Ana, Monte Carmelo, and Bocono in

Trujillo.

_Other South American Countries_

The coffees from other South American countries, even where there is an

appreciable production, are not important factors in international

trade. The coffee of Ecuador, shipped through the port of Guayaquil,

goes mostly to Chile, a comparatively small quantity being exported to

the United States. The bean is small to medium in size, pea-green in

color, and not desirable in the cup. The coffee is about equal to

low-grade Brazil, and is used principally as a filler. Peru produces an

ever-lessening quantity of coffee, the bulk of the exports in pre-war

years going to Germany, Chile, and the United Kingdom. It is a

low-altitude growth, and is considered poor grade. The bean ranges from

medium to bold in size, and from bluish to yellow in color. Bolivia is

an unimportant factor in the international coffee trade, most of its

exports going to Chile. The chief variety produced is called the Yunga,

which is considered to be of superior quality; but only a small quantity

is grown. Guiana's coffee trade is insignificant. The three best-known

types are the Surinam, Demerara, and Cayenne, named after the ports

through which they are shipped.

_The West Indies_

Coffee either is, or can be, grown practically everywhere in the West

Indies; but the chief producing districts are found on the islands of

Porto Rico, Haiti (and Santo Domingo), Jamaica, Guadeloupe, and Curaçao.

Coffees coming from these islands are generally known by the name of the

country of production, and may be further identified by the names of the

districts in which they are grown.

PORTO RICO. Since the United States took possession of Porto Rico, soil

experts have endeavored to raise the quality of the coffee grown there,

especially the lower grades, which had peculiarly wild characteristics.

Today, the superior grades of Porto Rican coffees rank among the best

growths known to the trade. The bean is large, uniform, and stylish;

ranging in color from a light gray-blue to a dark green-blue. Some of

these are artificially colored for foreign markets. The coffee roasts

well, and has a heavy body, similar to the fanciest Mexicans and

Colombians. Its cup is not as rich, but it makes a good blend. Porto

Rican coffees command a higher price in France than in the United

States, which accounts for the larger proportion of exports to Europe,

excepting when the French market was cut off during the World War.

JAMAICA. Jamaica produces two distinct types of coffee, the highland and

the lowland growths. Among the first-named is the celebrated Blue

Mountain coffee, which has a well developed pale blue-green bean that

makes a good-appearing roast and a pleasantly aromatic cup. It is

frequently compared with the fancy Cobáns of Guatemala. The lowland

coffee is a poorer grade, and consists largely of a mixture of different

growths produced on the plains. It is a fair-sized bean, green to yellow

in the "natural", and blue-green when washed. In the cup it has a grassy

flavor, but is flat when drunk with cream. It is used chiefly as a

filler in blends, and for French roasts.

HAITI AND SANTO DOMINGO. The coffees of these two republics have like

characteristics, being grown on the same island and in about the same

climatic and soil conditions. Careless cultivation and preparation

methods are responsible for the generally poor quality of these coffees.

When properly grown and cured, they rank well with high-grade washed

varieties, and have a rich, fairly acid flavor in the cup. The bean is

blue-green, and makes a handsome roast.

GUADELOUPE. Guadeloupe coffee is distinguishable by its green, long, and

slightly thick bean, covered by a pellicle of whitish silvery color,

which separates from the bean in the roast. It has excellent cup

qualities.

MARTINIQUE. This island formerly produced a coffee closely resembling

the Guadeloupe; but no coffee is now grown there, though some Guadeloupe

growths are shipped from Martinique, and bear its name.

OTHER WEST INDIAN ISLANDS. Among the other West Indian islands

producing small quantities of coffee are Cuba, Trinidad, Dominica,

Barbados, and Curaçao. The growths are generally good quality, bearing a

close resemblance to one another. In the past, Cuba produced a fine

grade; but the industry is now practically extinct.

_Asia_

ARABIA. For many generations Mocha coffee has been recognized throughout

the world as the best coffee obtainable; and until the pure food law

went into effect in the United States, other high-grade coffees were

frequently sold by American firms under the name of Mocha. Now, only

coffees grown in Arabia are entitled to that valuable trade name. They

grow in a small area in the mountainous regions of the southwestern

portion of the Arabian peninsula, in the province of Yemen, and are

known locally by the names of the districts in which they are produced.

Commercially they are graded as follows: Mocha Extra, for all extra

qualities; Mocha No. 1, consisting of only perfect berries; No. 1-A,

containing some dust, but otherwise free of imperfections; No. 2,

showing a few broken beans and quakers; No. 3, having a heavier

percentage of brokens and quakers and also some dust.

[Illustration: MOCHA BEANS--ROASTED]

Mocha beans are very small, hard, roundish, and irregular in form and

size. In color, they shade from olive green to pale yellow, the bulk

being olive green. The roast is poor and uneven; but the coffee's

virtues are shown in the cup. It has a distinctive winy flavor, and is

heavy with acidity--two qualities which make a straight Mocha brew

especially valuable as an after-dinner coffee, and also esteemed for

blending with fancy, mild, washed types, particularly East Indian

growths.

As in other countries, the coffees grown on the highlands in Yemen are

better than the lowland growths. As a rule, the low altitude bean is

larger and more oblong than that grown in the highlands, due to its

quicker development in the regions where the rainfall, though not great,

is more abundant.

While Mocha coffees are known commercially by grade numbers, the

planters and Arabian traders also designate them by the name of the

district or province in which each is grown. Among the better grades

thus labeled are, the Yaffey, the Anezi, the Mattari, the Sanani, the

Sharki, and the Haimi-Harazi. For the poorer grades, these names are

used: Remi, Bourai, Shami, Yemeni, and Maidi. Of these varieties, the

Mattari, a hard and regular bean, pale yellow in color, commands the

highest price, with the Yaffey a close second. Harazi coffee heads the

market for quantity coupled with general average of quality.

INDIAN AND CEYLON. Coffees from India and Ceylon are marketed almost

exclusively in London, little reaching the American trade. Of the Indian

growths, Malabars, grown on the western slope of the Ghaut mountains,

are classed commercially as the best. The bean is rather small and

blue-green in color. In the cup it has a distinctive strong flavor and

deep color. Mysore coffee ranks next in favor on the English market. It

is mountain grown, and the bean is large and blue-green in color.

Tellicherry is another good grade coffee, closely resembling Malabar.

Coorg (Kurg) coffee is an inferior growth. It is lowland type, and in

the cup is thin and flat. The bean is large and flat, and tends toward

dark green in color. Travancore is another lowland growth, ranking about

with Coorg, and has the same general characteristics. See the Complete

Reference Table for details.

Ceylon, although it once was one of the world's most important

producers, has been losing ground as a coffee-producing country since

1890. Ceylon coffees are classified commercially as "native",

"plantation", and "mountain". The native is a poor-grade, lowland

growth, with large flat bean and low cup quality. The plantation, so

named because more carefully cultivated on highland plantations, is a

stylish roaster, and gives a rich flavor and strong fragrance in the

cup. The mountain, grown at high altitudes, is a small, steel-blue bean,

and is considered by British traders as equal to the best varieties

grown anywhere. It was formerly shipped to Aden to be mixed with Mocha.

[Illustration: _Coffee Map of Africa and Arabia_

_Showing the Principal Coffee-Producing Countries on the Continent and

Adjacent Islands._

Copyright 1922 by The Tea and Coffee Trade Journal Co.]

FRENCH INDO-CHINA. The coffee of French Indo-China is highly prized in

France, where the bulk of the exports goes. The coffee tree grows well

in the provinces of Tonkin, Annam, Cambodia, and Cochin-China. Tonkin is

the largest producer, and grows the best varieties. In the cup, Tonkin

coffee is thought by French traders to compare favorably with Mocha. Of

the several varieties of _Coffea arabica_ grown in Indo-China, the

_Grand Bourbon_, _Bourbon rond_, and the _Bourbon Le Roy_, are the best

known. The first-named is a large bean of good quality; the second is a

small, round bean of superior grade; and the third is a still smaller

bean of fair cup quality.

[Illustration: JAVA (Washed)]

[Illustration: SUMATRA (Mandheling)]

[Illustration: ARABIAN (Mocha)]

[Illustration: COLOMBIAN (Bogota)]

[Illustration: GUATEMALA (Washed)]

[Illustration: MEXICAN (Washed)]

[Illustration: COSTA RICA (Washed)]

[Illustration: SANTOS (Peaberry)]

[Illustration: VENEZUELA (Maracaibo)]

[Illustration: SANTOS (Flat Bean)]

[Illustration: SANTOS (Bourbon)]

[Illustration: RIO (Natural)]

[Illustration: PRINCIPAL VARIETIES OF GREEN COFFEE BEANS, NATURAL SIZE

AND COLOR]

_Africa_

ABYSSINIA. The coffee grown in Abyssinia is classified commercially into

two varieties: Harari, which is grown principally in the district around

Harar; and Abyssinian, produced mainly in the provinces of Kaffa,

Sidamo, and Guma. Harari coffee is the fruit of cultivated trees; while

Abyssinian comes from wild trees. The first-named produces a long and

well-shaped berry, and is often referred to as Longberry Harari. The

bean is larger than the Mocha, but similar in general appearance. Its

color shades from blue-green to yellow. Good grades of Harari have cup

characteristics resembling Mocha, and by some are preferred to Mocha,

because of their winier cup flavor. The Abyssinian coffee is considered

much inferior to Harari; and chops generally contain many imperfections.

The bean is dark gray in color. Little Abyssinian coffee comes to the

United States.

Many other African countries produce coffee; but little of it ever

reaches the North American market. Uganda, in British East Africa, grows

a good grade of _robusta_ coffee which is valued on the London market.

Liberian coffee, grown on the west coast, used to be mixed with Bourbon

Santos to some extent; but it is generally considered low grade,

although it makes a handsome, elephantine roast. The product of Guinea

is a very small bean, half-way between a peaberry and a flat bean, and

has a dingy brown color. It is considered worthless as a drink. A

medium-sized, strong-flavored bean that is rich in the cup, is grown in

the African Congo district. In Angola a fair quantity of coffee is

produced. In the cup it has a strong and pungent flavor, but lacks

smoothness and aroma. Zanzibar produces a pleasing coffee in very

limited quantities. The bean is medium size, and regular in shape.

Mozambique's coffee is greenish in color, of medium size, and mellow.

The production is small. Madagascar produces an insignificant quantity

for export, although the coffee is considered fair average, with rich

flavor, and considerable fragrance. Bourbon coffee, grown on the island

of Réunion, commands a high price in the French market, where

practically all exports go. It is a small, flinty bean, and gives a rich

cup and fragrance.

[Illustration: WASHED JAVA BEANS--ROASTED]

_East Indian Islands_

Some of the coffees from the East Indian islands rank among the best in

the world, particularly those from Sumatra. East India coffees are

distinguished by their smooth, heavy body in the cup, the fancy grades

giving an almost syrupy richness.

JAVA. Java coffees are generally of a smaller bean than those from

Sumatra, and are not considered as high grade. The bulk of the new-crop

growths have a grassy flavor which most people find unpleasant when

drunk straight. Under the old culture system, coffee was bought by the

government, and held in godowns from two to three years, until it had

become mellow with age. In late years, this system has been abandoned;

and the planters now sell their product as they please, and in most

cases without mellowing, excepting as they age during the long sea

voyage from Batavia to destination. Before the advent of large fleets of

steamers in the East Indian trade, the coffee was brought to America in

sailing vessels that required from three to four months for the trip.

During the voyage, the coffee went through a sweating process which

turned the beans from a light green to a dark brown, and considerably

enhanced their cup values. The sweating was due to the coffee being

loaded while moist, and then practically sealed in the vessel's hold

during all its trip through the tropical seas. As a consequence, the

cargo steamed and foamed; and as a rule, part of the coffee became

moldy, the damage seldom extending more than an inch or two into the

mats. Sweated coffees commanded from three to five cents more than those

that came in "pale".

[Illustration: _Mild Coffee Map--No. 2_

_Showing the Mild Coffee-Producing Countries of Asia, Netherlands India,

and Australasia_

Copyright, 1922 by The Tea and Coffee Trade Journal Co.]

Before the Java coffee trade began to decline in the latter part of the

nineteenth century, _Coffea arabica_ was grown abundantly throughout the

island. Each residency had numerous estates, and their names were given

to the coffees produced. The best coffees came from Preanger, Cheribon,

Buitenzorg, and Batavia, ranking in merit in the order named. All Java

coffees are known commercially either as private growth, or as blue bean

washed, the former being cured by either the washing or the dry hulling

method, while the latter are washed. Private growths are usually a pale

yellow, the bean being short and round and slightly convex. It makes a

handsome even roast, showing a full white stripe. The washed variety is

a pale blue-green, the bean closely resembling the private growth in

form and roast. These coffees have a distinctive character in the cup

that is much different from any other coffee grown. Their liquor is

thin.

All the better known coffees of Java, which are designated by the

districts in which they are grown, are listed in the Complete Reference

Table. Coffee from few of the many districts comes to the North American

market. Among those that are sold in the United States are the Kadoe and

Semarang, both of which are small, yellowish green; and the Malang, a

green, hard bean which makes a better roast than Kadoe and Semarang, but

is inferior to them in the cup.

SUMATRA. Sumatra has the reputation of producing some of the finest and

highest-priced coffees in the world, such as Mandheling, Ankola, Ayer

Bangies, Padang Interior, and Palembang. Mandheling coffee is a large,

brownish bean which roasts dull, but is generally free from quakers. It

is very heavy in body, and has a unique flavor that easily distinguishes

it from any other growth. The Ankola bean is shorter and

better-appearing than Mandheling, but otherwise bears a close

resemblance. Its flavor is only slightly under Mandheling; and, like

that coffee, is recommended for blending with the best grades of Mocha.

While the Ayer Bangies bean is somewhat larger than the other two just

mentioned, it is not so dark brown in color, and is not quite so heavy

in body; the flavor is very delicate. These three growths are known in

the trade as the "Fancies" and are considered the best of Sumatra's

production.

The Sumatra coffee best known to the American trade is the Padang

Interior, which is shipped through the port of Padang on Sumatra's west

coast. The bean is irregular in form and color, and makes a dull roast.

However, the flavor is good, although it lacks the richness of the

Fancies. Another celebrated coffee grown on the west coast is the Boekit

Gompong, grown on the estate of that name near Padang. It is a

high-grade coffee, making a handsome roast, and possessing a delicate

flavor. The foregoing coffees are produced on what were formerly termed

government estates, and during the heyday of government control were

sold by auction and came mostly to the United States.

Among the private estate coffees, Corinchies take first rank for

quality, some traders saying that they are the best in international

commerce. They closely resemble Ankolas, but range a cent or two lower

in price. Next in order of merit is Timor coffee, grown on the island of

that name. It is not as attractive in appearance, roast, or cup quality

as the Corinchie. A grade below Timors is Boengie coffee, which is

seldom seen on the North American market. Kroe coffee is better known

and more widely used in the United States. The bean is large, but has an

attractive appearance. Kroes are of heavy body, of somewhat groundy

flavor when new crop, and are good roasters and blenders. Other East

Indian coffees are Teagals, Balis, and Macassars, all of which are

second-rate growths as compared with the bulk of Sumatras, grade for

grade. The Macassars are produced in the district of that name on island

of Celebes. The best coffee grown in Celebes comes from the province of

Menado, and is known by that name. It is thought to be of a superior

quality, and commands a high price in Europe.

_The Pacific Islands_

The Philippine Islands have not figured in international coffee trade

since 1892, although in preceding years the Philippines exported several

million pounds of an average good grade of coffee. While coffee is one

of the shade trees used by householders in Guam, none of the fruit is

exported. Coffee production is an unimportant industry in Samoa,

Australia, New Guinea, New Caledonia, and other Pacific islands, and

none is grown for export.

HAWAII. Since the beginning of the twentieth century the Hawaiian

islands have taken a position of increasing importance, shipping some

two million pounds of good quality coffee to the United States, their

biggest customer. Coffee grows to some extent on all the islands of the

group, but fully ninety-five percent is raised in the districts of Kona,

Puna, and Hamakua on the main island of Hawaii. All Hawaiian coffee is

high grade; and is generally large bean, blue-green in color when new

crop, and yellow-brown when aged. It makes a handsome roast, and has a

fine flavor that is smooth and not too acid. It blends well with any

high-grade mild coffee. Kona coffee, grown in the district of that name,

commands the highest price. Old-crop Kona coffee is said by some trade

authorities to be equal to either Mocha or Old Government Java.

_Appearance, Aroma, and Flavor in Cup-Testing_

Before the beginning of the twentieth century, practically all the

coffees bought and sold in the United States were judged for merit

simply by the appearance of the green or of the roasted bean. Since that

time, the importance of testing the drinking qualities has become

generally recognized; and today every progressive coffee buyer has his

sample-roasting and testing outfit with which to carry out painstaking

cup tests. Both buyers and sellers use the cup test, the former to

determine the merits of the coffee he is buying, and the latter to

ascertain the proper value of the chop under consideration. Frequently a

test is made to fix the relative desirability of various growths

considered as a whole, using composite samples that are supposed to give

representation to an entire crop.

The first step in testing coffee is to compare the appearance of the

green bean of a chop with a sample of known standard value for that

particular kind of coffee. The next step is to compare the appearance

when roasted. Then comes the appearance and aroma test, when it is

ground; and finally, the most difficult of all, the trial of the flavor

and aroma of the liquid.

Naturally the tester gives much care to proper roasting of the samples

to be examined. He recognizes several different kinds of roasts which he

terms the light, the medium, the dark, the Italian, and the French

roasts, all of which vary in the shadings of color, and each of which

gives a different taste in the cup. The careful tester watches the roast

closely to see whether the beans acquire a dull or bright finish, and to

note also if there are many quakers, or off-color beans. When the proper

roasting point is reached, he smells the beans while still hot to

determine their aroma. In some growths and grades, he will frequently

smell of them as they cool off, because the character changes as the

heat leaves them, as in the case of many Maracaibo grades.

After roasting, the actual cup-testing begins. Two methods are employed,

the blind cup test, in which there is no clue to the identity of the

kind of coffee in the cup; and the open test, in which the tester knows

beforehand the particular coffee he is to examine. The former is most

generally employed by buyers and sellers; although a large number of

experts who do not let their knowledge interfere with their judgment,

use the open method.

In both systems the amount of ground coffee placed in the cup is

carefully weighed so that the strength will be standard. Generally, the

cups are marked on the bottom for identification after the examination.

Before pouring on the hot water to make the brew, the aroma of the

freshly ground coffee is carefully noted to see if it is up to standard.

In pouring the water, care is exercised to keep the temperature constant

in the cups, so that the strength in all will be equal. When the water

is poured directly on the grounds, a crust or scum is formed. Before

this crust breaks, the tester sniffs the aroma given off; this is called

the wet-smell, or crust, test, and is considered of great importance.

Of course, the taste of the brew is the most important test. Equal

amounts of coffee are sipped from each cup, the tester holding each sip

in his mouth only long enough to get the full strength of the flavor. He

spits out the coffee into a large brass cuspidor which is designed for

the purpose. The expert never swallows the liquor.

Cup-testing calls for keenly developed senses of sight, smell, and

taste, and the faculty for remembering delicate shadings in each sense.

By sight, the coffee man judges the size, shape, and color of the green

and roasted bean, which are important factors in determining commercial

values. He can tell also whether the coffee is of the washed or unwashed

variety, and whether it contains many imperfections such as quakers,

pods, stones, brokens, off-colored beans, and the like. By his sense of

smell of the roast and of the brew, he gauges the strength of the aroma,

which also enters into the valuation calculation. His palate tells him

many things about a coffee brew--if the drink has body and is smooth,

rich, acidy, or mellow; if it is winy, neutral, harsh, or Rioy; if it is

musty, groundy, woody, or grassy; or if it is rank, hidey (sour), muddy,

or bitter. These are trade designations of the different shades of

flavor to be found in the various coffees coming to the North American

market; and each has an influence on the price at which they will be

sold.

The up-to-date cup-tester requires special equipment to get the best

results. A typical installation consists of a gas sample-roasting

outfit, employing at least a single cylinder holding about six ounces of

coffee, and perhaps a battery of a dozen or more; an electric grinding

mill; a testing table, with a top that can be revolved by hand; a pair

of accurately adjusted balance scales; one or more brass kettles; a gas

stove for heating water; sample pans; many china or glass cups; silver

spoons; and a brass cuspidor that stands waist high and is shaped like

an hour glass.

Since the World War, there have been some notable changes in the buying

of coffees, particularly in European markets. For example, the old idea

of buying fancy coffees at fancy prices is probably gone for good in

Europe.

[Illustration: TYPICAL SAMPLE-ROASTING AND CUP-TESTING OUTFIT

In the middle of the picture is a standard revolving table (3-1/2 feet

in diameter), with scale mounted over the center, and with a "Mitchell

Tray" for holding one cup independent of the table-top movement. There

are two cuspidors, a double kettle outfit, a 6-cylinder sample roaster

and a motor-driven sample grinder; also a set of sample separator sieves

in the overhead rack, a bag sampler (lying on the lower shelf of the

counter), and some coffee crushers (one on the end of the counter and

one on the revolving table)]

COMPLETE REFERENCE TABLE

OF

THE PRINCIPAL KINDS OF COFFEE GROWN IN THE WORLD

_Together with Their Trade Values and Cup Characteristics_

_t_, indicates town or trading center; _m n_, market name; _d_, district

or state.

---------------+------------+---------------+--------------|---------------

| | |State, or |Trade Values

Grand Division | Country |Shipping Ports |District, | and Cup

| | |Market Names |Characteristics

| | | Gradings |

---------------+------------+---------------+--------------+---------------

North America |Mexico |Vera Cruz |Mexicans |_In general_:

| |on Gulf of Mex.| |Mexicans are

| | | |mild or mellow.

| | | |The green beans

| | | |are greenish to

| | | |yellow (when

| | | |aged) and of

| | | |large size. The

| | | |washed coffees

| | | |make a handsome

| | | |roast, showing

| | | |pronounced white

| | | |central stripe.

| | | |In the cup they

| | | |have a full rich

| | | |body, fine

| | | |acidity, and a

| | | |wonderful

| | | |_bouquet_.

| | | |

| | |Vera Cruz, d |Acid, of

| | |Coatepec, m n |excellent heavy

| | |(pro., |and rich

| | | co-at-e-pec) |flavor;fine for

| | | |blending.

| | | |

| | |Huatusco, t |Fine appearing

| | |(pro., |washed coffee;

| | | wha-toos-co) |next to

| | | |Coatepec for

| | | |acid and

| | | |blending

| | | |qualities.

| | | |

| | |Orizaba, t |Regarded as

| | | |next to

| | | |Huatusco;

| | | |good cup

| | | |quality.

| | | |

| | |Jalapa, t |Stylish

| | |(pro., |roaster;

| | | ha-lap-a) |frequently

| | | |light body.

| | | |

| | |Cordoba, t |Neutral, smooth

| | | |in flavor,

| | | |without acid

| | | |tang; good

| | | |body.

| | | |

| |Puerto Mexico |Tabasco, d & |Of uncertain

| |on Gulf of Mex.| m n |character; many

| | |Coatzacoalcos,|of them Rioy,

| | | t & m n |flat, and

| | | |groundy.

| | | |Unsatisfactory

| | | |in the cup.

| | | |

| |Salina Cruz |Chiapas, d |Resembles

| | on Pacific | Soconusco, t,|Guatemala

| | | m n |

| |Coatzacoalcos | or |coffees;

| |(Puerto Mexico)| Tapachula, |smooth in

| |on Gulf of Mex.| t, m n |character,

| | | |and without

| | | |decided tang.

| | | |

| | |Oaxaca, d, m n|Small bean;

| | | & t (pr., |excellent

| | | wah-hock-ah)|quality, sharply

| | | Sierra Oaxaca|acid, fine

| | | (common - |flavor, but not

| | | unwashed) |stylish in

| | | Pluma Oaxaca |appearance.

| | | (hidalgo- |The Pluma is a

| | | washed) |very fancy bean

| | | |coffee, also

| | | |acid and fine

| | | |for blending.

| | | |

| |Acapulco |Guerrero, d |Inferior in

| | on Pacific | Sierra, m n |quality; low

| | | |growth and

| | | |woody.

| | | |

| |Manzanillo |Michoacan, d |A superior

| | on Pacific | Unrapan, t |coffee, but not

| | | |produced in

| | | |commercial

| | | |quantity.

| | | |

| | Do. |Colima, d, m n|Very like

| | | & t |Uruapan.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

---------------+------------+---------------+--------------|---------------

| | |State, or |Trade Values

Grand Division | Country |Shipping Ports |District, | and Cup

| | |Market Names |Characteristics

| | | Gradings |

---------------+------------+---------------+--------------+---------------

North America |Mexico |Vera Cruz |Puebla, d |Low-grade

(Cont'd) | (Cont'd) | |Sierra, m n |mountain coffee.

| | | |

| |Tampico |Tamaulipas, d |An inferior

| | | Tampico, m n |grade.

| | | & t |

| | | |

| | | Tepic |So called

| | | |"Mexican Mocha."

| | | |Raised for local

| | | |consumption. Not

| | | |a commercial

| | | |factor.

| | |-------------------------------

| | | Classes for all Mexicans

| | |1. Commons (customary or

| | | natural).

| | |2. Washed (W.I.P.)

| | |3. Caracolillo (peaberry.)

---------------+------------+---------------+-------------------------------

Central America|Guatemala |Puerto Barrios |Guatemala |_In general_:

| | and Livingston| |Guatemalas are

| | on Caribbean | |mild or mellow

| | | |and mostly

| | | |washed.

| | | |The green beans

| | | |are greenish to

| | | |yellow (when

| | | |aged), and of

| | | |large size. The

| | | |mountain-grown

| | | |coffees make a

| | | |handsome roast,

| | | |are of full

| | | |heavy body and

| | | |excellent cup

| | | |quality. The

| | | |lower-altitude

| | | |coffees are light

| | | |in cup, but

| | | |flavory.

| | | |

| |Ocos, |Cobán, t & m n|Waxy, bluish

| |Champerico, and| |bean; handsome

| |San José | |uniform roast

| | on Pacific | |with white

| | | |center. Heavy

| | | |body, fine

| | | |acidity.

| |Belize |Alta Verapaz, |Gray-blue bean;

| | (Br. Honduras)| d |fine mellow

| | | Sehenaju, t |flavor. See

| | | |Belize.

| | |Antigua, d |Medium flinty

| | |Costa Cuca, d |bean; lighter in

| | |Costa Grande, d|body; flavory,

| | |Barberena, d |acid.

| | |Tumbador, d | _Classes for_

| | |Costa de Cucho|_All Guatemalas_

| | |Chicacao |Most Guatemalas

| | | Xolhuitz, d |are washed and

| | |Pochuta |may be

| | | Malacatan, d|classified as

| | |San Marcos, d |follows:

| | |Chuva, d |1. Small flinty

| | |Escuintla, d |bean, extremely

| | |San Vincente, d|acid and flavory,

| | |Pacaya, d |produced in the

| | |Moran, d |highest altitudes

| | |Amatitlan, d |of the Antigua,

| | |Palmar, d |Moran, and

| | |Motagua, d |Amatitlan

| | | |districts.

| | | |2. Waxy, bluish

| | | |bean, flinty,

| | | |but large roast;

| | | |heavy body with

| | | |fine acidity.

| | | |Produced in the

| | | |mountainous

| | | |regions of the

| | | |Cobán, Costa

| | | |Cuca, Tumbador,

| | | |and Chuva

| | | |districts.

| | |3. Waxy, bluish bean, handsome

| | |uniform roast, heavy-bodied but

| | |non-acid coffees produced in

| | |almost every district of the

| | |republic at an altiture of from

| | |2,000 to 3,000 feet.

| | |

| | |4. Stylish, green bean,

| | |handsome large uniform roast,

| | |very white center, mild cupping

| | |coffees produced practically

| | |everywhere in the republic at

| | |an altitude of from 1,500 to

| | |2,500 feet.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------

---------------+------------+---------------+--------------|---------------

| | | State, or |Trade Values

Grand Division | Country |Shipping Ports |District, | and Cup

| | |Market Names |Characteristics

| | | Gradings |

---------------+------------+---------------+--------------+---------------

Central America|Guatemala | |5. The lower altitudes of the

(Cont'd) | (Cont'd) | |various districts produce either

| | |medium bean, neutral cupping,

| | |colory coffees, or the Bourbon

| | |type of small bean, greenish

| | |coffee.

| | |------------------------------

|British |Belize |Belize, m n |A Cobán coffee

| Honduras | | |from the

| | | |Honduras Alta

| | | |Verapaz district

| | | |in Guatemala.

| | | |

| |Trujillo and |Honduras |_In general_:

| |Puerto Cortés | Santa Barbara|Honduras coffees

| | on Caribbean | d |are small,

| | | Copan, d |rounded, and

| | | Cortez d |bluish-green.

| |Amapala | La Paz, d |They are of a

| | on Pacific | Choluteca, d |hard flinty

| | | El Paraiso, d|character; make a

| | | |fair roast and

| | | |are neutral in

| | | |flavor. While the

| | | |upland grades are

| | | |of good quality,

| | | |the run of the

| | | |country's

| | | |production

| | | |seldom brings as

| | | |high a price as

| | | |Santos of equal

| | | |grade.

| | | |

|Salvador |Acajutla |Salvador |_In general_:

| |La Union | Usulutan, d |Salvador's

| | La Libertad | La Libertad, |coffees are

| | | d |mostly inferior

| | | Santa Ana, d |in quality to

| | | Santa Tecla, |those of

| | | d |Guatemala. The

| | | La Paz, d |bulk of the crop

| | | Ahuachapan, d|is natural

| | | Juayua, d |unwashed. Green

| | | Santiago de |beans are smooth

| | | Maria, d |and handsome and

| | | Sonsonate, d |make a cinnamon

| | | San Miguel, d|roast. Flavor is

| | | San Salvador,|neutral. Useful

| | | d |as a filler. The

| | | San Vincente,|washed coffee is

| | | d |a fancy roaster,

| | | Cuscatlan, d |with a very thin

| | | Morazan, d |cup.

| | | Cabanas, d |

| | | Chalatenango,|Classes and

| | | d |Gradings for All

| | | La Union, d |Salvadors: Washed

| | | |1. Flinty, colory,

| | | |greenish to bluish

| | | |bean, fine white

| | | |centered roasters,

| | | |extremely stylish

| | | |coffees with

| | | |full-bodied cup

| | |--------------|merit.

| | |2. Grayish green to bluish green

| | |neutral-cupping coffees.

| | |

| | | _Unwashed_

| | |

| | |1. Screened, large bean, fine

| | |roaster.

| | |

| | |2. Average run, unscreened,

| | |so-called Current Unwashed. All

| | |unwashed coffees vary greatly

| | |in cup merit, much the same as

| | |with Santos coffees.

| | |--------------+----------------

|Nicaragua |Corinto |Nicaragua |_In general_: The

| | on Pacific | |washed coffees of

| | | |Nicaragua have

| | | |merit, and are

| | | |fine roasters; but

| | | |the naturals,

| | | |comprising the

| | | |bulk of the crop,

| | | |are of ordinary

| | | |quality.

| | | |

| |San Juan del |Matagalpa, d |Large, handsome,

| |Norte | |blue, washed bean

| | (Greytown) | |making fancy

| | on Caribbean | |roast with plenty

| | | |of acid in the

| | | |cup.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

---------------+------------+---------------+--------------|---------------

| | |State, or |Trade Values

Grand Division | Country |Shipping Ports |District, | and Cup

| | |Market Names |Characteristics

| | | Gradings |

---------------+------------+---------------+--------------+---------------

Central America|Nicaragua | |Jinotega, d |

(Cont'd) | (Cont'd) | |Los Pueblos, d|

| | |Los Altos, d |

| | +--------------+

| | | _Classes for All Nicaraguas_:

| | |

| | |1. Large, handsome, pale

| | |greenish to blue, washed coffee

| | |of the Matagalpa district,

| | |often showing fancy roast and

| | |acidly full-bodied cup.

| | |

| | |2. Washed coffees of the lower

| | |regions; small in size, but

| | |greenish, colory, fine roasters

| | |and neutral cupping.

| | |

| | |3. Unwashed coffee (bulk of the

| | |output) the merit of which

| | |depends entirely on the

| | |respective crop. Often a large

| | |proportion of the crop is mild

| | |cupping and as desirable as any

| | |other unwashed coffee; while

| | |another crop may produce a large

| | |quantity of Rio-flavored coffees.

| | +-------------------------------

|Costa Rica |Puerto Limon |Costa Rica |_In general_: The

| | on Caribbean | Cartago, d |high-altitude

| |Punta Arenas | San José d |coffees of Costa

| | on Pacific | Alajuela, d |Rica are

| | | Grecia, d |blue-greenish,

| | | Tres Rios, d |large, rich in

| | | Heredia, d |body, of fine,

| | | |mild flavor,

| | | |sharply acid,

| | | |and superior for

| | | |blending

| | | |purposes. These

| | | |coffees are famous

| | | |for their fine

| | | |preparation and

| | | |careful

| | | |screening. The

| | | |lower regions

| | | |produce coffees

| | | |of more

| | | |neutral-cupping

| | | |qualities.

|Panama |Panama City |Panama |_In general_: The

| | | Chiriqui, d |green bean is of

| | | Boquete, m n |average size,

| | | |greenish in

| | | |color. In the

| | | |cup it has a

| | | |heavy body and a

| | | |strong flavor.

| | | |Grown chiefly for

| | | |domestic

| | | |consumption. Not

| | | |a commercial

| | | |factor.

---------------+------------+---------------+--------------+----------------

West Indies |Cuba |Havana |Cuba |_In general_:

(Greater | |Santiago | Oriente, d |Cuban coffee is

Antilles) | | | Guatanamo, t |of good quality.

| | | Santa Clara, |The bean is of

| | | d |medium size,

| | | Pinar del Rio|light green, and

| | | d |makes a uniform

| | | Vuelta Abaja|roast. The flavor

| | | m n |resembles the fine

| | | |washed coffees of

| | | |Santo Domingo. Not

| | | |commercially

| | | |important.

| | | |

|Haiti |Port au Prince |Haiti |_In general_: The

| |Cap Haitien | St. Marc, d |Haitian washed

| | | Gonaive, d |coffee is a blue

| | | Cap Haitien, |bean and makes an

| | | d |attractive roast.

| | | Jacmel, d |It has a rich,

| | | Les Cayes, d |fairly acid,

| | | Jeremie, d |mildly-sweet

| | | |flavor; of average

| | | |quality. The

| | | |naturals are used

| | | |extensively for

| | | |French roasts.

---------------+------------+---------------+--------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

West Indies |Santo |Santo Domingo |Santo Domingo |_In general_: Santo

(Greater | Domingo |Porto Plata | Cape, m n | Domingo coffee is

Antilles) | | | Mocha, d | a large, flat,

(Cont'd) | | | Santiago, d | pointed,

| | | Porto Plata, d | greenish-yellow

| | | Bani, d | bean. The

| | | Barahona, d | high-grown washed

| | | | is of good body and

| | | | fair flavor. The

| | | | low grade is

| | | | strong, approaching

| | | | Rio in flavor. The

| | | | natural coffees are

| | | | used extensively

| | | | for French roasts.

| | | |

|Jamaica |Kingston |Jamaica |_In general_:

| (British) | | Classes: | Jamaica coffee is

| | | Blue Mountain | bluish-green when

| | | (high-grown) | washed, and green

| | | Settlers' | to yellow when

| | | (ordinary, or | patio-dried. The

| | | plain-grown) | washed high-grown

| | | | makes a fancy

| | | | roast, and is rich,

| | | | full and mellow in

| | | | the cup. The

| | | | ordinary

| | | | plain-grown makes

| | | | a bright roast,

| | | | and has a fairly

| | | | good cup quality.

| | | | The naturals are

| | | | used extensively

| | | | for French roasts.

| | | |

|Porto Rico |San Juan |Porto Rico |_In general_: Porto

| (U.S.) |Ponce | Sierra | Rico coffee

| |Mayaguez | Luquillo, | is a large,

| |Arecibo | m n | handsome, washed

| |Aguadilla | Yauco, d, t | bean, light

| | | & m n | gray-blue to dark

| | | Ciales, d & t | greenish blue in

| | | Cayey, d & t | color, and makes

| | | Utuado, d & t | a fancy roast

| | | | without quakers.

| | | Lares, d & t | Strong or heavy

| | | Moca, d & t | body; peculiar

| | | Adjuntas, d & | flavor similar

| | | t | to a washed

| | | Las Larias, d | Caracas, but

| | | & t | smoother.

| | | Maricao, d & |

| | | t |

| | | San Sebastian | _Classes for All

| | | d | Porto Ricos_

| | | Mayaguez, d & |

| | | t |Caracolillo, a round

| | | Ponce, d & t | bean peaberry;

| | | | Primero, a superior

| | | | grade of good size

| | | | and color, usually

| | | | hand-picked;

| | | | Segundo, second

| | | | grade, inferior to

| | | | Primero in size and

| | | | color; Trillo,

| | | | lowest grade, sold

| | | | locally.

| | | |

(Lesser |British West| | |

Antilles) | Indies | | |

|Antigua |Saint John |Antigua |_In general_: While

|Dominica |Portsmouth |Dominica | the quantity grown

| | | (Soufrière) | is small, the

|Barbados |Bridgetown |Barbados | coffee is of good

|Trinidad |Port of Spain |Trinidad | quality, and

|Tobago |Scarborough |Tobago | includes ten

| | | | different

| | | | varieties. That

| | | | grown in Barbados

| | | | is similar to that

| | | | of Martinique, but

| | | | a larger bean. This

| | | | group is not an

| | | | important

| | | | commercial factor.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

West Indies |Guadeloupe |Pointe-à-Pitre|Guadeloupe |_In general_: The

(Lesser | (French) | |Classes: | Guadeloupe coffee

Antilles) | | | 1. Bonifieur, | bean is glossy,

(Cont'd) | | | or Café Lustre | hard, long, and

| | | (glossy) | has an even green

| | | 2. Habitant, | color, somewhat

| | | or Café plus | grayish. It is of

| | | Pellicule | excellent quality.

| | | (with | The Saints Bean is

| | | pellicles) | superior. The

| | | | Ordinary is a

| | | | smaller, rounder,

| | | | curved bean.

| | | | Guadeloupe coffees

| | | | are mostly sold as

| | | | Martinique.

| | | |

|Martinique |Fort-de-France|Martinique |_In general_: The

| (French) | | Grades: | Martinique bean is

| | | Fine Green | green, long,

| | | Common Green | somewhat thick, and

| | | Good Commercial| is usually shipped

| | | Common " | in the silver skin.

| | | Picked " | It is of fine

| | | Common | quality, but

| | | | commercially

| | | | unimportant.

| | | | Guadeloupe coffees

| | | | are not

| | | | infrequently sold

| | | | as Martinique.

| | | |

|Curaçao |Willemstad |Curaçao |_In general_: The

| (Dutch) | | | Curaçao coffee bean

| | | | is small, of light

| | | | color and flavor.

| | | | It makes a bright

| | | | cinnamon roast;

| | | | useful as a filler.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

South America|Colombia |Puerto |Colombians, m |_In general_: The

| | Colombia | n | Colombian coffee

| | (Savanilla) | | bean is greenish,

| |Barranquilla | | yellow, and brown,

| |Cartagena | | depending on age,

| |Santa Marta | | and is rich and

| | on Atlantic | | mild in the cup.

| | | | The fancy grades

| |Buenaventura | | compare favorably

| |Tumaco | | with the world's

| | on the | | best growths. They

| | Pacific | | produce one-quarter

| | | | more liquor of

| | | | given strength than

| | | | Santos coffees, and

| | | | possess much finer

| | | | flavor and aroma.

| | | |

| | |Antioquia, d |Light to dark green;

| | | Medellin, t | handsome roasters;

| | | & m n | not as smooth as

| | | | some Central

| | | | American types, but

| | | | best of Colombians;

| | | | fine flavor and

| | | | body.

| | | |

| | |Caldas, d |Similar to Medellins

| | | Manizales, | in cup quality, but

| | | t & m n | not as heavy-bodied

| | | | or as acid.

| | | |

| | | Jerico |A favorably regarded

| | | | Colombian.

| | | |

| | |Magdalena, d |Full, solid, blue,

| | | Santa Marta, | washed bean, making

| | | t & m n | a fancy roast, but

| | | | too acid to be

| | | | used straight.

| | | |

| | |Cundinamarca, |The green bean is

| | | d | blue-green to fancy

| | | Bogota, t & | yellow and Java

| | | m n | brown, depending on

| | | | age; long, with a

| | | | sharp turn in one

| | | | end of the center

| | | | stripe. It makes

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

South America|Colombia | | | a smooth roast. The

(Cont'd) | (Cont'd). | | | fancy has a rich,

| | | | mellow flavor.

| | | Cauca, t & | Sometimes sold as

| | | m n | imitation Bogota or

| | | | Bucaramanga; but

| | | | inferior in

| | | | appearance, roast,

| | | | and drink.

| | | |

| | | Santander, d |Large bean, spongy

| | | Bucaramanga | and open, making a

| | | t & m n | dull Java-style

| | | | roast. The naturals

| | | | lack acidity and

| | | | flavor; but have a

| | | | heavy body. The

| | | | fancies are almost

| | | | the equals of fine

| | | | Javas and Sumatras.

| | | |

| | | Cucuta, t & |Attractive in style

| | | m n | and cup.

| | | | (See Venezuela.)

| | | |

| | | Ocana, t |Sometimes sold as an

| | | Savanilla, | imitation Bogota or

| | | m n | Bucaramanga; but

| | | | inferior in

| | | | appearance and cup.

| | | |

| | | Tolima, d |Fair size bean,

| | | Ibague, t | attractive in

| | | Honda, t | style and cup.

| | | |

| | | _Classes for All Colombians_:

| | | Café Trillado (natural or sun dried),

| | | Café Lavado (washed).

| | |

| | | _Gradings for All Colombians_:

| | | Excelso (excellent), fantasia

| | | (excelso and extra), extra (extra),

| | | primera (first), segunda (second),

| | | caracol (peaberry), monstruo (large

| | | and deformed), consumo (defective),

| | | pasilla (siftings).

| | |-----------------+-----------------

|Venezuela |La Guaira |Venezuela |_In general_: The

| |Puerto Cabello| | coffee of Venezuela

| |Maracaibo | | is greenish-yellow

| | | | to yellow; large

| | | | bean, ranging next

| | | | to Santos in

| | | | quality and price.

| | | | It is mild or

| | | | mellow in the cup.

| | | | The unwashed, or

| | | | _trillado_,

| | | | comprises the bulk

| | | | of the crop.

| | | |

| | | Caracas, d |Short, bluish bean,

| | | | uniform in color,

| | | | and making a light

| | | | cinnamon roast, but

| | | | containing quakers.

| | | | The natural has a

| | | | fair cup quality.

| | | | The washed gives

| | | | the best results in

| | | | roast and cup.

| | | |

| | | Puerto |The washed is a

| | | Cabello, d | handsome bean, but

| | | | inferior in flavor

| | | | to Caracas. The

| | | | unwashed is flinty;

| | | | fair roast, no

| | | | special merit

| | | | in cup.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

South America|Venezuela | |Cumana, d |Valued just below

(Cont'd) | (Cont'd) | | | Caracas.

| | | |

| | |Coro, d |Valued a trifle

| | | | below Rio of the

| | | | same grade.

| | | |

| | |Trujillo, d & |A low grade, making

| | | m n | a dull rough roast.

| | | |

| | | Santa Ana |Light in color and

| | | | body.

| | | |

| | | Monte Carmelo |Light in color and

| | | | body.

| | | |

| | | Bocono |Light in color and

| | | | body; neutral

| | | | flavor. Two

| | | | classes.

| | | |

| | |Merida, d & |The best of the

| | | m n | Maracaibos. The

| | | | washed makes a good

| | | | roast, and has a

| | | | peculiar delicate

| | | | flavor much prized

| | | | by experts. It

| | | | ranks among the

| | | | world's best.

| | | |

| | | Tovar, m n |Ranks between

| | | | Trujillos and

| | | | Tachiras. Fair to

| | | | good body; without

| | | | acidity. Used as

| | | | filler in blends.

| | | |

| | | Tachira, m |Formerly sold as

| | | n | Cucuta, (San

| | | | Cristobal) to which

| | | | it is nearest

| | | | in quality,

| | | | appearance, and

| | | | flavor.

| | | |

| | | Cucuta, t & |Grown in Colombia.

| | | m n | Resembles Java bean

| | | Salazar, m | in form and roast.

| | | n | The natural makes

| | | | a full roast. The

| | | | washed is a

| | | | stylish, large

| | | | bean, a beautiful

| | | | roaster, splitting

| | | | open with irregular

| | | | white center;

| | | | sharply acid in the

| | | | cup.

| | | |

| | | Angostura |A small bean, light

| | | | in color and body,

| | | | without much weight

| | | | or character.

| | | |

| | | Carupano |A low grade valued

| | | | at about the same

| | | | as a Brazil coffee

| | | | of similar grade.

| | | |

|British |Georgetown |Demerara, m |_In general_: Not a

| Guiana | | n | commercial factor.

| | | |

|Dutch Guiana|Paramaribo |Surinam, m |_In general_: The

| (Surinam) | | n | production is

| | | | limited and

| | | | commercially

| | | | unimportant.

| | | |

|French |Cayenne |Cayenne, m |_In general_:

| Guiana | | n | Similar to

| (Cayenne) | | | Martinique. The

| | | | production is

| | | | limited and

| | | | commercially

| | | | unimportant.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

South |Brazil | |Brazils, m n |_In general_: The

American | | | | coffees of Brazil,

(Cont'd) | | | | which are generally

| | | | known in the trade

| | | | as "Brazils" (to

| | | | distinguish them

| | | | from "Milds," the

| | | | higher grades),

| | | | are the "price"

| | | | coffees of the

| | | | world. Brazil

| | | | produces about 70%

| | | | of the world's

| | | | supply.

| | | |

| |Santos |São Paulo, d |The largest coffee

| | | | district, producing

| | | | between 50% and 60%

| | | | of the world's

| | | | supply.

| | | |

| | |Classes: |

| | | Bourbon, |Small bean,

| | | Santos m n | resembling Mocha,

| | | | but making a

| | | | handsomer roast

| | | | with fewer quakers.

| | | | In color it varies

| | | | from dark to light

| | | | green, and from

| | | | yellow to a pale

| | | | straw, often with

| | | | a red center. True

| | | | Bourbons are first

| | | | crop beans. In the

| | | | cup they are smooth

| | | | and palatable

| | | | without tang.

| | | |

| | | Flat Bean |Smooth surface,

| | | Santos m n | small to large,

| | | | pale green and

| | | | greenish-yellow to

| | | | pale yellow. It is

| | | | a sixth year crop

| | | | of Bourbon Santos.

| | | | Good full smooth

| | | | body. Used straight

| | | | and in combination

| | | | with all milds.

| | | |

| | | Mocha-Seed |A grade of Bourbon

| | | Santos m n | designed as a

| | | | substitute for true

| | | | Mocha on the

| | | | European markets.

| | | |

| | | Campinas, d |The oldest coffee

| | | & t | district in São

| | | | Paulo. There are

| | | | 136 others.

| | |

| | | _Gradings for All São Paulo_:

| | | 1--Fine 4--Regular

| | | 2--Superior 5--Ordinary

| | | 3--Good 6--Escalba

| | +-----------------+-----------------

| |Rio de |Minãs Geraes |Various shades of

| | Janeriro | Rio, m n | green, medium to

| | | | large. Peculiar

| | | | pungent flavor and

| | | | aroma.

| | |

| | | _Gradings for All Rios_:

| | | (N.Y. Coffee Exchange)

| | | 1--No imperfections

| | | 2--6 imperfections

| | | 3--13 imperfections

| | | 4--20 imperfections

| | | 5--60 imperfections

| | | 6--110 imperfections

| | | 7--About 200 imperfections

| | | 8--About 400 imperfections

| | |

| | | (On Havre Exchange)

| | | Washed--Inferior and ordinary

| | | Unwashed--Superior, 1st good, 1st

| | | regular, 1st ordinary, 2nd good,

| | | 2nd ordinary.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

South America|Brazil |Victoria |Espirito Santo |Large, dingy-green

(Cont'd) | (Cont'd) | | d | or brown bean

| | | Victoria, t | making a roast free

| | | Capitania, m | from quakers but

| | | n | but muddy in the

| | | | cup.

| | | |

| |Bahia |Bahia, d, t, & |Low grade, having a

| | | m n | peculiar smoky

| | | | flavor.

| | | |

| | | Chapada, t & | Light-colored,

| | | m n | fair-sized bean;

| | | | attractive roast,

| | | | but no cup

| | | | character.

| | | |

| | | Caravellas, t |Similar to Chapada.

| | | & m n |

| | | |

| | | Nazareth, t & |Small bean, fair

| | | m n | roast, undesirable

| | | | cup.

| | | |

| | | Maragogipe, |A variety of

| | | t & m n | _Coffea arabica_;

| | | | large bean,

| | | | elephantine roast,

| | | | woody in the cup.

| | | |

| |Ceará | Ceará, t |Small, flinty, green

| | | Cuaruaru, m | bean; value like

| | | n | Santos of the same

| | | | grade.

| | | |

|Ecuador |Guayaquil |Ecuador |_In general_: The

| | | | Ecuador coffee bean

| | | | is small, pea-green

| | | | in color, and not

| | | | high grade. It

| | | | resembles Ceará,

| | | | and when old makes

| | | | a bright roast. It

| | | | is poor in cup

| | | | quality and useful

| | | | only as a filler.

| | | | Not an important

| | | | commercial factor.

| | | |

|Peru |Callao |Peru |_In general_: The

| |Mollendo | Choquisongo, d | green coffee bean

| | | Cajamarca, d | of Peru ranges from

| | | Perene, d | medium to bold in

| | | Paucartambo, d | size, and from

| | | Chauchamayo, d | bluish to yellow in

| | | Huanuaco, d | color. The highland

| | | Pacasmayo, d | variety has been

| | | | compared with the

| | | | high-grade

| | | | Mexicans, but the

| | | | lowland growths are

| | | | not favorably

| | | | regarded.

| | | | Unimportant

| | | | commercially.

| | | |

|Bolivia | |Bolivia |_In general_:

| | | La Paz, d | Bolivia's coffee,

| | | Apolobamba, | though of superior

| | | t | quality and

| | | Yungas, m | sometimes compared

| | | n | favorably with

| | | Cochabamba, d | Arabian growths, is

| | | Santa Cruz, d | an unimportant

| | | Sara | factor in

| | | Velasco | international

| | | Chiquitos | coffee trading.

| | | Cordillera |

| | | El Beni, d |

| | | Chuquisca, d |

| | | |

|Argentina | |Argentina |_In general_:

| | | Salta, d | Argentina's coffee

| | | Jujuy, d | is grown chiefly

| | | | for home

| | | | consumption.

| | | | Unimportant

| | | | commercially.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

South America|Paraguay | |Paraguay |_In general_:

(Cont'd) | | | Altos, d | Paraguay's coffee

| | | Asuncion, d | is all marketed in

| | | | Asuncion, where it

| | | | is sold as

| | | | Brazilian coffee.

| | | | It is commercially

| | | | important.

| | | |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Asia |Arabia |Aden |Mocha |_In general_:

| |Hodeida | | Arabian, or Mocha,

| |Maidi | | beans are very

| |Leheya | | small, hard, round

| | | | irregular in form

| | | | and size; in color,

| | | | olive green shading

| | | | off to pale yellow.

| | | | The roast is poor

| | | | and irregular. In

| | | | the cup they have

| | | | a unique acid

| | | | character, heavy

| | | | body; in flavor,

| | | | smooth and

| | | | delicious.

| | |Yemen |

| | | Marttari, d |From the Beni-Mattar

| | | (Mohtari) | country; the best;

| | | | a yellow-green

| | | | translucent bean.

| | | |

| | | Yaffey, d |From the Yaffey

| | | | country near Taiz;

| | | | second best.

| | | |

| | | Sharki, d |A long light yellow

| | | (Shergi) | bean, from the

| | | | east, "Esh Shark" a

| | | | superior Mocha with

| | | | a rich full body.

| | | |

| | | |

| | | Sanani, d |From the Sanaa

| | | | region; a green

| | | | bean. A grade lower

| | | | than Sharki.

| | | |

| | | Haimi-Harazi, |A quality green bean

| | | d | from a mountain

| | | (Hemi or | near Mattari.

| | | Heimah) |

| | | |

| | | Anezi, d |From the El Anz

| | | (Anisi) | country. Pale

| | | | yellow and very

| | | | hard.

| | | |

| | | Sharsh, d |Superior qualities

| | | Menakha, d | of the above due

| | | Hifash, d | to different

| | | | methods of curing.

| | | |

| | | Remi, d |A poorer grade,

| | | (Reimah) | reddish bean, from

| | | | Djebel Remi.

| | | |

| | | Bourai, d |A poorer grade from

| | | (Bura) | Djebel Boura.

| | | |

| | | Shami, d |A poorer grade from

| | | | from the north; Esh

| | | | Sham.

| | | |

| | | Yemeni, d |A poorer grade from

| | | (Taizi) | the south; El

| | | | Yemen.

| | | |

| | | Maidi, d |A poorer grade from

| | | | the port of Maidi.

| | | |

| | |Abyssinia |Formerly known as

| | | (Africa) | Longberry Mocha,

| | | | but still shipped

| | | | through Aden _via_

| | | | Jibuti. See

| | | | Africa--Abyssinia.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Asia |Arabia | |_Gradings for All Mochas_: Mocha

(Cont'd) | (Cont'd) | | Extra--For all extra qualities as

| | | Yaffey, Anezi, Matari, Sharki. Mocha

| | | No. 1--For Anezi, Matari, Sharki;

| | | only perfect berries. No. 1A, same as

| | | No. 1, but with some dust. Mocha No.

| | | 2--Some broken and quakers. Mocha No.

| | | 3--Broken, quakers and dust.

| | | Magrache--Triage or screenings.

| | |-----------------+-----------------

|India |Madras | Indias, m n |_In general_: The

| |Calicut | | Indian coffee bean

| |Mangalore | | is small to large

| |Tellicherry | | and blue-green in

| |Tuticorin | | color. In the cup

| |Bombay | | it has a

| | | | distinctive strong

| | | | flavor and deep

| | | | color.

| | | |

| | | Mysore, d |Mountain-grown,

| | | Mysore, t | large, blue-green

| | | | bean, heavy body.

| | | |

| | | Madras, d |Small bean, solid

| | | Malabar, m | and meaty; handsome

| | | n (Wynaad) | roast, peculiar

| | | | rich flavor.

| | | |

| | | Nilgiri, d |Small to large bean

| | | Nilgiris, m | with slight acidity

| | | n | in the cup;

| | | | plantation Ceylon

| | | | character.

| | | |

| | | Madura, d |No marked

| | | (Palni Hills) | characteristics.

| | | |

| | | Salem, d |Same as Nilgiris.

| | | (Shevaroys) |

| | | |

| | | Coimbatore, d |Same as Nilgiris.

| | | |

| | | Tellicherry, |A good grade

| | | d | resembling Malabar;

| | | | somewhat similar

| | | | Nilgiris.

| | | |

| | | Coorg (or |A large, flat, dark

| | | Kurg), d | green bean, thin in

| | | | the cup; a lowland

| | | | variety.

| | | |

| | | Travancore, d |Similar to

| | | | Nilgiris.

| | | |

| | | Cochin, d |A native cherry.

| | | Cochin, m |

| | | n |

| | | |

| | | Bombay, d |Commercially

| | | Kanara | unimportant.

| | | |

| | | Bengal, d |Commercially

| | | Chittagong | unimportant.

| | | |

| | | Assam |Commercially

| | | | unimportant.

| | | |

| | | South Sylhet |Commercially

| | | | unimportant.

| | | |

|Burma |Rangoon |Burma |Large spongy bean;

| | | Tavoy, d | grassy cup. Not a

| | | | commercial factor.

| | | |

| | | _Classes for All Indias_:

| | | 1--Native cherry (sun dried and

| | | then hulled)

| | | 2--Plantation (washed)

| | | Sizes: Nos. 1, 2 and 3; Peaberry

| | | and Triage

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Asia |Ceylon |Colombo |Ceylon |_In general_:

(Cont'd) | | | Gampola, d | Ceylon's coffees

| | | Dumbara, d | are no longer the

| | | Kotmale, d | commercial factor

| | | Pussellawa, d | they were before

| | | | the coffee blight

| | | | practically

| | | | destroyed the

| | | | industry. Those

| | | | left, however,

| | | | still retain much

| | | | of their original

| | | | character, the

| | | | hill-grown washed

| | | | being unique in

| | | | appearance and

| | | | flavor. In the old

| | | | days they were

| | | | classed as native,

| | | | or plain-grown,

| | | | plantation,

| | | | mountain, and

| | | | Liberian.

| | | |

|Malay States|Penang | Straits |_In general_: The

| (British) | (Georgetown) | Liberian, m | coffee from the

| |Singapore | n | Malay States is

| | | Straits | mostly Liberian

| | | Robusta, m | and Robusta and is

| | | n | not important

| | | | commercially,

| | | | although the

| | | | Robusta variety

| | | | promises to become

| | | | an important

| | | | factor.

| | | |

| | | Perak, d |Most important of

| | | | the Federated

| | | | States coffees.

| | | |

| | | Selangor, d |Native state coffee.

| | | |

| | | Negri- |Nine states

| | | Sembilan, d | Federation district

| | | | coffees.

| | | |

| | | Bali, d & m |From the island in

| | | n | Netherlands East

| | | | Indies (See p.

| | | | 374.)

| | | |

| | | Timor, d & |From the island in

| | | m n | Netherlands East

| | | | Indies (See p.

| | | | 374.)

| | | |

|French |Haiphong |Indo-China, m |_In general_: The

| Indo-China| | n | coffees of French

| | | Tonkin | Indo-China, while

| | | Annam | comparatively new,

| | | Cambodia | give promise; but

| | | Cochin-China | as yet are not

| | | | commercially

| | | | important. The

| | | | original arabica

| | | | plantings have been

| | | | succeeded by

| | | | liberica and

| | | | robusta growths.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Malay |Sunda | | East Indies, |_In general_:

Archipelago | Islands | | m n | Included in this

| | | | group are the

| | | | best-known coffees

| | | | from Sumatra, Java,

| | | | Timor, Celebes,

| | | | etc.

| | | |

|Netherlands | | |

| East Indies| | |

|Sumatra |Padang |Sumatra |_In general___:

| |Kroe (West | | Included among the

| | Coast) | | coffees of Sumatra

| |Batavia (Java)| | are several that

| | | | are conceded to be

| | | | the finest the

| | | | world produces. The

| | | | green beans are

| | | | large, uniform, and

| | | | vary in color from

| | | | pale straw to deep

| | | | mahogany. They have

| | | | a smooth, heavy

| | | | body, the

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Malay |Netherlands |Padang | | fancies possessing

Archipelago | East Indies|Kroe (West | | an almost syrupy

(Cont'd) |Sumatra | Coast) | | richness. They are

| (Cont'd) |Batavia (Java)| | graded as Private

| | | | Estate (washed or

| | | |dry hulled) and Blue

| | | | Bean (washed).

| | | |

| | |Padang, d & |The best coffee in

| | | t | the world"; also

| | | Mandheling, m | the highest priced.

| | | n | Formerly a

| | | | Government coffee.

| | | | Yellow to brown,

| | | | large-sized bean;

| | | | dully roast, but

| | | | free from quakers.

| | | | It is of heavy

| | | | body, exquisite

| | | | flavor and aroma.

| | | |

| | | Ankola, m n |Formerly a

| | | | Government coffee.

| | | | Large fat bean,

| | | | making a dull

| | | | roast. Second only

| | | | to Mandhelings; it

| | | | has a heavy body

| | | | and rich, musty

| | | | flavor.

| | | |

| | | Siboga, m n |A harder bean

| | | | Ankola; sometimes

| | | | called Private

| | | | Estate Ankola.

| | | |

| | | Ayer Bangies, |Formerly a

| | | m n | Government

| | | | coffee. Large

| | | | even bean, with

| | | | Mandheling and

| | | | Ankola; of a

| | | | delicate flavor

| | | | but not much

| | | | body.

| | | |

| | | Corinchie, m |Formerly a native

| | | n | cultivation. The

| | | | bean is large,

| | | | handsome, brown in

| | | | color. It makes an

| | | | attractive roast.

| | | | Good body, plenty

| | | | of bitter acid,

| | | | delicious flavor.

| | | |

| | | Interior, m |Formerly all

| | | n | Government coffee.

| | | | The true type of

| | | | Old Government

| | | | Java. Poor roast,

| | | | good cup.

| | | |

| | | Painan |Formerly a

| | | | Government coffee.

| | | | Mixed green and

| | | | brown beans; poor

| | | | roast. Heavy body,

| | | | pungent flavor.

| | | | Grades next to

| | | | Inferior.

| | | |

| | | Kroe, t & m |Formerly a native

| | | n | cultivated coffee.

| | | | Large even bean,

| | | | fine roast, heavy

| | | | body, somewhat

| | | | groundy flavor.

| | | |

| | | Lahat, t & |Former native

| | | m n | cultivation.

| | | | Smaller than Kroe;

| | | | good roaster, flat

| | | | cup.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Malay |Netherlands |Padang | Palembang, t |Former Private

Archipelago | East Indies|Kroe (West | & m n | Estates. Smaller

(Cont'd) |Sumatra | Coast) | | than the Padang

| (Cont'd) |Batavia (Java)| | bean; light color,

| | | | strong cup.

| | | |

| | | Indrapoera, |Former Private

| | | t & m n | Estates. An

| | | | inferior grade of

| | | | Sumatra.

| | | |

| | | Benkoelen, |Formerly a native

| | | t & m n | cultivation. Good

| | | | roast and cup.

| | | |

| | | Libaya, m n |Formerly a native

| | | | cultivation.

| | | |

| | | Boekit Gompong, |Formerly a Private

| | | m n | Estate. A perfect

| | | | coffee, of heavier

| | | | body than

| | | | Mandheling, good

| | | | roast; very

| | | | delicate flavor.

| | | |

| | | Kagoe Kaleh, |Formerly a Private

| | | m n | Estate.

| | | |

| | | Batang Baros, |Formerly a Private

| | | m n | Estate.

| | | |

| | | Telok Goenoeng, |Formerly a Private

| | | m n | Estate.

| | | |

| | | Aker Gedang, |Formerly a Private

| | | m n | Estate. Small bean,

| | | | good roast, fine

| | | | flavor.

| | | |

| | | Soerian, m |Formerly a Private

| | | n | Estate. Large bean,

| | | | fine roast, good

| | | | cup. Ranks next to

| | | | Boekit Gompong.

| | | |

| | | Liki, m n |Formerly a Private

| | | | Estate. Fine roast,

| | | | light cup. It ranks

| | | | next to Soerian.

| | | |

| | | Loebor Sampir, |Formerly a Private

| | | m n | Estate.

| | | |

| | | Soengei, m |Former Private

| | | n | Estate.

| | | Landei, m n |Former Private

| | | | Estate.

| | | Ramboetan, m |Former Private

| | | n | Estate.

| | | Gadoeng Batoe, |Former Private

| | | m n | Estate.

| | | |

| | | Merapi, m n |Formerly a Private

| | | | Estate. Large bean,

| | | | good roast, good

| | | | cup.

| | | |

| | | Si Barasap, m |Formerly a Private

| | | n | Estate.

| | | |

| | | Laboe Raya, m |Formerly a Private

| | | n | Estate. Large bean,

| | | | good roast, good

| | | | cup.

| | | |

| |Balawan-Deli |East Coast |These coffees are

| |Panai | Deli, d | comparatively new.

| | | Bintangmariah, | They partake of the

| | | d | qualities common to

| | | Oelakmedan, d | the general run of

| | | Panai, d | Sumatras without

| | | | distinguishing

| | | | characteristics.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Malay |Netherlands |Batavia |Java, m n |_In general_: Java

Archipelago | East Indies| | | coffees do not

(Cont'd) | (Cont'd) | | | compare with

|Java | | | Sumatras in

| | | | quality. They are

| | | | smaller in the

| | | | bean, with a grassy

| | | | flavor in the cup.

| | | | Blue to pale

| | | | yellow, short round

| | | | bean. The washed

| | | | makes a good smooth

| | | | roast, light in the

| | | | cup.

| | | |

| | | Preager, d |Best of the Java

| | | | growths.

| | | |

| | | Cheribon, d |Ranks next to

| | | | Preanger.

| | | |

| | | Kadoe, d |Small

| | | | yellowish-green

| | | | shelly bean; light

| | | | in cup.

| | | |

| | | Semarang, d |Ranks next to Kadoe

| | | | in roast and cup

| | | | quality.

| | | |

| | | Malang, d |Hard green bean;

| | | | better roaster than

| | | | the above, but

| | | | inferior in cup

| | | | quality.

| | | |

| | | Bantam, t & |Medium-sized

| | | m n | yellowish bean.

| | | |

| | | Buitenzorg, |One of the best of

| | | t & m n | the Javas.

| | | |

| | | Krawang, t & |Irregular bean; fair

| | | m n | roaster; fair cup.

| | | |

| | | Tegal, t & |One of the best of

| | | m n | the Java growths.

| | | |

| | | Banjoemas, t |Medium-sized bean;

| | | & m n | creamy and fragrant

| | | | in the cup.

| | | |

| | | Pekalongan, |With characteristics

| | | t & m n | like Pasuruan.

| | | |

| | | Baquilan, t |No marked

| | | & m n |characteristics.

| | | |

| | | Japara, t & |Bean light in weight

| | | m n | and color; cup

| | | | neutral.

| | | |

| | | Surakarta, t |Large bean, handsome

| | | & m n | roast, creamy body,

| | | | aromatic flavor in

| | | | the cup.

| | | |

| | | Jokjakarta, |Similar to

| | | t & m n | Surakarta.

| | | |

| | | Madiun, t & |Yellow bean, light

| | | m n | in weight and body,

| | | | but good cup.

| | | |

| | | Rembang, t & |Similar to Kadoe.

| | | m n |

| | | |

| | | Surabaya, t |Similar to Kadoe.

| | | & m n |

| | | |

| | | Kediri, t & |Small hard bean;

| | | m n | good drinker.

| | | |

| | | Pasurauan, t |Brown, uniform

| | | & m n | bean; fragrant in

| | | | cup.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Malay |Netherlands |Batavia | Probolingo, |Small hard bean:

Archipelago | East Indies| | t & m n | poor roast.

(Cont'd) |Java | | |

| (Cont'd) | | Bejreki, t |Bold yellow bean;

| | | & m n | full body and

| | | | flavor.

| | | |

| | | Banjoewangi, |Heavy bean; rich

| | | t & m n | flavor.

| | | |

| | | Pamanukin, t |A Liberian growth.

| | | & m n |

| | | |

| | | Robusta, m |Small,

| | | n |yellowish-green,

| | | |round bean; quality

| | | |approximately that

| | | |of middling Arabian,

| | | |ranking a little

| | | |under good average

| | | |Santos. Natural,

| | | |poor roast. Washed,

| | | |good roast. Fair

| | | |cup.

| | | |

|Bali (Dutch)|Singaraja | Bali, m n |Fair-size bean of

| | (Boeleleng) | | little merit.

| | | | Poor roast.

| | | |

|Timor |Kupang | Timor, m n |Medium bean of good

| (Dutch & | | | quality.

| Portuguese)| | |

| | | |

|Celebes | | Celebes, m |In general: With the

| (Dutch) | | n | exception of the

| | | | Minahassa product,

| | | | the coffees grown

| | | | in the Celebes have

| | | | little merit and

| | | | are of

| | | | inconsiderable

| | | | importance.

| | | |

| |Menado | Minahassa, |Large, deep-yellow

| | | m n | bean, making a

| | | | handsome roast, and

| | | | having an aromatic

| | | | cup.

| | | |

| |Macassar | Boengie, |Inferior in

| | | m n | appearance, but

| | | | fair roast and

| | | | cup quality.

| | | |

| |Bonthain | Bontbain, |Medium, flat,

| | | m n | reddish bean, poor

| | | | roast; undesirable

| | | | cup.

| | | |

| | | Sindjai, |Not commercially

| | | m n | important.

| | | |

|Moluccas |Ternate | Boengie, |Superior to the Java

| (Dutch) | | m n | _arabica_.

| | | |

|Borneo | | |

| British |Sandakan | Borneo, |_In general_: The

| North | | m n | coffees of Borneo

| Sarawak |Kuching | Borneo, m n | are mostly Liberian

| Dutch |Banjermasin | Borneo, m n | growths and are not

| | | | a trade factor.

| | | |

|New Guinea |Ternate | New Guinea, |_In general_: These

| (Dutch) | (Moluccas) | m n | coffees are of the

| |Dorey | | mild variety, but

| | | | the production is

| | | | commercially

| | | | unimportant.

| | | |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Melanesia |New |Noumea |New Caledonia |A fair Robusta

| Caledonia | | La Foa | coffee, but

| (France) | | | commercially

| | | | unimportant.

| | | |

|New Hebrides| | |

| (Great | | |

| Britain | | |

| and France)| | |

| | | |

|Efate |Vila |New Hebrides |A fair coffee, but

| | | | not a trade factor.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Micronesia |Samoan | | |

| Islands | | |

| Tutuila |Pago Pago |Samoa |Commercially

| | (U.S.) | | unimportant.

| | | |

|Fiji | | |

| (British) | | |

| Vita Levu |Suva |Fiji |Medium-sized green

| | | | bean; grassy cup.

| | | | Not a trade factor.

| | | |

|Tonga | | |

| (Friendly | | |

| Islands) | | |

| Tongatabu |Nukualofa |Tonga |For local

| | | | consumption only.

| | | |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Philippine |Luzon |Manila |Manila |_In general_:

Islands | | | La Laguna, d | Manila, or

(U.S.) | | | Batangas, d | Philippine, coffee

| | | Cavite, d | is not an important

| | | Benguet, d | trade factor. The

| | | Lepanto, d | bean is medium

| | | Bontoc, d | size, grayish-green

| | | | in color, having

| | | | fine aroma and

| | | | excellent flavor.

| | | | It compares

| | | | favorably with

| | | | Costa Rica and

| | | | Guatemala.

| | | |

|Panay |Iloilo |Panay |No marked

| | | | characteristics.

| | | |

|Cebu |Cebu |Cebu |No marked

| | | | characteristics.

| | | |

|Palawan |Puerto |Palawan |No marked

| | Princessa | | characteristics.

| | | |

|Mindanao |Zamboanga |Zamboanga |Large bean; thin

| | | | liquor.

| | | |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Marianas or |Guam (U.S.) |Apra |Guam |No production for

Ladrone | | | | export.

Islands | | | |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Oceania |Hawaiian |Honolulu |Hawaiian, |_In general_:

Polynesia | Islands | (Oahua) | m n | Hawaiian coffee is

| (U.S.) | Hilo | | a large bean,

| | Kailua | | blue-green to

| | | | yellow-brown in

| | | | color; handsome

| | | | roaster, fine

| | | | smooth flavor.

| | | |

| | | Kona, d |Large, blue, flinty

| | | | bean, mildly acid;

| | | | striking character.

| | | |

| | | Puna, d |Quality good but

| | | | quantity small.

| | | |

| | | Olaa, d |Quality good but

| | | | quantity small.

| | | |

| | | Hamakua, d |Quality good but

| | | | quantity small.

| | | |

| | | Maui, d |Production small.

| | | |

| | | Oahu, d |Production small.

| | | |

| | | Kauai, d |Production small.

| | | |

|Society |Papeete |Tahiti |A fair coffee, but

| Islands | | | not a trade factor.

| (French) | | |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Australia |Queensland |Cairns |Queensland |_In general_: The

| |Mackay | Mackay, d | coffee is from

| |Brisbane | | Ceylon or Coorg

| | | | seed and is for

| | | | local consumption.

| | | | Not a commercial

| | | | factor.

| | | |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Africa |Egypt |Alexandria | Egyptian, |_In general_:

| | | m n | Coffees from the

| | | | upper Nile region,

| | | | Kaffa Land,

| | | | Anglo-Egyptian

| | | | Sudan, and Nubia

| | | | are generally

| | | | spoken of as

| | | | Egyptians. They

| | | | have some Mocha

| | | | characteristics,

| | | | but are not

| | | | important

| | | | commercially.

| | | |

|Anglo- |Suakin | Nubian, m |Small, flinty,

| Egyptian |Alexandria | n | pale-green, oval

| Sudan | (Egypt) | | bean; heavy body;

| | | | rich flavor.

| | | |

| | | Berber, d |Some superior

| | | | drinking coffees

| | | | come from this

| | | | district.

| | | |

|Eritrea |Massowah | Abyssinian, |The coffee is of the

| (Italy) | | m n | Abyssinian type,

| | | | but the output is

| | | | not an important

| | | | trade factor.

| | | |

|Somaliland | | |

| French |Jibuti | Harar, d, t |These coffees are

| | | Abyssinian, | not grown in French

| | | m n | Somaliland, but

| | | | come from Abyssinia

| | | | to Jibuti and Aden

| | | |for export to Europe

| | | | and America. See

| | | | Abyssinia.

| | | |

| British |Berbera | Harar, d, t |Grown, as above, in

| |Zeila | Abyssinian, | Abyssinia.

| | | m n |

| | | |

| Italian |Mukdishu | Benadir, |Abyssinian type, but

| | | d & m n | not an important

| | | | trade factor.

| | | |

|Abyssinia |Jibuti (French| Harar, d_, t |_In general_: The

| | Somaliland) | Abyssinian, | Harari coffee is

| |Zeila | m n | more carefully

| | | | cultivated and

| | | | cured than the

| | | | Abyssinian, which

| | | | is its inferior.

| | | |

| |Berbera | Harar, d, t |The original Mocha

| | (British | Harari, m n | Longberry. Large,

| | Somaliland) | | long blue-green to

| | | | yellow bean.

| | | |

| |Massowah | |(Graded No. 1 or No.

| | (Eritrea) | | 2, according to

| | | | size) roasting with

| |Aden (Arabia) | | few quakers,

| | | | similar to Mocha,

| | | | having an excellent

| | | | flavor but not

| | | | quite so delicate.

| | | |

| | | Dire-Daoua, t |Railway trading

| | | | center for Harari

| | | | and Abyssinian

| | | | coffees.

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Africa |Abyssinia | |Abyssinia |The native coffee

(_Cont'd_) | (_Cont'd_) | | Kaffa, d |grown wild in this

| | | (Gomara) |district has little

| | | |commercial

| | | |importance. The

| | | |bean is dark gray,

| | | |and it has a

| | | |groundy flavor.

| | | |

| | | Bonga, t |Trading center for

| | | |Abyssinia.

| | | |

| | | Jimma, d |Trading center for

| | | Jiren, t |Abyssinia.

| | | |

| | | Shoa, d |Mostly Abyssinian

| | | Adis-Abeba, t |growths are

| | | |exported from this

| | | |trading center to

| | | |Harar or

| | | |Dire-Daoua.

| | | |

|Kenya |Mombasa | Nairobi, d |Having Mysore

|Colony | | & t |characteristics

|(Formerly | | Kikuyu |with a touch of

|British | | Kyambu |Mocha flavor.

|East Africa)| | |

| | | |

|Uganda |Mombasa |Uganda |Greenish-gray to

|Protectorate| | Bunganda, d |light-brown

|(British) | | |Robusta. Poor to

| | | |fairly good liquor.

| | | |

|Zanzibar |Zanzibar |Zanzibar |Medium-sized bean;

|Protectorate| | |full body, pleasing

|(British) | | |flavor.

| | | |

|Tanganyika |Dar-es-Salaam | East Africa, |Not a commercial

|Territory | | m n |factor.

|(formerly | | or |

|German East | | Tanganyika, |

|Africa) | | m n |

| | | |

| | | |

|Nyasaland |Chinde |Nyasaland |Some high-grown and

|Protectorate|(Portuguese | Shire Highlands,|of fine quality. Not

|(British) |East Africa) | d |a commercial factor.

| | | Blantyre, d |

| | | |

|Rhodesia |Beira |Rhodesia |For local

|(British) |(Portuguese | |consumption.

| |East Africa) | |Not a trade factor.

| | | |

|Portuguese |Mozambique |Mozambique |Medium-sized

|East Africa | | |greenish bean,

| | | |heavy body; mild

| | | |and mellow in the

| | | |cup.

| | | |

|Natal |Durban |Natal |Large, light-brown

|(British) | | |Liberian growth.

| | | |Not a trade factor.

| | | |

|Angola |Loanda |Angola |Medium-size bean,

|(Portugal) | | |brownish color,

| | | |strong in the cup.

| | | |

| | | Encoje, d, |Light weight, dark

| | | m n |brown Robusta;

| | | |strong in the cup.

| | | |

|Belgian |Banana | Congo, m n |_In general_: The

|Congo | | Equator, d |coffees of the

| | | Aruwimi, d |Belgian Congo are

| | | Bangala, d |mostly Liberian and

| | | Lake Leopold, |Robusta growths.

| | | d |There is produced a

| | | |medium-sized bean,

| | | |making a handsome

| | | |roast and having a

| | | |rich cup.

| | | |

|French |Loango | Loango, d, |Formerly Encoje

|Congo |Libreville | m n |from Angola.

| | | |Inferior to

| | | |Liberian.

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

=============+============+==============+=================+=================

Grand | Country | Shipping | State, or | Trade Values

Division | | Ports | District, | and Cup

| | | Market Names |Characteristics

| | | and Gradings |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

Africa |Nigeria |Lagos |Nigeria |Commercially

(Cont'd) | (British) | | | unimportant.

| | | |

|Gold Coast |Accra |Gold Coast |Not a commercial

| (British) | | | factor.

| | | |

|Liberia |Monrovia | Liberian, m |Large, brown bean;

| | | n | big, handsome

| | | | roaster; strong in

| | | | cup.

| | | |

|Sierra Leone|Freetown |Sierra Leone |_C. stenophylla_, a

| (British) | | | native growth. Not

| | | | a trade factor.

| | | |

|French |Konakry | Guinea, m n |Commercially

| Guinea | | | unimportant.

| | | |

|Portuguese |Bissao | Guinea, m n |Commercially

| Guinea | | | unimportant.

| | | |

| | | |

|Comoro |Maroni | Comoro, m n |A wild natural

| Islands | | | caffein-free coffee

| (French) | | | (_C. humboltiana_);

| | | | also found in

| | | | Madagascar. Not a

| | | | commercial factor.

| | | |

|Madagascar |Tamatave |Madagascar |Light-green

| (French) | | | _liberica_ and

| | | | _robusta_ bean;

| | | | full rich flavor.

| | | |

|Réunion, |St. Denis | Bourbon, m |Nearest to Mocha in

| formerly | | n | character (q. v.).

| Bourbon | | | Round and pointed

| (French) | | | bean, pale green

| | | | or pale yellow. Not

| | | | a trade factor.

| | | |

|Mauritius |Port Louis |Mauritius |Similar to Bourbon.

| (British) | | | Medium light green,

| | | | full body, mild and

| | | | mellow flavor. Not

| | | | a trade factor.

| | | |

-------------+------------+--------------+-----------------+-----------------

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XXV

FACTORY PREPARATION OF ROASTED COFFEE

_Coffee roasting as a business--Wholesale coffee-roasting

machinery--Separating, milling, and mixing or blending green

coffee, and roasting by coal, coke, gas, and electricity--Facts

about coffee roasting--Cost of roasting--Green-coffee shrinkage

table--"Dry" and "wet" roasts--On roasting coffee efficiently--A

typical coal roaster--Cooling and stoning--Finishing or

glazing--Blending roasted coffees--Blends for restaurants--Grinding

and packaging--Coffee additions and fillers--Treated coffees, and

dry extracts_

The coffee bean is not ready for beverage purposes until it has been

properly "manufactured", that is, roasted, or "cooked". Only in this way

can all the stimulating, flavoring, and aromatic principles concealed in

the minute cells of the bean be extracted at one time. An infusion from

green coffee has a decidedly unpleasant taste and hardly any color.

Likewise, an underdone roast has a disagreeable "grassy" flavor; while

an overdone roast gives a charred taste that is unpalatable to the

average citizen of the United States.

_Coffee Roasting as a Business_

In spite of the generally admitted fact that freshly roasted coffee

makes the best infusion, most of the coffee used today is not roasted at

or near the place where it is brewed, but in factories that are provided

with special equipment for the roasting of coffee in a wholesale way.

The reasons for this are various, partly relating to the mere economy of

buying and manufacturing on a large scale, and partly relating to the

trained skill that is needed both for selecting suitable green coffees

to make a satisfactory blend, and for the roasting work itself. The

proportion of consumers (including restaurants and hotels) who roast

their own coffee is so small as to be negligible, at least in the United

States. The average person who buys coffee today, for brewing use, never

sees green coffee at all, unless as an "educational exhibit" in some

dealer's display window.

The reasons just mentioned, which have made coffee roasting a real

business, all tend, of course, to make the roasting establishments of

large size; but this tendency is offset by the problem of distributing

the roasting coffee so that it will reach the ultimate consumer in good

condition. Roasting enterprises on a comparatively small scale (not by

consumers, but by sufficiently expert dealers) would probably be much

more numerous on account of the "fresh-roast" argument, except for the

fact that coffee-roasting machines can not be installed so easily as the

grinding mills, meat-choppers, and slicing machines, that find extended

use in small stores. The steam, smoke, and chaff given off by the coffee

as it is roasted must be disposed of by an outdoor connection, without

annoying the neighbors or creating a fire hazard.

From these general remarks, it can easily be seen that the size of

individual roasting establishments will vary greatly, according to the

skill of the proprietor in meeting the disadvantages of working on

either the smallest or the largest scale. A wholesale plant may be

considered to be one in which coffee is roasted in batches of one bag or

more at a time; and with this definition, nearly all the roasting in the

United States is done in a wholesale way.

[Illustration: A MODERN GAS COFFEE-ROASTING PLANT WITH A CAPACITY OF

1,000 BAGS A DAY

General view of the roasting room of the Jewel Tea Co., Hoboken, N.J.

The equipment consists of twelve Jubilee gas machines in four groups;

each group having a smoke-suction fan, and a drag conveyor over the

three feed hoppers. To the left is a line of flexible-arm cooler cars]

For many years the regular factory machines have been of a size

suitable for roasting two bags of coffee at a time; but roasters of

larger size have recently come into considerable use.

Plants treating from fifty to a hundred and fifty bags per day are the

most common; but the daily capacity runs up to a thousand bags or more.

The minimum cost of equipping a plant is somewhere between five thousand

dollars and ten thousand dollars. The individual machines are of

standard construction; but the arrangement in a particular building,

especially for the larger plants, is worked out with great care and with

numerous special features, so that the goods can be handled from start

to finish with minimum expense for floor space, labor, power, etc.

The practical coffee roaster locates his roasting room in the top floor

of his factory building, where light and ventilation are generally best.

He usually has a large skylight in the roof, directly over the roasting

equipment. In addition to the advantage as regards good light and the

convenient discharge of smoke, steam, and odors, through the roof, the

top-story location makes it possible to send the roasted coffee by

gravity through the various bins which may be needed in connection with

subsequent operations, such as grinding, and for temporary storage

before the final packaging and shipping.

_Wholesale Coffee-Roasting Machinery_

The indispensable coffee operations are roasting and cooling; and in

practically all United States plants the cooling is followed by

"stoning". This is an air-suction operation that effects, aided by

gravity, the removal of any stones or other hard material that would

damage the grinding mill. The best commercial cleaning and grading of

the green coffee has usually left in every bag a few small stones. These

can be got rid of better after the coffee is roasted; because it is then

not only lighter, but more bulky.

[Illustration: MILLING-MACHINE CONNECTIONS FOR A TWO-ROASTER PLANT]

Besides these three operations of roasting, cooling, and stoning, the

plant may have machinery for treating the coffee both before it is

roasted and after it leaves the stoner.

[Illustration: A SIXTEEN-CYLINDER COAL ROASTING PLANT IN A NEW YORK

FACTORY

This is a view of the roasting room of B. Fischer & Co. and shows a

battery of Burns coal roasters]

Treatment of the green coffee in roasting establishments is of less

importance now than in years gone by; first, because most coffees now

come to market more perfectly graded and cleaned than formerly; and

second, because the whole-bean appearance of the coffee has become of

less account, as wholesale grinding operations have increased.

Nevertheless, many plants consider it highly important to have a

separator for grading the coffee closely as regards the size of the

beans--and particularly for the separation of round beans, or

"peaberry"--as well as milling machinery for making the coffee as clean

as possible before it is roasted. One green coffee operation that has

lost none of its old-time importance, but on the contrary is more needed

as the plants increase in size, is the mixing of different varieties of

coffee--in proportions that have been decided on by sample tests--so as

to get a uniform blend.

The mixer does not blend the various coffees any more surely than a good

roaster cylinder will do it, but treats batches of much larger size.

This means saving a great amount of labor that would be necessary for

putting the desired quantity of component coffees into each individual

roaster.

A proper installation of green coffee machinery requires various bins of

ample capacity, and bucket elevators by which the coffee can be sent

without manual labor from one operation to another. In modern plants,

all the bins and elevators are constructed of metal. The separator, with

its bins and elevator, may be installed independently of the rest of the

plant, the graded coffee being all bagged up again and treated as new

raw stock--some of it to be held for later use, or perhaps sold again

unroasted. The milling machine and the mixer, however, are usually so

placed and connected that the coffee can be sent from one to the other,

and to the roaster feed hoppers, without any manual labor.

When the roaster sells his product in package form ready for the

consumer, he will have a packaging department in which are grinding,

weighing, labeling, and packing machines and equipment. In some of the

more progressive plants, particularly in the United States, all the

packing units are incorporated in one machine, so that the different

steps in the work are carried on automatically and in one continuous

operation.

[Illustration: GREEN-COFFEE-MIXER CONNECTIONS

To operate at full capacity, without using the story above as well as

below the mixer, requires a bucket elevator and three bins, each holding

a full mixing batch. The above diagram explains this setting. The mixed

coffee in the discharge bin is either drawn out into bags or sent by an

elevator to a milling machine or direct to the coffee roasters. A batch

ready for mixing can always be accumulated in the feed bin while the

previous batch is being mixed or discharged.

The fan is usually hung to the ceiling over the mixer as indicated, and

connected to the suction box by a 1-in. round pipe. The fan outlet can

be carried directly out-of-doors; but the dusty discharge is

objectionable in most installations, and this pipe is usually carried to

a dust collector from the top of which the roof outlet is connected.]

The efficient roaster-executive equips his entire plant with approved

labor-saving devices. In the better establishments, the coffee is

carried along by mechanical conveyors through all the operations from

the first cleaning machine to the final packaging.

_Separating_

As already mentioned, a machine frequently found in wholesale plants is

the separator, or grader. This apparatus, which is the same in principle

in all countries, but varies in size and form according to local

requirements, consists of a series of perforated screens. The

perforations differ in size; and as the coffee is shaken on them, the

small beans drop through the holes, the larger ones passing across the

screen and dropping into a receptacle or chute ready for the next

operation. The screens are made to grade the beans into large and small

peaberry; large, medium, and small flat beans; brokens; and other

commercial sizes. The average separator will grade fifteen to twenty

bags of coffee in an hour.

[Illustration: Green-coffee-milling machine having a capacity of forty

bags of green coffee per hour; with sifter, feed-pipe suction, and a

final separate suction at the discharge hopper]

[Illustration: Green-coffee separator without fan; with feed elevator,

discharge chutes, and motor drive. View of right-hand side and feed end]

[Illustration: GREEN-COFFEE SEPARATING AND MILLING MACHINES]

_Milling_

Milling machines, for cleaning the green coffee, operate on practically

the same principle the world over, varying in capacity and details of

construction. A popular type used in the United States has two metal

cylinders, one set within the other, and revolving in opposite

directions. The inner cylinder is ribbed with flanges, and the outer one

is lined with wire cloth. As these cylinders revolve, the beans pass

between them rubbing against themselves and the rough sides of the

cylinders. This action serves to remove dirt and other foreign matter

that may be clinging to the beans, and also gives them an attractive

polish. An exhaust fan sucks away the dirt milled off in the process.

This type of machine will mill about forty bags of green coffee in an

hour.

_Mixing or Blending Green Coffee_

Most roasters blend the different types of coffee while green. Some

blend them after they have been roasted separately. When blended before

roasting, the coffees are mixed by a machine built especially for that

purpose. The mixing machine in general use in all countries consists of

a large metal cylinder which, in wholesale operations, is revolved by

the factory's general power plant or by a separate motor. The cylinder

is equipped on the inside with sets of reverse-screw mixing flanges that

tumble the beans around until they are thoroughly blended; and there is

usually a fan attachment to remove dust. This operation serves also to

smooth down and to polish the surfaces of the beans, which adds to the

style of the coffee when roasted. The average blending machine will mix

from ten to twenty bags of coffee at a time. The actual mixing requires

less than five minutes, but a longer period is needed for feeding and

discharging. This is the last of the so-called "green-coffee

operations". The next step is roasting.

_Roasting by Coal, Coke, Gas, and Electricity_

Coffee is roasted commercially in cylinder or ball receptacles revolving

in heated chambers, the degree of heat reaching about 420° Fahr. The

cylinder type of roaster is invariably used in the United States; while

both the cylinder and the ball types are popular in England, France,

Germany, Holland, and other foreign countries.

[Illustration: AN ENGLISH FOUR-MACHINE GAS COFFEE-ROASTING PLANT

The equipment includes three Morewood indirect-flame, and one quick

direct-flame machines]

Each roasterman has his own opinion about the fuel that gives the best

result, and throughout the world the choice lies between anthracite

coal, coke, and gas; though hard wood is frequently used in countries

where other fuels are not available or not economical. Electric heat has

been tried for commercial roasting in Germany (1906), in England (1909),

and in the United States (1918); but the experimenters have always found

the cost of electric fuel to be prohibitive in competition with coal and

gas. An electric roaster was demonstrated at the Food Conservation Show

in New York, in 1918, at a time when the federal government was urging

the necessity of conserving coal as a war economy measure. The inventor

claimed that his machine would reduce roasting cost, improve the flavor

and the aroma, and maintain a constant and easily controlled heat. He

declared also that when roasted in his devices, less coffee was required

for brewing.

An expert coffee-roasting-machinery man who has been working on the

development of a practical electric roaster says that if it were

possible to bake the coffee in an oven, just as the baker does his

bread, the fuel cost would then compare favorably with that of gas or

coal. It is because the heat chamber must have an exhaust to release the

chaff and smoke that the use of electricity to replace the heat loss

proves prohibitive when compared with coal or gas.

In all types of coal and coke burning roasters, the cylinders are heated

by a fire underneath; while in gas roasters, the flame may be underneath

or within the cylinder itself. Roasters in which the heat is within the

cylinder are known as direct-flame or inner-heated machines. All three

systems are used in the United States and Europe.

_Facts About Coffee Roasting_

The modern commercial roasting outfit is as near fool-proof as human

genius has been able to devise. The more advanced types are almost

automatic in operation, and are designed to insure uniformity of roasts.

In such machines the green coffee is conveyed to the roasting cylinder

by means of bucket elevators, which pour the beans into a feed hopper.

From the feed hopper, the coffee is dumped through the opening in the

front head-piece into the cylinder. The cylinder is perforated, and has

inside flanges which keep tossing the coffee about while the cylinder

revolves, so that the coffee will not burn during the roasting process.

[Illustration: GERMAN GAS COFFEE-ROASTING PLANT EQUIPPED WITH

IDEAL-RAPID MACHINES]

To roast coffee by coal or coke usually requires from twenty-five to

thirty minutes, depending on the moisture-content of the beans; whether

they are spongy or flinty; whether a light, medium, or dark roast is

desired; and on the skill of the operator. Gas roasting requires from

fifteen to twenty minutes. The quicker the roast, the better the coffee,

is the opinion of many trade leaders, one of whom[325] says:

It is a growing belief that in roasts of short duration the largest

percentage of the aromatic properties is retained. A slow roast has

the effect of baking and does not give full development; also, slow

roasts seldom produce bright roasts, and they usually make the

coffee hard instead of brittle, even when the color standard has

been attained.

[Illustration: FRENCH GAS COFFEE-ROASTING PLANT EQUIPPED WITH MODERNE

MACHINES]

While coffees of widely varying degrees of moisture require somewhat

different treatment, the consensus of opinion is that the best results

are obtained from a slow fire at the beginning, until some of the

moisture has been driven off, when the stronger application of heat may

be given for development. An intense heat in the beginning often results

in "tipping", or charring, the little germ at the end, the most

sensitive part of the bean.

Scorched beans have been caught at some point in the cylinder, often in

a bent flange. Burning on one face, sometimes called "kissing the

cheeks", is caused by the too rapid revolution of the cylinder, so that

some of the coffee "carries over". In the best practise, crowding of

cylinders is avoided; many roasters making it a rule not to exceed

ninety percent of the rated capacity of the cylinder.

Those operating gas roasters may effect a fuel economy by running a low

grade coffee in the cylinder after the last roast has been drawn and the

gas extinguished; five minutes' revolution absorbs the heat and drives

off a proportion of moisture. The coffee, which may then be left in the

cylinder, requires less time and fuel in the morning, and the roast is

finished while the cylinder is warming up. Double roasting brightens a

roast, but is a detriment to the cup quality. A dull roasting coffee may

be improved by revolving the green coffee in a cylinder without heat for

twenty minutes, which has the effect of milling.

The use of a small amount of water upon roasts gives better control by

checking the roast at the proper point--the crucial time of its greatest

heat; also, it swells and brightens the coffee, and tends to close the

outer pores. While the addition of water is open to abuse, few roasters

have soaked their coffees enough to offset the natural shrinkage as much

as three or four percent. Such practise would result greatly to the

detriment of the cup quality.

There is no universal standard for the degree to which coffee should be

roasted. In the United States, there are demands for all degrees; from

the light roast, in favor in England, to the extremely dark roast in

vogue in France, Italy, Brazil, Turkey, and in the producing countries.

The North American trade recognizes these different roasts: light,

cinnamon, medium, high, city, full city, French, and Italian. The city

roast is a dark bean, while full city is a few degrees darker. In the

French roast, the bean is cooked until the natural oil appears on the

surface; and in the Italian, it is roasted to the point of actual

carbonization, so that it can be easily powdered. Germany likes a roast

similar to the French type; while Scandinavia prefers the high Italian

roast.

In the United States, the lighter roast is favored on the Pacific coast;

the darkest, in the South; and a medium-colored roast, in the Eastern

states. The cinnamon roast is most favored by the trade in Boston.

While coffee roasting in the United States usually takes from fifteen to

thirty minutes, depending on the fuel and the machine employed,

manufacturers of gas machines on the German market claim to roast it in

superior fashion in from three and a half to ten minutes.[326] This

subject is discussed more in detail in chapter XXXIV.

Coffee loses weight during the roasting process, the loss varying

according to the degree of roasting and the nature of the bean. Coffee

roasters figure, however, that the average loss is sixteen percent of

the weight of the green bean. It has been estimated that one hundred

pounds of coffee in the cherry produces twenty-five pounds in the

parchment; that one hundred pounds in parchment produces eighty-four

pounds of cleaned coffee; and that one hundred pounds of cleaned coffee

produces eighty-four pounds roasted.

[Illustration: JUMBO COFFEE ROASTER, IN THE ARBUCKLE COFFEE-ROASTING

PLANT, NEW YORK

There are four of these machines. The cylinders are twelve feet in

diameter, six feet deep, and can roast 5,000 pounds of coffee every

half-hour. The hard-coal brick furnace is seen at the left, from which a

blower forces the heated air through a pipe into the revolving cylinder

of coffee. The coffee is fed from above and is emptied into the cooling

pans beneath]

[Illustration: AN EIGHT-CYLINDER GAS COFFEE-ROASTING PLANT

A view of Reid, Murdoch & Co.'s roasting room, Chicago, equipped with

Monitor machines]

During the roasting process the coffee undergoes a great chemical

change. After it has been in the cylinder a short time, the color of the

bean becomes a yellowish brown, which gradually deepens as it cooks.

Likewise, as the beans become heated, they shrivel up until about half

done, or at the "developing" point. At this stage, they begin to swell,

and then "pop open", increasing fifty percent in bulk.[327] This is when

the experienced roasterman turns on all the heat he can command to

finish the roasting as quickly as possible.

_"Dry" and "Wet" Roasts_

At frequent intervals, he thrusts his "trier"--an instrument shaped

somewhat like an elongated spoon--into the cylinder, and takes out a

sample of coffee to compare with his type sample. When the coffee is

done, he shuts off the heat and checks the cooking by reducing the

temperature of the coffee and of the cylinder as quickly as can be done.

In the wet roast method he will spray the coffee, while the cylinder is

still revolving, with three to four quarts of water to every 130 pounds

of coffee. In the dry method he depends altogether upon his cooling

apparatus.

Roasters generally are not in favor of the excessive watering of coffee

in and after the roasting process for the purpose of reducing shrinkage.

"Heading" the coffee, or checking the roast before turning it out of the

roasting cylinder, is quite another matter and is considered legitimate.

Where coffees are watered in the cylinder at the close of the roast to

reduce the shrinkage, it is possible to get back only about four percent

of the shrinkage by such treatment and the practise is frowned upon by

the best roasters.

Generally speaking, water is turned into the roasting cylinder to quench

the roast. The amount varies with the style of machine, whether gas or

coal. Usually the water turns to steam, and the result is not an

absorption of the water but a momentary checking of the roast with a

tendency to swell and to brighten the coffee. This is, comparatively

speaking, a "dry roast", but not an absolutely dry roast. It is doubtful

if more than one percent of American coffee roasters employ an

absolutely "dry" roast--it does not give satisfactory results. The word

has been abused for advertising purposes. Of course, a dry roasted

coffee is a better article for making a satisfactory beverage than one

that has been soaked with water; but the word "dry" must be given a

definite meaning, which the trade generally will agree to uphold, if it

is to have any real meaning or value to the consumer. Until some

standard for roasted coffee shall be established, it is to be feared the

term "dry roast" will continue to be used for coffee roasted by almost

any other process.

[Illustration: UPPER-STORY VIEW OF A JUBILEE PLANT, SHOWING ROASTER,

COOLER, AND STONER EQUIPMENT

The parts under roasting-room floor are shown in the illustration below]

[Illustration: LOWER-STORY VIEW OF THE SAME PLANT FROM ABOUT THE SAME

ANGLE

Showing connection from floor hopper to stoner on the left, and

suspended bucket-elevator boot with four-bag dump hopper on the right]

[Illustration: COMPLETE GAS COFFEE-PLANT INSTALLATION]

The Bureau of Chemistry held a hearing in 1914 at Washington, at which

the question of a ruling on watering coffees was discussed. The trade

was well represented, but no agreement was reached. It was deemed

inadvisable to make a definite rule on the watering of coffee; because

the water content can not be controlled, as the bean starts to absorb

moisture as soon as it leaves the roaster.

_On Roasting Coffee Efficiently_

A.L. Burns, New York, is well qualified to speak on this subject. He

says:

Roasting coffee is not so difficult a matter as is often claimed by

operators and "experts" who seek thus to magnify their importance;

but it is nevertheless a process about which a great deal may be

learned in the school of practical experience. With one of our

modern machines anybody with ordinary intelligence and nerve can

take off a roast after one trial which would pass muster in many

establishments, but that same person applying himself to the

roasting job for a week will either be turning out vastly better

roasts or will have demonstrated that he never can excel as a

roasterman.

Modern coffee roasting machines provide for easy control of the

heat (from coal, coke, or gas fuel), for constantly mixing the

coffee in such a manner that the heat is transmitted uniformly to

the entire batch, for carrying away all steam and smoke rapidly,

for easy testing of the progress of the roast, and for immediate

discharge when desired. The operator's problem therefore is the

regulation of the heat and deciding just when the desired roasting

has been accomplished.

If all coffees were alike, roasting would soon be almost automatic.

In some plants most of the work is on one uniform grade or blend.

But coffees which vary greatly in moisture-content, in flinty or

spongy nature, and in various other characteristics, will puzzle

the operator until he establishes a personal acquaintance with them

in various combinations in repeated roasting operations. The

roasterman therefore must be able to observe closely, to draw

sensible conclusions, and to remember what he learns. Roasting

coffee is work of a sort which anybody can do, which a few people

can do really well, and no one so well but that further improvement

is possible.

There is no absolute standard of what the best roasting results

are. Some dealers want the coffee beans swelled up to the bursting

point, while others would object to so showy a development. Some

care nothing at all about appearance as compared with cup value,

while others insist on a bright style even at some sacrifice of

quality. Business judgment must decide what goods can be sold most

profitably.

The loss of coffee in weight in the roasting operation, or

shrinkage as it is called, is a matter which offers opportunities

for false claims of advantage in roasting processes. Anybody can

see that if just as good roasted coffee could be produced with a

lessened shrinkage there would be a chance for a decided increase

in profits. It is a sort of finding-money proposition which always

turns out to be too good to be true. The purpose of roasting coffee

is to produce an article entirely different from green coffee,

which is accomplished mainly by driving out moisture. If coffee is

roasted thoroughly, inside as well as outside, so as to give the

greatest roasted coffee value, it must sustain a proper loss in

weight which there is no legitimate way to avoid. The amount of

shrinkage varies a great deal with the kind of coffee and its age,

also with the kind of roasting desired.

Adding a little water to the coffee at the end of the operation has

the advantage of checking the roast at the desired point and

helping to swell and brighten the coffee, but it is a practice

which is sometimes abused by soaking the coffee with water so as to

reduce the shrinkage. This is done either dishonestly, to steal

coffee which belongs to somebody else, or foolishly; for the

heavier coffee has a lessened cup value which more than

counterbalances the apparent gain.

[Illustration: BURNS JUBILEE GAS ROASTER]

_A Typical Coal Roaster_

A typical United States coal roaster is shown in the accompanying cut.

It is the latest form of that type of Burns machine which requires a

brickwork setting. The picture shows the roaster ready to operate,

except for smoke pipe and power connections.

[Illustration: BURNS COAL ROASTER WITH BRICKWORK SETTING]

The front of the machine shown has a cast-iron plate having brackets

which support the cylinder front bearing, and double fire doors below

for the furnace and the ash pit. The movable part of the roaster is

hidden by the front head, a heavy casting which stands still except when

moved by hand through a half-turn for feeding and discharging.

The cylinder is driven by gears at the back, revolving constantly at

uniform speed. The inside of the cylinder is arranged with

reverse-spiral flanges which mix the coffee perfectly and make uneven

roasting impossible; and they discharge promptly every grain of coffee

when the front-head opening is turned to the lower position. The roaster

is generally operated with coal fuel, but can be used with gas by

installing a suitable burner under the cylinder.

[Illustration: OPEN PERFORATED CYLINDER WITH FLEXIBLE BACK HEAD]

COST CARD FOR ROASTERS

_Showing the value added to the cost of green coffee by

roasting_

By A.C. Aborn

BASIS: 16 percent Shrinkage.

3/4 cent a pound for Roasting.

Cost Green, Cost Roasted,

Cents per Lb. Cents per Lb.

5 6.85

5-1/8 6.99

5-1/4 7.14

5-3/8 7.29

5-1/2 7.44

5-5/8 7.59

5-3/4 7.74

5-7/8 7.89

6 8.04

6-1/8 8.19

6-1/4 8.33

6-3/8 8.48

6-1/2 8.63

6-5/8 8.78

6-3/4 8.93

6-7/8 9.08

7 9.23

7-1/8 9.37

7-1/4 9.52

7-3/8 9.67

7-1/2 9.82

7-5/8 9.97

7-3/4 10.12

7-7/8 10.27

8 10.42

8-1/8 10.57

8-1/4 10.71

8-3/8 10.86

8-1/2 11.01

8-5/8 11.16

8-3/4 11.31

8-7/8 11.46

9 11.61

9-1/8 11.76

9-1/4 11.90

9-3/8 12.05

9-1/2 12.20

9-5/8 12.35

9-3/4 12.50

9-7/8 12.65

10 12.80

10-1/8 12.95

10-1/4 13.10

10-3/8 13.24

10-1/2 13.39

10-5/8 13.54

10-3/4 13.69

10-7/8 13.84

11 13.99

11-1/8 14.14

11-1/4 14.29

11-3/8 14.43

11-1/2 14.58

11-5/8 14.73

11-3/4 14.88

11-7/8 15.03

12 15.18

12-1/8 15.33

12-1/4 15.48

12-3/8 15.63

12-1/2 15.77

12-5/8 15.92

12-3/4 16.07

12-7/8 16.22

13 16.37

13-1/8 16.52

13-1/4 16.67

13-3/8 16.82

13-1/2 16.97

13-5/8 17.11

13-3/4 17.26

13-7/8 17.41

14 17.56

14-1/8 17.71

14-1/4 17.86

14-3/8 18.01

14-1/2 18.15

14-5/8 18.30

14-3/4 18.45

14-7/8 18.60

15 18.75

15-1/8 18.90

15-1/4 19.05

15-3/8 19.20

15-1/2 19.35

15-5/8 19.49

15-3/4 19.64

15-7/8 19.79

16 19.94

16-1/8 20.09

16-1/4 20.24

16-3/8 20.39

16-1/2 20.54

16-5/8 20.68

16-3/4 20.83

16-7/8 20.98

17 21.13

17-1/8 21.28

17-1/4 21.43

17-3/8 21.58

17-1/2 21.73

17-5/8 21.87

17-3/4 22.02

17-7/8 22.17

18 22.32

18-1/8 22.47

18-1/4 22.62

18-3/8 22.77

18-1/2 22.92

18-5/8 23.07

18-3/4 23.21

18-7/8 23.36

19 23.51

19-1/8 23.66

19-1/4 23.81

19-3/8 23.96

19-1/2 24.11

19-5/8 24.26

19-3/4 24.40

19-7/8 24.55

20 24.70

20-1/8 24.85

20-1/4 25.00

20-3/8 25.15

20-1/2 25.30

20-5/8 25.45

20-3/4 25.60

20-7/8 25.75

21 25.89

21-1/8 26.04

21-1/4 26.19

21-3/8 26.34

21-1/2 26.49

21-5/8 26.64

21-3/4 26.79

21-7/8 26.93

22 27.08

22-1/8 27.23

22-1/4 27.38

22-3/8 27.53

22-1/2 27.68

22-5/8 27.83

22-3/4 27.98

22-7/8 28.13

23 28.27

23-1/8 28.42

23-1/4 28.57

23-3/8 28.72

23-1/2 28.87

23-5/8 29.02

23-3/4 29.17

23-7/8 29.32

24 29.46

24-1/8 29.61

24-1/4 29.76

24-3/8 29.91

24-1/2 30.06

24-5/8 30.21

24-3/4 30.36

24-7/8 30.51

25 30.65

25-1/8 30.80

25-1/4 30.95

25-3/8 31.10

25-1/2 31.25

25-5/8 31.40

25-3/4 31.55

25-7/8 31.70

26 31.85

26-1/8 31.99

26-1/4 32.14

26-3/8 32.29

26-1/2 32.44

26-5/8 32.59

26-3/4 32.74

26-7/8 32.89

27 33.04

27-1/8 33.18

27-1/4 33.33

27-3/8 33.48

27-1/2 33.63

27-5/8 33.78

27-3/4 33.93

27-7/8 34.08

28 34.23

28-1/8 34.38

28-1/4 34.52

28-3/8 34.67

28-1/2 34.82

28-5/8 34.97

28-3/4 35.12

28-7/8 35.27

29 35.42

29-1/8 35.57

29-1/4 35.71

29-3/8 35.86

29-1/2 36.01

29-5/8 36.16

29-3/4 36.31

29-7/8 36.46

30 36.61

30-1/8 36.76

30-1/4 36.90

30-3/8 37.05

30-1/2 37.20

30-5/8 37.35

30-3/4 37.50

30-7/8 37.65

31 37.80

31-1/8 37.95

31-1/4 38.10

31-3/8 38.24

31-1/2 38.39

31-5/8 38.54

31-3/4 38.69

31-7/8 38.84

32 38.90

32-1/8 39.14

32-1/4 39.29

32-3/8 39.43

32-1/2 39.58

32-5/8 39.73

32-3/4 39.88

32-7/8 40.03

FACTORY PREPARATION

A GREEN COFFEE SHRINKAGE TABLE

_Showing shrinkage in roasting of raw coffee in quantities from sixty

pounds up to three hundred pounds, and at six different shrinkage

percentages_

Compiled by R.C. Wilhelm, New York

RAW 12% 13% 14% 15% 16% 17%

60 52-3/4 52-1/4 51-1/2 51 50-1/2 49-3/4

61 53-3/4 53 52-1/2 51-3/4 51-1/4 50-3/4

62 54-1/2 54 53-1/4 52-1/4 52 51-1/2

63 55-1/2 54-3/4 54 53-1/2 53 52-1/4

64 56-1/4 55-3/4 55 54-1/2 53-3/4 53

65 57-1/4 56-1/2 56 55-1/4 54-1/2 54

66 58 57-1/2 56-3/4 56 55-1/2 54-3/4

67 59 58-1/4 57-3/4 57 56-1/4 55-1/2

68 59-3/4 59-1/4 58-1/2 57-3/4 57 56-1/2

69 60-3/4 60 59-1/4 58-3/4 58 57-1/4

70 61-1/2 61 60-1/4 59-1/2 58-3/4 58

71 62-1/2 61-3/4 61 60-1/4 59-3/4 59

72 63-1/4 62-3/4 62 61 60-1/2 59-3/4

73 64-1/4 63-1/2 62-3/4 62 61-1/4 60-1/2

74 65 64-1/2 63-3/4 63 62-1/4 61-1/2

75 66 65-1/4 64-1/2 63-3/4 63 62-1/4

76 67 66 65-1/4 64-1/2 63-3/4 63

77 67-3/4 67 66-1/4 65-1/2 64-3/4 64

78 68-3/4 68 67 66-1/4 65-1/2 64-3/4

79 69-1/2 68-3/4 68 67-1/4 66-1/2 65-3/4

80 70-1/2 69-3/4 68-3/4 68 67-1/4 66-1/2

81 71-1/4 70-1/2 69-3/4 69 68 67-1/4

82 72-1/4 71-1/2 70-1/2 69-3/4 69 68

83 73 72-1/4 71-1/2 70-1/2 69-3/4 69

84 74 73-1/4 72-1/4 71-1/2 70-1/2 69-3/4

85 74-3/4 74 73-1/4 72-1/4 71-1/4 70-1/2

86 75-3/4 74-3/4 74 73-1/4 72-1/4 71-1/4

87 76-1/2 75-3/4 75 74 73-1/4 72-1/4

88 77-1/2 76-1/2 75-3/4 74-3/4 73-3/4 73

89 78-1/2 77-1/2 76-1/2 75-3/4 74-3/4 74

90 79-1/4 78-1/4 77-1/2 76-1/2 75-3/4 75

91 80-1/2 79-1/4 78-1/4 77-1/2 76-1/2 75-1/2

92 81 80 79-1/4 78-1/4 77-1/4 76-1/2

93 82 81 80 79 78-1/4 77-1/4

94 82-3/4 81-3/4 80-3/4 80 79 78

95 83-3/4 82-3/4 81-3/4 80-3/4 79-3/4 79

96 84-1/2 83-1/2 82-1/2 81-3/4 80-3/4 79-3/4

97 85-1/2 84-1/2 83-1/2 82-1/2 81-1/2 80-1/2

98 86-1/4 85-1/4 84-1/4 83-1/4 82-1/2 81-1/2

99 87-1/4 86-1/4 85-1/4 84-1/4 83-1/4 82-1/4

100 88 87 86 85 84 83

101 89 87-1/2 86-1/2 85-1/2 84-1/2 83-1/2

102 89-3/4 88-3/4 87-3/4 86-3/4 85-3/4 84-3/4

103 90-3/4 89-3/4 88-3/4 87-1/2 86-1/2 85-1/2

104 91-1/2 90-1/2 89-1/2 88-1/2 87-1/2 86-1/2

105 92-1/2 91-1/2 90-1/4 89-1/4 88-1/4 87-1/4

106 93-1/4 92-1/4 91-1/4 90-1/4 89 88

107 94-1/4 93-1/4 92 91 90 88-3/4

108 95 94 93 91-3/4 90-3/4 89-3/4

109 96 95 93-3/4 92-3/4 91-1/2 90-1/2

110 96-3/4 95-3/4 94-3/4 93-1/2 92-1/2 91-3/4

111 97-3/4 96-3/4 95-1/2 94-1/2 93-1/4 92-1/4

112 98-1/2 97-1/2 96-1/2 95-1/4 94-1/4 93

113 99-1/2 98-1/4 97-1/4 96 95 93-3/4

114 100-1/2 99-1/4 98 97 95-3/4 94-3/4

115 101-1/4 100-1/2 99 97-3/4 96-3/4 95-1/2

116 102 101 99-3/4 98-1/2 97-1/2 96-1/4

117 103 101-3/4 100-1/2 99-1/2 98-1/4 97

118 103-3/4 102-1/2 101-1/2 100-1/4 99 98

119 104-3/4 103-1/2 102-1/4 101 100 98-3/4

120 105-1/2 104-1/2 103 102 101 99-1/2

121 106-1/2 105-1/4 104 102-3/4 101-1/2 100-1/2

122 107-1/2 106 105 103-1/2 102-1/2 101-1/2

123 108-1/4 107 105-3/4 104-1/2 103-1/4 102

124 109 108 106-1/2 105-1/2 104 103

125 110 108-3/4 107-1/2 106-1/4 105 103-3/4

126 111 109-1/2 108 107 106 104-1/2

127 111-3/4 110-1/2 109-1/4 108 106-3/4 105-1/2

128 112-1/2 111-1/2 110 109 107-1/2 106

129 113-1/2 112-1/4 111 109-3/4 108-1/4 107

130 114-1/2 113 112 110-1/2 109 108

131 115-1/4 114 112-3/4 111-1/4 110 108-3/4

132 116 115 113-1/2 112 111 109-1/2

133 117 115-3/4 114-1/4 113 111-3/4 110-1/4

134 118 116-1/2 115-1/2 114 112-1/2 111

135 118-3/4 117-1/2 116 114-3/4 113-1/4 112

136 119-1/2 118-1/2 117 115-1/2 114 113

137 120-1/2 119-1/4 117-3/4 116-1/2 115 113-3/4

138 121-1/2 120 118-1/2 117-1/2 116 114-1/2

139 122-1/4 121 119-1/2 118-1/4 116-3/4 115-1/4

140 123-1/4 121-3/4 120-1/2 119 117-1/2 116-1/4

141 124 122-3/4 121-1/4 119-3/4 118-1/2 117

142 125 123-1/2 122 120-3/4 119-1/4 117-3/4

143 125-3/4 124-1/2 123 121-1/2 120 118-3/4

144 126-3/4 125-1/4 123-3/4 122-1/2 121 119-1/2

145 127-1/2 126-1/4 124-3/4 123-1/4 121-3/4 120-1/4

146 128-1/2 127 125-1/2 124 122-3/4 121-1/4

147 129-1/4 128 126-1/2 125 123-1/2 122

148 130-1/4 128-3/4 127-1/4 125-3/4 124-1/4 122-3/4

149 131 129-3/4 128-1/4 126-3/4 125-1/4 123-3/4

150 132 130-1/2 129 127-1/2 126 124-1/2

151 133 131-1/4 129-3/4 128-1/4 126-3/4 125-1/4

152 133-3/4 132-1/4 130-3/4 129-1/4 127-3/4 126-1/4

153 134-3/4 133 131-1/2 130 128-1/2 127

154 135-1/2 134 132-1/2 131 129-1/4 127-3/4

155 136-1/2 134-3/4 133-1/4 131-3/4 130-1/4 128-3/4

156 137-1/4 135-3/4 134-1/4 132-1/2 131 129-1/2

157 138-1/4 136-1/2 135 133-1/2 132 130-1/4

158 139 137-1/2 136 134-1/4 132-3/4 131-1/4

159 140 138-1/4 136-3/4 135-1/4 133-1/2 132

160 140-3/4 139-1/4 137-1/2 136 134-1/2 132-3/4

161 141-3/4 140 138-1/2 136-3/4 135-1/4 133-3/4

162 142-1/2 141 139-1/4 137-3/4 136 134-1/2

163 143-1/2 141-3/4 140-1/4 138-1/2 137 135-1/4

164 144-1/4 142-3/4 141 139-1/2 137-3/4 136

165 145-1/4 143-1/2 142 140-1/4 138-1/2 137

166 146 144-1/2 142-3/4 141 139-1/2 137-3/4

167 147 145-1/4 143-1/2 142 140-1/4 138-1/2

168 147-3/4 146-1/4 144-1/2 142-3/4 141 139-1/2

169 148-3/4 147 145-1/4 143-3/4 142 140-1/4

170 149-1/2 148 146-1/4 144-1/2 142-1/4 141

171 150-1/2 148-3/4 147 145-1/4 143-3/4 142

172 151-1/4 149-3/4 148 146-1/4 144-1/2 142-3/4

173 152-1/4 150-1/2 148-3/4 147 145-1/4 143-1/2

174 153 151-1/2 149-3/4 148 146-1/4 144-1/2

175 154 152-1/4 150-1/2 148-3/4 147 145-1/4

176 155 153 151-1/4 149-1/2 147-3/4 146

177 155-3/4 154 152-1/4 150-1/2 148-3/4 147

178 156-3/4 154-3/4 153 151-1/4 149-1/2 147-3/4

179 157-1/2 155-3/4 154 152-1/4 150-1/4 148-1/2

180 158-1/2 156-1/2 154-3/4 153 151-1/4 149-1/2

181 159-1/4 157-1/2 155-3/4 153-3/4 152 150-1/4

182 160-1/4 158-1/4 156-1/2 154-3/4 153 151

183 161 159-1/4 157-1/2 155-1/2 153-3/4 152

184 162 160 158-1/4 156-1/2 154-1/2 152-3/4

185 162-3/4 161 159 157-1/4 155-1/2 153-1/2

186 163-3/4 161-3/4 160 158 156-1/4 154-1/2

187 164-1/2 162-3/4 160-3/4 159 157 155-1/4

188 165-1/2 163-1/2 161-3/4 160 158 156

189 166-1/4 164-1/2 162-1/2 160-3/4 156-3/4 156-3/4

190 167-1/4 165-1/4 163-1/2 161-1/2 159-1/2 157-3/4

191 168 166-1/4 164-1/4 162-1/4 160-1/2 158-1/2

192 169 167 165 163-1/4 161-1/4 159-1/4

193 169-3/4 168 166 164 162 160-1/4

194 170-3/4 168-3/4 166-3/4 165 163 161

195 171-1/2 169-3/4 167-3/4 165-3/4 163-3/4 161-3/4

196 172-1/2 170-1/2 168-1/2 166-1/2 164-3/4 162-3/4

197 173-1/4 171-1/2 169-1/2 167-1/2 165-1/2 163-1/2

198 174-1/4 172-1/4 170-1/4 168-1/4 166-1/4 164-1/4

199 175 173-1/4 171-1/4 169-1/4 167-1/4 165-1/4

200 176 174 172 170 168 166

201 177 174-3/4 173 170-3/4 168-3/4 166-3/4

202 177-3/4 175-3/4 173-3/4 171-3/4 169-3/4 167-3/4

203 178-3/4 176-1/2 174-1/2 172-1/2 170-1/2 168-1/2

204 179-1/2 177-1/2 175-1/2 173-1/2 171-1/4 169-1/4

205 180-1/2 178-1/4 176-1/4 174-1/4 172-1/4 170-1/4

206 181-1/4 179-1/4 177-1/4 175 173 171

207 182-1/4 180 178 176 174 171-3/4

208 183 181 179 176-3/4 174-3/4 172-3/4

209 184 181-3/4 179-3/4 177-3/4 175-1/2 173-1/2

210 184-3/4 182-3/4 180-1/2 178-1/2 176-1/2 174-1/4

211 185-3/4 183-1/2 181-1/2 179-1/4 177-1/4 175-1/4

212 186-1/2 184-1/2 182-1/4 180-1/4 178 176

213 187-1/2 185-1/4 183-1/4 181 179 176-3/4

214 188-1/4 186-1/4 184 182 179-3/4 177-1/2

215 189-1/4 187 185 182-3/4 180-1/2 178-1/2

216 190 188 185-3/4 183-1/2 181-1/2 179-1/4

217 191 188-3/4 186-1/2 184-1/2 182-1/4 180

218 191-3/4 189-3/4 187-1/2 185-1/4 183 181

219 192-3/4 190-1/2 188-1/4 186-1/4 184 181-3/4

220 193-1/2 191-1/2 189-1/4 187 184-3/4 182-1/2

221 194-1/2 192-1/4 190 187-3/4 185-3/4 183-1/2

222 195-1/4 193-1/4 191 188-3/4 186-1/2 184-1/4

223 196-1/4 194 191-3/4 189-1/2 187-1/4 185

224 197 195 192-3/4 190-1/2 188-1/4 186

225 198 195-3/4 193-1/2 191-1/4 189 186-3/4

226 199 196-1/2 194-1/4 192 189-3/4 187-1/2

227 199-3/4 197-1/2 195-1/4 193 190-3/4 188-1/2

228 200-3/4 198-1/4 196 193-3/4 191-1/2 189-1/4

229 201-1/2 199-1/4 197 194-3/4 192-1/4 190

230 202-1/2 200 198 195-1/2 193-1/2 191

231 203-1/4 201 198-3/4 196-1/2 194-1/4 192

232 204 202 199-1/2 197 195 192-1/2

233 205 202-3/4 200-1/4 198 195-3/4 193-1/4

234 206 203-1/2 201 199 196-1/2 194

235 206-3/4 204-1/2 202 199-3/4 197-1/2 195

236 207-1/2 205 203 200-1/2 198 196

237 208-1/2 206-1/4 203-3/4 201-1/2 199 196-3/4

238 209-1/2 207 204-1/2 202-1/4 200 197-1/2

239 210-1/4 208 205-1/2 203-1/4 200-3/4 198-1/4

240 211 208-3/4 206-1/4 204 201-1/2 199

241 212 209-3/4 207-1/4 204-3/4 202-1/2 200

242 213 210-1/2 208 205-3/4 203 201

243 213-3/4 211-1/2 209 206-1/2 204 201-3/4

244 214-3/4 212-1/4 210 207-1/4 205 202-1/2

245 215-1/2 213 210-3/4 208-1/4 205-3/4 203-1/4

246 216-1/2 214 211-1/2 209 206-1/2 204

247 217-1/4 215 212-1/2 210 207-1/2 205

248 218 216 213 211 208 206

249 219 216-3/4 214-1/2 211-1/2 209-1/4 207

250 220 217-1/2 215 212-1/2 210 207-1/2

251 221 218-1/4 215-3/4 213-1/4 210-3/4 208-1/4

252 222 219 216-3/4 214 212 209

253 222-1/2 220 217-1/2 215 212-1/2 210

254 223-1/2 221 218-1/2 216 213-1/4 211

255 224-1/4 222 219-3/4 216-3/4 214-1/4 211-1/2

256 225 223 220 218 215 212

257 226 223-3/4 221 218-3/4 216 213

258 227 224-1/2 222 219-1/2 216-3/4 214

259 228 225-1/4 222-3/4 220-1/4 217-1/2 215

260 229 226 224 221 218 216

261 229-3/4 227 225 222 219 216-3/4

262 230-1/2 228 225-1/2 222-3/4 220 217-1/2

263 231-1/2 229 226-1/4 223-1/2 221 218-1/4

264 232 230 227 224 222 219

265 233 230-3/4 228 225 222-3/4 220

266 234 231-1/2 228-3/4 226 223-1/2 220-3/4

267 235 232-1/4 229-1/2 227 224-1/4 221-1/2

268 236 233 230-1/2 228 225 222

269 236-3/4 234 231-1/4 228-1/2 226 223-1/4

270 237-1/2 235 232 229-1/2 226-3/4 224

271 238-1/2 235-3/4 233 230-1/4 227-1/2 225

272 239 237 234 231 228 226

273 240 237-3/4 234-3/4 232 229 226-3/4

274 241 238-1/2 235-1/2 233 230 227-1/2

275 242 239-1/4 236-1/2 233-3/4 231 228-1/4

276 243 240 237-1/4 234-1/2 232 229

277 243-3/4 241 238-1/4 235-1/2 232-3/4 230

278 244-1/2 242 239 236-1/2 233-1/2 230-3/4

279 245-1/2 243 240 237 234-1/2 231-1/2

280 246-1/2 243-3/4 241 238 235-1/4 232-1/2

281 247-1/4 244-1/2 241-3/4 238-3/4 236 233-1/4

282 248 245-1/2 242-1/2 239-1/2 237 234

283 249 246-1/4 243-1/4 240-1/2 237-3/4 235

284 250 247 244 241-1/2 238-1/2 235-3/4

285 250-3/4 248 245 242-1/4 239-1/4 236-1/2

286 251-1/2 249 246 243 240 237-1/2

287 252-1/2 249-3/4 246-3/4 244 241 238-1/4

288 253-1/2 250-1/2 247-1/2 245 242 239

289 254-1/4 251-1/2 248-1/2 245-3/4 242-3/4 239-3/4

290 255 252-1/2 249-1/2 246-1/2 243-1/2 240-3/4

291 256 253-1/4 250-1/4 247-1/4 244-1/2 241-1/2

292 257 254 251 248 245-1/2 242-1/2

293 257-3/4 255 252 249 246-1/4 243-1/4

294 258-1/2 256 253 250 247 244

295 259-1/2 256-3/4 253-3/4 250-3/4 247-3/4 244-3/4

296 260-1/2 257-1/2 254-1/2 251-1/2 248-1/2 245-1/2

297 261-1/4 258-1/2 255-1/2 252-1/2 249-1/2 246-1/2

298 262 259-1/4 256-1/2 253-1/2 250-1/2 247-1/2

299 263 260 257-1/4 254-1/4 251-1/4 248-1/4

[Illustration: TRYING THE ROAST]

_Cooling and Stoning_

"Coffee which leaves the roaster beautifully uniform in appearance",

says A.L. Burns, "may lose all uniformity by delayed or inadequate

cooling. Separated beans of coffee will cool off by themselves; but when

heaped together, the inner part of the mass will get hotter and even

take fire.... Coffee must be spread over a considerable surface, or all

kept moving, and have at the same time a lot of air forced through it.

Otherwise, there will be some darkening and over-development of part of

the coffee, and a loss of the uniformity which is the first requirement

of good roasting."

[Illustration: MONITOR GAS ROASTER]

[Illustration: A GROUP OF ROASTING-ROOM ACCESSORIES]

The cooling apparatus consists of a movable, box-like metal car which

can be brought up to the front of the roaster to the revolving

cylinders. The car has a perforated false bottom, to which is attached a

powerful exhaust-fan system that sucks the heat out of the coffee. In

large plants, utilizing two or more floors, the tilting-type cooling

car is favored. This car permits instant discharge through an opening in

the floor into a receiving tank suspended from the ceiling below and

connected with the stoning apparatus. Recently, a flexible-arm cooler

has been invented that provides full fan suction to a cooler car at all

points in its track travel from the roaster to the emptying position.

[Illustration: DUMPING THE ROAST IN A COAL ROASTING PLANT

The roasted coffee is being turned into the cooling car, equipped with a

swinging "flexarm" that keeps it always in connection with a suspended

header pipe; the cooling being started as soon as the coffee leaves the

roaster. The cooled coffee, by tipping the box, goes into a floor

hopper]

The stoner, an essential part of the modern roasting plant, has for its

function the removal of stones and other foreign matter of which the

green-coffee operations have failed to get rid. The stoner is usually

built in direct combination with the cooling equipment, and does its

work by means of a gravity separation in an upward-moving column of air.

The coffee passes into the suction boot of the stoner, either directly

from the cooler box or from a floor hopper into which the cooler dumps,

and is carried up the stoner pipe, or "riser", by an air current of

ample power which can be accurately regulated. This insures the carrying

up of coffee only, the stones remaining at the bottom of the machine and

being dumped at intervals into a pan underneath. The coffee, passing up

the riser pipe, is delivered into a large "stoner hopper" which is

usually hung to the ceiling of the roasting room. The correct

construction of this hopper is of great importance, as the coffee must

be deposited completely without breakage, and the air must pass on

through the suction fan carrying nothing except bits of loose chaff.

A different type of cooler is in the form of an upright cylinder,

consisting of two metal perforated drums, one set within the other. The

inner drum is sufficiently small to allow the coffee to move freely

between the drums. Inside the smaller one is an exhaust pipe which draws

the heat and chaff out of the coffee. This device is recommended for use

only in connection with wet roasted coffee.

Still another type consists of a single perforated cylinder set

horizontal with the floor, and revolving alongside of an exhaust box

which sucks out the heat and chaff as the coffee is tumbled about in the

cylinder. A rocking type, that is not generally employed, is constructed

on the principle of the screen used by housebuilders to separate coarse

sand from the fine, and is pivoted at the middle so that it can be

rocked end to end.

[Illustration: A FOUR-BAG COFFEE FINISHER]

_Finishing or Glazing_

Finishing whole-bean roasted coffee, by giving it a friction polish

while it is still moist, using a glaze solution or water only, is a

practise not harmful if the proper solutions are employed. Roasted

coffee dulls in ordinary handling, and it is claimed that coating not

only improves its appearance, but serves also to preserve the natural

flavor and aroma of the bean. A machine having flat-sided wooden

cylinders with ventilated heads, and operated two-thirds full of coffee

so as to get an effective rolling motion, is generally employed.

Coatings composed of sugar and eggs are popular, but their use should be

stated on the label.

Coffee roasters are divided on this question of coffee-coating. The best

thought of the trade is undoubtedly opposed to the practise when it is

done to conceal inferiority or abnormally to reduce shrinkage. Some New

York coffee roasters, who made a thorough investigation of the matter,

found coating coffee with a wholesome material not injurious and the

coated coffee better in the cup. Dr. Harvey W. Wiley found, in the

celebrated Ohio case against Arbuckle Brothers, that coating coffee with

sugar and eggs produced beneficial results, and that the coating

preserved the bean. The Bureau of Chemistry has never issued any ruling

on the subject of coating coffee.

_Blending Roasted Coffee_

After cooling and stoning, unless it is to be polished or glazed, the

coffee is ready for grinding and packing if it has been blended in the

green state. Otherwise, the next step will be to mix the different

varieties before grinding, although some packers blend the different

kinds after they have been ground. To mix whole-bean roasted coffee

without hurting its appearance is rather difficult, and there is no

regular machine for such work.

[Illustration: BURNS SAMPLE-COFFEE ROASTER]

Rarely is a single kind of coffee drunk straight. The common practise in

all countries is to mix different varieties having opposing

characteristics so as to obtain a smoother beverage. This is called

blending, a process that has attained the standing of an art in the

United States. Most package coffees are blends. In addition to other

qualities, the practical coffee blender must have a natural aptitude for

the work. He must also have long experience before he becomes

proficient, and must be acquainted with the different properties of all

the coffees grown, or at least of those that come to his market.

Furthermore, he must know the variations in characteristics of current

crops; for in most coffees no two crops are equal in trade values.

Innumerable blends are possible with more than a hundred different

coffees to draw upon.

A blend may consist of two or more kinds of coffee, but the general

practise is to employ several kinds; so that, if at any time one can not

be obtained, its absence from the blend will not be so noticeable as

would be the case if only two or three kinds were used.

In blending coffees, consideration is given first to the shades of

flavor in the cup and next to price. The blender describes flavors as,

acidy, bitter, smooth, neutral, flat, wild, grassy, groundy, sour,

fermented, and hidey; and he mixes the coffees accordingly to obtain the

desired taste in the cup. Naturally the wild, sour, groundy, fermented,

and hidey kinds are avoided as much as possible. Coffees with a Rio

flavor are used only in the cheaper blends.

Generally speaking, a properly balanced blend should have a full rich

body as a basis; and to this should be added a growth to give it some

acid character, and one to give it increased aroma.

Personal preference is the determining factor in making up a blend. Some

blenders prefer a coffee with plenty of acid taste; while others choose

the non-acid cup. For the first-named kind, the blender will mix

together the coffees that have an acidy characteristic; while for a

non-acidy blend, he will mix an acidy growth with one having a neutral

flavor.

[Illustration: LAMBERT ECONOMIC COFFEE-ROASTING OUTFIT FOR COAL FIRE

This is a self-contained plant for one or two bags, and comprises a

roaster, rotary cooler, elevator feed hopper, electric motor, and

stoning and chaffing attachments. It may be equipped for gas]

Coffees can be divided into four great classes, the neutral-flavored,

the sweet, the acidy, and the bitter. All East Indian coffees, except

Ceylons, Malabars, and the other Hindoostan growths, are classified as

bitter, as are old brown Bucaramangas, brown Bogotas, and brown Santos.

The acid coffees are generally the new-crop washed varieties of the

western hemisphere, such as Mexicans, Costa Ricas, Bogotas, Caracas,

Guatemalas, Santos, etc. However, the acidity may be toned down by age

so that they become sweet or sweet-bitter. Red Santos is generally a

sweet coffee, and is prized by blenders. High-grade washed Santo Domingo

and Haiti coffees are sweet both when new crop and when aged.

Practical coffee blenders do not mix two new-crop acid coffees, or two

old-crop bitter kinds, unless their bitterness or acidity is

counteracted by coffees with opposite flavors. One blender insists that

every blend should contain three coffees.

[Illustration: CHALLENGE PULVERIZER]

Some Bourbon and flat-beaned Santos coffees are better when new, and

some are better when old; but a blend of fine old-crop coffee with a

snappy new-crop coffee gives a better result than either separately. A

new-crop Bourbon and an old yellow flat bean make a better blend than a

new-crop flat bean and an old-crop Bourbon. Probably the very best

result in a low-priced blend may be obtained by using one-half old-crop

Bourbon Santos with one-half new-crop Haiti or Santo Domingo of the

cheaper grades.

Typical low-priced coffee blends in the United States may be made up of

a good Santos, possibly a Bourbon, and some low-cost Mexican, Central

American, Colombian, or Venezuelan coffee, the Santos counteracting

these acidy Milds.

Going next higher in the scale of price, fancy old Bourbon Santos is

used with one-third fancy old Cucuta or a good Trujillo.

For a blend costing about five cents more a pound retail, one-third

fancy old Cucuta or Merida is blended with fancy old Bourbon Santos.

[Illustration: MONITOR COFFEE-GRANULATING MACHINE]

The highest-priced blend may contain two-thirds of a fine private estate

Sumatra and one-third Mocha or Longberry Harari.

[Illustration: COLES NO. 22 GRINDING MILL]

Alfred W. McCann, while advertising manager for Francis H. Leggett &

Co., New York, in 1910, evolved a new coffee distinction based on the

argument that certain coffees like Mochas, Mexicans, Bourbons, and Costa

Ricas were developed in the cup through the action on them of cream or

milk; while others, such as Bogotas, Javas, Maracaibos, etc., flattened

out when cream or milk was added. He argued, accordingly, that breakfast

coffees should be made up from the former, but that the latter should

not be used except for after-dinner coffees, to be drunk black.[328]

William B. Harris, then coffee expert for the United States Department

of Agriculture, took issue with Mr. McCann, claiming that if a coffee is

watery and lacks body, it will not take kindly to milk or cream, not

because the chemical action of milk or cream flattens it out, but

because there is nothing there in the first place. The strength of the

brew being equal, all coffees will take cream or milk, Mr. Harris

held.[329]

[Illustration: BURNS NO. 12 GRINDING MILL

Designed for hotel and restaurant trade]

[Illustration: MONITOR STEEL-CUT GRINDER, SEPARATOR, AND CHAFFER]

M.J. McGarty said in 1915 that he had tried out many coffees in the cup,

and could not see that adding milk made any difference. However, he

found that sometimes a line of coffees will contain a sample that

flattens out at the drinking point (the point where the boiling water

has cooled to permit of its being drunk); and he thought this was what

Mr. McCann had in mind, as, by adding milk to such a coffee, it was

brought back to the drinking point. In other words, it was Mr. McGarty's

opinion that, in blending coffees, those coffees which hold their own

from the start, or boiling point, until they become cold, or even

improve right through, are more desirable for blending purposes; and

that those that are best at the drinking point should be given the

preference.[330]

_Coffee Blends for Restaurants_

William B. Harris[331] believes that the coffee of prime importance in

preparing restaurant blends is Bogota. He advises the use of a

full-bodied Bogota and an acid Bourbon Santos in the proportion of

three-fourths Bogota to one-fourth Santos. Blends may also be made up

from combinations of Bogota, Mexicans, and Guatemalas.

According to Mr. Harris, the average blend of good coffee when made up,

two and one-half pounds of coffee to five gallons of water, will produce

a liquor of good color and strength. For many hotels, however, this may

not answer, as it is not heavy enough. More coffee must then be used, or

ten percent of chicory added. A blend with chicory can be made by using

two-thirds Bogota, one-third Bourbon Santos, and ten percent chicory.

No steward, hotel man, or restaurant man should, however, advertise

"coffee" on his menu, and then serve a drink employing chicory; because,

while there is no federal law against such a practise, there are state

laws against it. Chicory is all right in its place; and many prefer a

drink made from coffee and chicory; but such a drink can not properly be

called coffee.

Hotel men should purchase their coffee in the bean, and do their own

grinding. Then they need never have cause to complain that their coffee

man deceived them, or that some salesman misled them. The hotel steward

wishing to furnish his patrons with a heavy-bodied coffee, particularly

a black after-dinner coffee, _without chicory_, will use three, four, or

even four and one-half pounds of ground coffee to five gallons of water.

With so wide a choice of coffees to choose from, a coffee blender can

make up many combinations to meet the demands of his trade. Probably no

two blenders use exactly the same varieties in exactly the same

proportions to make up a blend to sell at the same price. However, they

all follow the same general principles laid down in the foregoing flavor

classification of the world's coffees.

_Grinding and Packaging Coffee_

[Illustration: JOHNSON CARTON-FILLING, WEIGHING, AND SEALING MACHINE]

Unless the coffee is to be sold in the bean, it is sent to the grinding

and packing department, to be further prepared for the consumer. Since

the federal food law has been in effect, the public has gained

confidence in ground and bean coffee in packages; and today a large part

of the coffee consumed in the United States is sold in one and two pound

cartons and cans, already blended and ready for brewing.

[Illustration: THE IDEAL STEEL-CUT MILL]

A progressive coffee-packing house may have three different styles of

grinding machines; one called the granulator for turning out the

so-called "steel-cut" coffee; the second, a pulverizer for making a

really fine grind; and the third, a grinding mill for general factory

work and producing a medium-ground coffee.

Commercial coffee-grinding machines are alike in principle in all

countries, the beans being crushed or broken between toothed or

corrugated metal or stone members, one revolving and the other being

stationary. While all grinding machines are alike in principle, they may

vary in capacity and design. The average granulator will turn out about

five hundred pounds of "steel-cut" coffee in an hour; the pulverizer,

from seventy-five to two hundred pounds; and the average grinding mill

from five hundred to six hundred pounds. Some types of grinding machines

have chaff-removing attachments to remove, by air suction, the chaff

from the coffee as it is being ground.

A large number of trade terms for designating different grinds of coffee

are used in the United States, some of them meaning the same thing,

while similar names are sometimes contradictory. A canvass of the

leading American coffee packers in 1917[332] discovered that there were

fifteen terms in use, and that there were thirty-four different meanings

attached to them. For the term "fine" there were five different

definitions; "medium" had five; "coarse", seven; "pulverized", four;

"steel-cut", seven; "ground", two; "powdered", one; "percolator", two;

"steel-cut-chaff-removed", one; "Turkish ground", one; while

"granulated", "Greek ground", "extra fine", "standard", and "regular"

were not defined.

The term "steel-cut" is generally understood to mean that in the

grinding process the chaff has been removed and an approximate

uniformity of granules has been obtained by sifting. The term does not

necessarily mean that the grinding mills have steel burrs. In fact, most

firms employ burrs made of cast-iron or of a composition metal known as

"burr metal", because of its combined hardness and toughness.

The "steel-cut" idea is another of those sophistries for which American

advertising methods have been largely responsible in the development of

the package-coffee business in the United States. The term "steel-cut"

lost all its value as an advertising catchword for the original user

when every other dealer began to use it, no matter how the ground coffee

was produced. When the public has been taught that coffee should be

"steel-cut", it is hard to sell it ground coffee unless it is called

"steel-cut"; although a truer education of the consumer would have

caused him to insist on buying whole bean coffee to be ground at home.

[Illustration: SMYSER PACKAGE-MAKING-AND-FILLING MACHINE AT THE ARBUCKLE

PLANT, NEW YORK

This machine was invented by Henry E. Smyser of Philadelphia, who

secured the first patent in 1880, but it has been much improved by the

Arbuckle engineers. The half shown on the left makes the one-pound paper

bags complete, including the separate lining of parchment, fills the

bag, automatically inserts a premium list at the same time, packs it

down, seals it, and delivers it on a short conveyor to the other half

(shown on the right) where the package is wrapped in the outside

glassine paper and pushed out on a table for the girls to put into

shipping cases]

"Steel-cut" coffee, that is, a medium-ground coffee with the chaff blown

out, does not compare in cup test with coffee that has been more

scientifically ground and not given the chaff removal treatment that is

largely associated in the public mind with the idea of the steel-cut

process.

[Illustration: MACHINE FOR AUTOMATICALLY PACKING COFFEE IN CARTONS

Five distinct operations are performed by the units comprising this

Pneumatic installation, viz., carton-feeding, bottom-sealing, lining,

weighing and top-sealing]

According to the results of the trade canvass previously referred to, it

would appear that the terms most suited to convey the right idea of the

different grades of grinding, and likely to be acceptable to the

greatest number, would be "coarse" (for boiling, and including all the

coarser grades); "medium" (for coffee made in the ordinary pot,

including the so-called "steel-cut"); "fine" (like granulated sugar, and

used for percolators); "very fine" (like cornmeal, and used for drip or

filtration methods); "powdered" (like flour, and used for Turkish

coffee).

Coffee begins to lose its strength immediately after roasting, the rate

of loss increasing rapidly after grinding. In a test carried out by a

Michigan coffee packer,[333] it was discovered that a mixture of a very

fine with a coarse grind gives the best results in the cup. It was also

determined that coarse ground coffee loses its strength more rapidly

than the medium ground; while the latter deteriorates more quickly than

a fine ground; and so on, down the scale. His conclusions were that the

most satisfactory grind for putting into packages that are likely to

stand for some time before being consumed is a mixture consisting of

about ninety percent finely ground coffee and ten percent coarse. His

theory is that the fine grind supplies sufficiently high body

extraction; the coarse, the needful flavor and aroma. On this irregular

grind a United States patent (No. 14,520) has been granted, in which the

inventor claims that the ninety percent of fine eliminates the

interstices--that allow too free ventilation in a coarse ground

coffee--and consequently prevents the loss of the highly volatile

constituents of the ten percent of coarse-ground particles, and at the

same time gives a full-body extraction.

_Making and Filling Containers_

As stated before, a large proportion of the coffee sold in the United

States is put up into packages, ready for brewing. Such containers are

grouped under the name of the material of which they are made; such as

tin, fiber, cardboard, paper, wood, and combinations of these materials,

such as a fiber can with tin top and bottom. Generally, coffee

containers are lined with chemically treated paper or foil to keep in

the aroma and flavor, and to keep out moisture and contaminating odors.

As the package business grew in the United States, the machinery

manufacturers kept pace; until now there are machines that, in one

continuous operation, open up a "flat" paper carton, seal the bottom

fold, line the carton with a protecting paper, weigh the coffee as it

comes down from an overhead hopper into the carton, fold the top and

seal it, and then wrap the whole package in a waxed or paraffined

paper, delivering the package ready for shipment without having been

touched by a human hand from the first operation to the last. Such a

machine can put out fifteen to eighteen thousand packages a day.

Another type of machine automatically manufactures two and three-ply

paper cans such as are used widely for cereal packages. It winds the

ribbons of heavy paper in a spiral shape, automatically gluing the

papers together to make a can that will not permit its contents to leak

out. The machine turns out its product in long cylinders, like mailing

tubes, which are cut into the desired lengths to make the cans. The

paper or tin tops and bottoms are stamped out on a punch press.

Coffee cans are generally filled by hand; that is, the can is placed

under the spout of an automatic filling and weighing machine by an

operator who slips on the cover when the can is properly filled. The

weighing machine has a hopper which lets the coffee down into a device

that gauges the correct amount, say a pound or two pounds, and then

pours it into the can. The machine weighs the can and its contents, and

if they do not show the exact predetermined weight, the device

automatically operates to supply the necessary quantity. After weighing,

the can is carried on a traveling belt to the labeling machine, where

the label is automatically applied and glued. Then the can is put

through a drying compartment to make the label stick quickly.

[Illustration: COMPLETE COFFEE-CARTONING OUTFIT IN OPERATION

The girl is feeding the "flats" into an Improved Johnson bottom-sealer.

The carton travels to a Scott weigher on the right and thence to the

top-sealer on the left]

Paper bags are filled much the same way as the tin and the fiber cans.

In fact, some packers fill their paper and fiber cartons by the same

system; although the tendency among the largest companies is to instal

the complete automatic packaging equipment, because of its speed and

economy in packaging. Frequently, the weighing machines are used in

filling wooden and fiber drums holding twenty-five, fifty, and one

hundred pounds of coffee, to be sold in bulk to the retailer.

[Illustration: THREE TYPES OF AUTOMATIC COFFEE-WEIGHING MACHINES

Left--Duplex net weigher. Center--Pneumatic cross-weight machine.

Right--Scott net weigher]

_Coffee Additions and Fillers_

In all large coffee-consuming countries, coffee additions and fillers

have always been used. Large numbers of French, Italian, Dutch, and

German consumers insist on having chicory with their coffee, just as do

many Southerners in the United States.

The chief commercial reason for using coffee additions and fillers is to

keep down the cost of blends. For this purpose, chicory and many kinds

of cooked cereals are most generally used; while frequently roasted and

ground peas, beans, and other vegetables that will not impair the flavor

or aroma of the brew, are employed in foreign countries. Before

Parliament passed the Adulterant Act, some British coffee men used as

fillers cacao husks, acorns, figs, and lupins, in addition to chicory

and the other favorite fillers.

Up to the year 1907, when the United States Food and Drugs Act became

effective, chicory and cereal additions were widely used by coffee

packers and retailers in this country. With the enforcement of the law

requiring the label of a package to state when a filler is employed, the

use of additions gradually fell off in most sections.

In botanical description and chemical composition chicory, the most

favored addition, has no relationship with coffee. When roasted and

ground, it resembles coffee in appearance; but it has an entirely

different flavor. However, many coffee-drinkers prefer their beverage

when this alien flavor has been added to it.

_Treated Coffees and Dry Extracts_

The manufacture of prepared, or refined, coffees has become an important

branch of the business in the United States and Europe. Prepared coffees

can be divided into two general groups: treated coffees, from which the

caffein has been removed to some degree; and dry coffee extracts

(soluble coffee), which are readily dissolved in a cup of hot or cold

water.

To decaffeinate coffee, the most common practise is to make the green

beans soft by steaming under pressure, and then to apply benzol or

chloroform or alcohol to the softened coffee to dissolve and to extract

the caffein. Afterward, the extracting solvents are driven out of the

coffee by re-steaming. However, chemists have not yet been able to expel

all the caffein in treating coffee commercially, the best efforts

resulting in from 0.3 to 0.07 percent remaining. After treatment, the

coffee beans are then roasted, packed, and sold like ordinary coffee.

[Illustration: VACUUM DRUM DRIER

Vacuum drum drier, No. 1 size; diameter of drum, 12 inches; length, 20

inches; used for converting coffee extract and other liquids into dry

powder form. This is the smallest size, and was developed for drying

smaller quantities of liquids than could be handled economically in the

larger sizes. To provide accessibility of the interior for cleansing,

the outer casing may be moved back on the track of the bedplate (as

shown in the cut), so that free access may be had to the drum and

interior of the casing.

RAPID-CIRCULATION EVAPORATOR

Used to concentrate coffee extracts and other liquids. The tubes are

easily reached through the open door for cleansing. Interior of the

vapor body is reached through a manhole.

REAR VIEW OF DRUM DRIER

Vacuum drum dryer. No. 1 size; rear view, showing outer casing rolled

back from the drum.

CROSS-SECTION OF VACUUM DRIER

This shows the interior arrangement and principle of operation. The

drawing represents a larger size than the photograph, and while the

arrangement of some parts is slightly different, the principle of

operation is the same.

UNITS USED IN THE MANUFACTURE OF SOLUBLE COFFEE]

In manufacturing dry coffee extract in the form of a powder that is

readily soluble in water, the general method is to extract the drinking

properties from ground roasted coffee by means of water, and to

evaporate the resulting liquid until only the coffee powder is left.

Several methods have been developed and patented to prevent the valuable

flavor elements from being evaporated with the water.

A typical dry-coffee-extract-making equipment consists of a battery of

percolators, or "leachers", a vacuum evaporating device, and a vacuum

drier. The leachers do not differ materially from the ordinary

restaurant percolators, a battery usually including from three to seven

units, each charge of water going through all the percolations. The

resulting heavy liquid then goes to the evaporator to be concentrated

into a thick liquor. The evaporator consists of a horizontal cylindrical

vapor compartment connected with an inclined cylindrical steam chest in

which are numerous tubes, or flues, that occupy almost the whole chest.

These tubes are heated by steam. The coffee liquor is passed through the

tubes at high speed and thrown with great force against a baffle plate

at the opening to the vapor chest. The vapor passes around the baffle

plate to a separator. The liquor drops to the lower part of the

steam-chest (which is free from tubes), and is ready to be drawn out for

the next process, the drying.

At this stage, the extract is a heavily concentrated syrup and is ready

to be converted into powder. This is done in the vacuum drier, which

consists of a hollow revolving drum surrounded by a tightly sealed

cast-iron casing. The drum is heated by steam injected into its

interior, and is revolved in a high vacuum. In operation, a coating of

coffee liquor is applied automatically, by means of a special device, to

the outside of the drum. The liquor is taken by gravity from the

reservoir containing the liquid supply and is forced upward by means of

a pump into the liquid supply pan, directly under the drum, with

sufficient pressure to cause the liquid to adhere to the drum, the

excess liquor overflowing from the pan into the reservoir. The coating

on the drum is controlled or regulated by a spreader. The heat and the

vacuum reduce the extract to a dry powder in less than one revolution of

the drum. As the drum completes three-quarters of a turn, a scraper

knife removes the coffee powder, which is delivered to a receiver below

the drum. Modern vacuum-drum driers have a capacity of from twenty-five

to five hundred pounds of dry soluble coffee per hour.

C.W. Trigg and W.A. Hamor were granted a patent in the United States in

1919 on a new process for making an aromatized coffee extract. In this

process, the caffeol of the coffee is volatilized and is then brought

into contact with an absorbing medium such as is used in the extraction

of perfumes. The absorbing medium is then treated with a solvent of the

caffeol, and the solution is separated from the petrolatum. Then the

coffee solution is concentrated to an extract by evaporation; after

which, the extract and the caffeol are combined into a soluble coffee.

Five additional patents were granted on this same process in 1921.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XXVI

WHOLESALE MERCHANDISING OF COFFEE

_How coffees are sold at wholesale--The wholesale salesman's place

in merchandising--Some coffee costs analyzed--Handy coffee-selling

chart--Terms and credits--About package coffees--Various types of

coffee containers--Coffee package labels--Coffee package

economies--Practical grocer helps--Coffee sampling--Premium method

of sales promotion_

Coffee is sold at wholesale in the United States chiefly by about 4,000

wholesale grocers, who handle also many other items of food; and by

roasters, who make a specialty of preparing the green coffee for

consumption, and who feature either bulk or trade-marked package goods.

Much the largest proportion of the wholesale coffee trade today is made

up of roasted coffees, though some wholesalers still sell the green bean

to retail distributers who do their own roasting. Most of the roasted

coffee sold is ground; although in some parts of the United States there

is at present a growing consumer demand for coffee in the bean. Of the

coffee sold in trade-marked packages in 1919 in the United States, about

seventy-five percent was ground ready for brewing.

The larger wholesale houses generally confine their operations to the

section of the country in which they are located, but some of the

biggest coffee-packing firms seek national distribution. In both cases,

branch houses are usually established at strategic points to facilitate

the serving of retail customers with freshly roasted coffee at all

times.

In recent years, too, it has become a general practise for the home

offices, or main headquarters, to advertise their product in magazines,

newspapers, street cars, and by mail and on billboards; while the

branches solicit trade in their territories by means of traveling

salesmen, local newspaper advertisements, booklets, circulars, and

demonstrations at food shows.

_The Wholesale Salesman_

The traveling salesman is probably the most effective agency in securing

the retailer's orders for coffee. A good coffee salesman not only sells

coffee, but he teaches his customer how he can best build up and hold

his coffee trade. He acquaints the retailer with all the talking points

about the coffee he handles, how to feature it in store displays and

advertisements, how to stage demonstrations and to work up special

sales.

If he is a _good_ salesman, he does not permit the merchant to buy more

coffee than he can dispose of while it is still fresh. And he shows the

dealer the folly of handling too many brands of package coffees. If he

sells coffee in bulk, the efficient salesman has also a sound working

knowledge of blending principles, and is able to suggest the kinds of

coffee to blend to suit the particular requirements of each grocer's

trade. In short, he takes an intelligent interest in his customer's

business, and co-operates with him in building up a local coffee trade.

_Some Coffee Costs Analyzed_

In estimating the price at which he must sell his coffee to make a fair

profit, the wholesale coffee merchant has many items of expense to

consider. To the cost of the green coffee he must add: the cost of

transportation to his plant; the loss in shrinkage in roasting, which

ranges from fifteen to twenty percent; packaging costs, if he is a

packer; the items of expense in doing business, such as wages and

salaries, advertising, buying and selling, freight, express, warehouse

and cartage, postage and office supplies, telephone and telegraph,

credit and collection; and the fixed overhead charges for interest,

heat, light, power, insurance, taxes, repairs, equipment, depreciation,

losses from bad debts, and miscellaneous items.[334] The average loss

for bad debts among grocers in 1916 was 0.03 percent of the total sales,

according to the director of business research, Harvard University, who

estimated also that the common figure for credit and collection expense

was 0.06 percent. The total cost of doing business has been estimated as

ranging between twelve and twenty percent of the total annual sales, so

that a bag of green coffee costing $16 in New York or New Orleans costs

the coffee packer in the Middle West from $22.33 to $24.56, according to

the expense of carrying on his business.

_Terms and Credits_

Wholesale coffee trade contract terms and credits are not dissimilar

from those in other lines of commerce. The wholesaler helps the retailer

finance his business to the extent of granting him thirty to sixty days

in which to pay his bill, offering him a cash discount if the invoice is

paid within ten days of date of sale. Until recent years, these terms

were frequently abused, the customer demanding much longer credits and

often taking a ten-day cash discount after thirty or more days had

elapsed. This abuse was particularly prevalent from 1907 to 1913, when

coffee prices were low and competition was especially keen.[335] In

addition, the retailers often demanded special deliveries of supplies,

which added to the wholesalers' costs; and some retailers refused to pay

the cost of cartage from the cars to their stores.

With the coming of high prices after the close of the World War, the

wholesalers showed a tendency to tighten up their credit and discount

terms, the National Coffee Roasters Association especially recommending

thirty days' credit, or at most sixty days, and a maximum cash discount

rate of two percent.

Another trade abuse which has been corrected almost altogether was the

practise of "selling coffee to be billed as shipped"; that is, the

wholesaler held coffee on order, and billed only when delivered, even

though several weeks or months had passed before shipment.

_About Package Coffees_

Since the beginning of the twentieth century, the sale of coffee in

packages has increased steadily until now (1922) this form of

distribution competes strongly with bulk coffee sales. While bulk coffee

is still preferred in some eastern sections of the United States, coffee

packers are making deep inroads there, to the extent that practically

all high and medium grade retailers feature package coffees, either

under their own brand name, or that of a coffee specialty house.

The prime requisite for success in any package coffee is the composition

of the blend. One of the leaders in the field, which we will call Y, is

said to be composed of Bogota, Bourbon Santos, and Mexican. In March,

1922, it was being sold at retail in New York for 42 cents. A competing

brand, which we will call Z, is said to be a blend of Bogota and Bourbon

Santos. It was being sold at retail in New York, at the same period for

the same price. Simultaneously, in the retail stores of a well known

chain system, a bulk blend composed of sixty percent Bourbon Santos and

forty percent Bogota was to be had loose for 29 cents.

The second important factor that contributes to package coffee success

is the container. It must be of such a character as will best preserve

the freshness--the flavor and the aroma of the coffee--until it reaches

the consumer.

Package coffee has not yet won universal favor. Some of the arguments

used against it are: that the price is generally higher than the same

grade in bulk; that it leads to price-cutting by stores that can afford

to sell it at about cost as a leader for other articles; that the margin

of profit is frequently too close for some retailers: that when the

market advances, some packers change their blends to keep down cost and

to maintain the advertised price; and that, when packed ground, there is

a rapid loss of flavor, aroma, and strength.

[Illustration: COAL ROASTING PLANT IN A NEW YORK FACTORY

THE ROASTED BEANS HAVE JUST BEEN DUMPED INTO THE COOLER BOX]

COFFEE-SELLING CHART

BY A.J. DANNEMILLER

Showing Prices to Be Obtained to Realize Certain Percents _on Sales_

of Roasted Coffee

_Cost Roasted_

_& Packed_ 10% 11% 12% 13% 14% 15% 16% 17%

4 4.44 4.50 4.55 4.61 4.67 4.72 4.77 4.82

4-1/2 5.00 5.06 5.12 5.18 5.24 5.30 5.36 5.43

5 5.55 5.62 5.68 5.75 5.82 5.89 5.96 6.03

5-1/2 6.11 6.18 6.25 6.33 6.41 6.49 6.57 6.65

6 6.67 6.74 6.81 6.89 6.97 7.06 7.15 7.24

6-1/2 7.23 7.31 7.38 7.47 7.55 7.84 7.74 7.84

7 7.78 7.87 7.95 8.05 8.15 8.25 8.35 8.45

7-1/2 8.34 8.43 8.52 8.62 8.72 8.83 8.93 9.04

8 8.89 8.99 9.09 9.20 9.31 9.42 9.53 9.65

8-1/2 9.45 9.55 9.66 9.77 9.87 9.99 10.12 10.25

9 10.00 10.12 10.23 10.35 10.47 10.59 10.72 10.85

9-1/2 10.56 10.68 10.80 10.92 11.04 11.17 11.31 11.45

10 11.11 11.24 11.37 11.49 11.63 11.77 11.90 12.05

10-1/2 11.66 11.81 11.93 12.07 12.21 12.36 12.49 12.65

11 12.22 12.37 12.50 12.64 12.85 12.95 13.08 13.26

11-1/2 12.77 12.93 13.07 13.21 13.37 13.54 13.68 13.86

12 13.33 13.49 13.64 13.79 13.95 14.12 14.28 14.46

12-1/2 13.89 14.05 14.21 14.37 14.53 14.71 14.88 15.06

13 14.44 14.62 14.78 14.93 15.11 15.30 15.47 15.66

13-1/2 15.00 15.18 15.33 15.51 15.69 15.88 16.07 16.27

14 15.55 15.73 15.90 16.08 16.28 16.48 16.67 16.84

14-1/2 16.11 16.29 16.48 16.65 16.86 17.05 17.26 17.47

15 16.66 16.85 17.05 17.23 17.44 17.65 17.85 18.07

15-1/2 17.23 17.43 17.61 17.80 18.03 18.22 18.45 18.67

16 17.78 17.98 18.18 18.38 18.60 18.83 19.05 19.28

16-1/2 18.33 18.54 18.75 18.97 19.18 19.41 19.64 19.88

17 18.89 19.10 19.33 19.52 19.76 20.01 20.24 20.48

17-1/2 19.44 19.66 19.89 20.10 20.35 20.59 20.83 21.08

18 20.00 20.22 20.45 20.67 20.93 21.18 21.43 21.69

18-1/2 20.55 20.79 21.02 21.24 21.51 21.77 22.02 22.29

19 21.11 21.35 21.59 21.84 22.09 22.36 22.62 22.90

19-1/2 21.66 21.91 22.16 22.41 22.68 22.95 23.21 23.50

20 22.22 22.47 22.73 22.99 23.25 23.54 23.81 24.11

20-1/2 22.77 23.03 23.30 23.55 23.83 24.14 24.40 24.70

21 23.33 23.60 23.87 24.14 24.42 24.70 25.00 25.30

21-1/2 23.88 24.16 24.43 24.71 25.00 25.29 25.59 25.90

22 24.44 24.72 25.00 25.28 25.58 25.92 26.19 26.51

22-1/2 24.99 25.29 25.57 25.85 26.16 26.47 26.78 27.12

23 25.55 25.85 26.14 26.42 26.74 27.06 27.38 27.71

23-1/2 26.11 26.41 26.70 27.00 27.32 27.66 27.97 28.32

24 26.67 26.97 27.26 27.58 27.90 28.24 28.57 28.92

24-1/2 27.22 27.54 27.84 28.15 28.49 28.83 29.16 29.52

25 27.78 28.09 28.41 28.73 29.07 29.41 29.76 30.12

_Cost Roasted_

_& Packed_ 18% 19% 20% 21% 22% 23% 24% 25%

4 4.88 4.94 5.00 5.07 5.13 5.20 5.26 5.33

4-1/2 5.49 5.57 5.63 5.70 5.77 5.84 5.91 6.00

5 6.10 6.18 6.25 6.33 6.42 6.50 6.55 6.68

5-1/2 6.72 6.80 6.88 6.97 7.06 7.15 7.24 7.33

6 7.33 7.42 7.50 7.60 7.70 7.80 7.90 8.00

6-1/2 7.94 8.03 8.13 8.24 8.33 8.45 8.56 8.67

7 8.54 8.65 8.75 8.86 8.96 9.09 9.21 9.33

7-1/2 9.15 9.26 9.30 9.50 9.63 9.75 9.87 10.00

8 9.76 9.88 10.00 10.13 10.26 10.39 10.53 10.67

8-1/2 10.37 10.40 10.63 10.76 10.90 11.04 11.19 11.33

9 10.98 11.12 11.25 11.40 11.54 11.70 11.85 12.00

9-1/2 11.59 11.73 11.88 12.03 12.18 12.34 12.51 12.67

10 12.20 12.34 12.50 12.66 12.82 12.98 13.16 13.33

10-1/2 12.81 12.95 13.12 13.29 13.46 13.63 13.81 14.00

11 13.43 13.57 13.75 13.93 14.10 14.28 14.47 14.67

11-1/2 14.03 14.19 14.38 14.56 14.74 14.93 15.13 15.33

12 14.65 14.81 15.00 15.19 15.38 15.58 15.79 16.00

12-1/2 15.24 15.43 15.63 15.83 16.02 16.23 16.45 16.67

13 15.85 16.05 16.25 16.45 16.67 16.87 17.10 17.33

13-1/2 16.46 16.67 16.88 17.08 17.31 17.53 17.76 18.00

14 17.07 17.28 17.50 17.72 17.95 18.17 18.40 18.67

14-1/2 17.68 17.90 18.13 18.35 18.59 18.83 19.07 19.33

15 18.29 18.51 18.75 18.98 19.23 19.48 19.74 20.00

15-1/2 18.90 19.13 19.38 19.61 19.87 20.12 20.39 20.67

16 19.51 19.75 20.00 20.25 20.51 20.77 21.05 21.33

16-1/2 20.12 20.38 20.63 20.88 21.16 21.42 21.70 22.00

17 20.73 21.99 21.25 21.51 21.78 22.07 22.36 22.67

17-1/2 21.34 21.60 22.88 22.15 22.43 22.72 23.03 23.33

18 21.95 22.22 22.50 22.78 23.05 23.37 23.68 24.00

18-1/2 22.56 22.84 23.13 23.42 23.70 24.02 24.34 24.67

19 23.17 23.45 23.75 24.05 24.34 24.67 25.00 25.33

19-1/2 23.78 24.07 24.38 24.68 24.99 25.32 25.66 26.00

20 24.39 24.68 25.00 25.31 25.64 25.97 26.32 26.67

20-1/2 25.00 25.30 25.63 25.94 26.28 26.61 26.97 27.33

21 25.62 25.92 26.25 26.58 26.92 27.26 27.63 28.00

21-1/2 26.22 26.54 26.88 27.22 27.56 27.91 28.28 28.67

22 26.83 27.16 27.50 27.86 28.10 28.56 28.94 29.33

22-1/2 27.44 27.78 28.13 28.48 28.85 29.22 29.61 30.00

23 28.06 28.38 28.75 29.11 29.48 29.86 30.26 30.67

23-1/2 28.66 29.00 29.38 29.76 30.12 30.51 30.92 31.33

24 29.27 29.62 30.00 30.38 30.77 31.17 31.58 32.00

24-1/2 29.88 30.24 30.63 31.02 31.41 31.81 32.24 32.67

25 30.49 30.86 31.25 31.65 32.05 32.47 32.90 33.33

NOTE, FOR EXAMPLE: Coffee costing 13.50 per 100 pounds

(see first column), to realize 17% _on sales_, must bring

16.27; which really represents 21% _on cost_

Friends of package coffees point to the saving in time in handling in

the store; to the fact that the contents of a package are not

contaminated by odors or dirt; that the blends are prepared by experts

and are always uniform; that the coffee is always properly roasted; and,

in the case of package ground coffee, properly ground; that the brand

names are widely and consistently advertised; and that the retailer has

the benefit of the packer's co-operation in building up sales campaigns,

by means of booklets and local advertising.

_Various Types of Coffee Containers_

Five types of containers are used for packing coffee, namely, cardboard

cartons, paper bags, fiber or paper cans, tin cans, and composite (tin

and fiber) cans and packages. Fiber packages include paraffin-lined as

well as those that have been chemically treated with other water-proof

and flavor-retaining substances.

The carton is popular, because it takes up less room in storage and in

shipment to the packing plant, and also because the label can be printed

directly on the package. Another economy feature is its adaptability to

the automatic packaging machine, which transforms it from a flat sheet

into a wrapped and sealed package of coffee. Moisture-proof and

flavor-retaining inner liners and outside wrappers are generally used to

prevent rapid deterioration of the coffee's strength and aroma.

Paper bags are the least expensive containers to be obtained; and when

lined with foil or prepared paper, they are considered to be

satisfactory. Like the carton, the label can be printed directly on the

bag. They also lend themselves to close packing in shipping cases.

Another popular type of container is the paper, or fiber, can which is

made of fiber board with a slip cover. Fiber cans are also made with

tin tops and bottoms, the metal parts supplying a measure of rigidity to

the package. These composite packages are made round, square, oblong, or

cylindrical.

Paraffined containers are characterized by an outer covering of glossy

paraffin, and are made in various shapes. In some makes, the paraffin is

forced into the pores of the paper base, making for added

flavor-retaining and moisture-proof properties. In this type of package

the label may also be printed direct on the package.

In recent years, vacuum packed coffee has won great favor, first in the

West and latterly in the East. Tin cans are used. Vacuum sealing

machines close the containers at the rate of forty to fifty a minute.

Private tests by responsible coffee men are said to have shown that

coffee in the bean or ground, when vacuum packed, retains its freshness

for a longer period than when packed by any other method.

_Labels_

Coffee packers must give due attention to certain well defined laws

bearing on package labels. Before the Federal Pure Food Act went into

effect on January 1, 1907, many coffee labels bore the magic names of

"Mocha" and "Java," when in fact neither of those two celebrated coffees

were used in the blend. Even mixtures containing a large percentage of

chicory, or other addition, were labeled "Pure Mocha and Java Coffee."

The enactment of the pure food law ended this practise, making it

compulsory that the label should state either the actual coffees used in

the blend, or a brand name, together with the name of either the packer

or the distributer. When chicory or other addition is used, the fact

must be stated in clear type directly following the brand name. The

reading matter on the label should contain facts only, and should not

bear extravagant claims of superior quality or of methods of preparing

or packing that have not been followed.

_Coffee Packaging Economies_

During the United States' participation in the World War, tin became

practically unobtainable, and coffee packers turned to paper and fiber

containers as substitutes in packaging nearly all grades. In this war

period, commercial economy became a fetish in the business world; and

coffee packers worked to save not only material, but shipping space,

labor, and time. Paper and fiber containers proved to be not only

practical but economical packages. Because of their war-time experience,

many packers changed permanently to square and oblong containers. They

found these containers could be packed "solid" in shipping cases,

leaving no unfilled space between packages as is the case with

cylindrical cans; also, smaller shipping cases could be used. As a

further measure of economy, several packers changed from the square

"knocked-down" paper or fiber carton to the oblong carton that is made

up, filled, and sealed by automatic machinery from a flat, printed sheet

of cardboard. This type of container is generally lined or wrapped with

a moisture-proof and flavor-retaining paper.

There has been a tendency in recent years to standardize coffee packages

as a means of working out packaging and shipping economies. One of the

leading American proponents[336] of standardization said:

One of the first arguments raised against standardization is that

it eliminates individuality, and individuality is one of the big

guns covering the front line trenches in the war of competition.

The folly of recommending that every one-pound coffee carton, for

instance, should be of exactly the same size and shape is

immediately apparent; but let us not confuse such unification with

standardization.

Assuming that a pound of coffee may be safely contained in

seventy-two cubic inches, we find that a carton three inches thick

by four inches wide by six inches high will serve our purpose; and,

as an illustration of extremes, a carton three inches thick by

three inches wide by eight inches high, or one [carton] two inches

thick by six inches wide by six inches high, will each have exactly

the same cubical contents. In fact, there is an almost infinite

variety of combinations of dimensions which will contain

substantially seventy-two cubic inches.

As an example of how coffee packages can be standardized this authority

cites the following sizes of flat-sheet containers and their respective

dimensions and capacities:

THICK AND WIDE HIGH CONTENTS

Size Inches Inches Cubic Ins.

1 lb. 2-5/8 by 4-1/2 6-1/4 73.83

1/2 lb. 2-1/4 by 3-1/8 5-1/4 36.91

1/4 lb. 1-9/16 by 2-5/8 4-1/2 18.46

[Illustration: VARIOUS TYPES OF COFFEE CONTAINERS

THIS GROUP OF LEADING TRADE-MARKED COFFEES ILLUSTRATES THE WIDE VARIANCE

IN STYLES OF CONTAINERS USED BY COFFEE-ROASTERS. THE PACKAGES SHOWN ARE

AS FOLLOWS:

1--Double carton. 2, 3--Cartons. 4--Fiber sides, tin top and bottom,

friction cover. 5--Vacuum tin can. 6--Fancy paper bag.

7--Machine-wrapped paper package. 8--Fancy paper bag. 9--Carton with

patented opening and closing device. 10--Wrapped paper package. 11--Tin

can with slip cover. 12--All-fiber can with slip cover. 13--Tin can with

slip cover. 14--Lithographed tin can with friction cover. 15, 16--Tin

cans with slip covers. 17--Squat tin can. 18--Napa-can. 19, 20,

21--Vacuum tin cans.]

The advantages claimed for these packages are that each is well

proportioned and makes a good selling appearance; each bears a direct

relation to the other two; and all may be handled with uniformly good

results on the same set of standardized packaging machinery. One size of

shipping case, instead of three, may be used to hold exactly the same

number of pounds of coffee, regardless of whether shipped in one-pound,

half-pound, or quarter-pound cartons. For smaller dealer assortments,

any two, or all three sizes also exactly fit the following standard

shipping cases:

For 36 lbs., 13-7/8" by 16-1/2" by 12-3/4" high

For 54 lbs., 13-7/8" by 16-1/2" by 19-1/8" high

This standardization of packages and shipping containers results in a

lower cost of containers and a smaller stock to carry, with attendant

reductions in details in purchasing and billing departments, in

inventories, and in many other overhead expense factors.

_Practical Grocer Helps_

Wholesale coffee merchandising does not properly end with the delivery

of a shipment of coffee to a retailer. The progressive wholesaler knows

that it is to his best interest to help that grocer sell his coffee as

quickly as possible; to make a good profit on a quick turn-over; and to

dispose of it before the coffee has deteriorated.

Practical co-operation between wholesaler and retailer is one of the

most important factors in coffee merchandising. In these days of keen

and unremitting competition, neither agency can stand alone for long.

The progressive wholesaler does not sell a retailer a poorer quality of

coffee for any particular grade than his trade calls for, and he does

not load him up with more than can be disposed of while still fresh. He

gauges the capacity and facilities of each retail customer, and then

gives him practical help to keep the stock moving.

The packer of branded coffees helps by advertising to the consumer in

magazines and newspapers, always featuring the name of his brands; and

he supplies the grocer with educational pamphlets and booklets on the

growing, preparation, and merits of coffee in general, with an added

fillip about the desirability of his particular brand. Through his

salesmen the packer shows the grocer how to display the coffee on the

counter and in the window, and often supplies him with placards and

cut-outs featuring his brand. He co-operates in staging special coffee

demonstrations in the store; instructs the retailer in the importance of

teaching his clerks how to talk and to sell coffee intelligently; and

how to prepare advertising copy for his local newspaper, so as to get

the fullest measure of profit from the wholesaler's national or

sectional advertising.

_Coffee Sampling_

The sampling method of creating a demand for merchandise has been tried

in the wholesale coffee trade, only to be abandoned by the majority of

packers. With other and more satisfactory ways of creating consumer

interest, promiscuous sampling was found to be too expensive, in view of

the comparatively small returns. One indictment against sampling is that

it does not make any more impression on the average person than does an

advertisement that appears only once, and is then abandoned. Wideawake

merchants have learned that the public's memory is exceedingly short;

and that they must keep "hammering" with advertisements to establish and

to maintain a demand for their products.

It would seem that the logical place for sampling is in the retailer's

store, especially in connection with demonstrations. Many progressive

grocers stimulate interest in their coffees by serving, on special

demonstration days, small cups of freshly brewed coffee, giving the

customer a small sample of the brand or blend used, to be taken home to

see if the same pleasing results can be obtained there also. Generally

this form of sampling, when properly conducted, has shown a larger

percentage of returns than any other method.

_Premium Method of Sales Promotion_

For many years, the premium method of sales promotion has been an

important factor in wholesale coffee merchandising, as well as in retail

distribution. The premium system has been characterized as a form of

advertising; and many coffee packers and wholesalers prefer to spend

their advertising appropriations in that way rather than in transitory

printed advertisements in newspapers and general magazines.

While certain forms of the system have been legislated out of existence

in some states, friends of the plan claim that it is a true

profit-sharing method which "blesses both him that gives and him that

takes"; and that it is an advanced and legitimate means of promoting

business, when properly conducted. They assert that it is a system of

sales promotion whereby the advertising expense, plus a large

percentage of the profits of the business stimulated thereby, is

automatically returned to the dealer buyer, without increasing cost or

lowering the quality of the product so advertised; that it eliminates

advertising waste by producing a given volume of sales for a given

expenditure of money; that it reduces the cost of advertising by

prompting a continuous series of purchases at one advertising expense;

that it promotes cash payments and discourages credit business. Premium

users claim that the force of a printed advertisement is often spent in

stimulating the first purchase; while to secure a premium, the purchaser

must continue to buy the commodity carrying the premium, or trade with

the giver of the premium until merchandise of a stipulated value or

quantity has been purchased.

In general practise, the premium-giving coffee packer or wholesaler may

either offer the retailer an inducement in the form of a desirable store

fixture, household article, or item for his personal use; or he may

offer it to the consumer through the retailer.

The methods of giving the premium are numerous. To the retailer he may

give the article outright with each purchase of a stipulated quantity of

his coffee; or he may offer it as a prize to the retail distributer

selling the most coffee in a certain period in a specified territory.

Frequently the premium is of such value that the wholesaler can not give

it with any quantity of coffee a distributer can dispose of in a short

time; so he issues coupons or certificates with each purchase,

permitting the retailer to redeem the premium when he has saved the

required number. Or, the retailer may get the premium with the first

purchase by paying the difference in cash.

In giving premiums to consumers, the wholesaler follows the same general

plan used with retailers, except that in most cases the coupons are

packed with the coffee and are redeemable at the retailer's store.

Sometimes, however, the consumer sends the coupons or certificates to

the wholesaler, getting the premium direct from him. In another phase of

the premium system, the retailer works independently of the wholesaler,

buying and giving away his own premiums to promote or to hold trade for

his store. This phase is explained in the chapter on retail coffee

merchandising.

[Illustration]

[Illustration: LUHRS, OF POUGHKEEPSIE, N.Y., FEATURES FRESHLY ROASTED

COFFEE IN HIS WINDOW

Smoke from the roasters is blown into street through the coffee pot

hanging over the door]

[Illustration: JOHNSON, OF RED OAK, IOWA, ROASTS BEFORE THE CUSTOMER

Showing a Royal roasting and grinding equipment]

[Illustration: FRESH ROASTED-COFFEE IDEA IN RETAIL MERCHANDISING]

CHAPTER XXVII

RETAIL MERCHANDISING OF ROASTED COFFEE

_How coffees are sold at retail--The place of the grocer, the tea

and coffee dealer, the chain store, and the wagon-route distributer

in the scheme of distribution--Starting in the retail coffee

business--Small roasters for retail dealers--Model coffee

departments--Creating a coffee trade--Meeting

competition--Splitting nickels--Figuring costs and profits--A

credit policy for retailers--Premiums_

Coffee is sold at retail in the United States through seven distinct

channels of trade; the independent retail grocers (about 350,000)

handling about forty percent of the 1,300,000,000 pounds sold annually;

and the other sixty percent being sold by chain stores, mail-order

houses, house-to-house wagon-route distributers, specialty tea and

coffee stores, department stores, and drug stores. Since the beginning

of the twentieth century, the independent grocers' monopoly in retail

coffee-merchandising has been dwindling at a rate that has seriously

alarmed those interests and their friends.

B.C. Casanas of New Orleans, addressing a convention of the National

Association of Retail Grocers in the United States, in 1916, said that

the wholesale coffee roasters of the country had invested in their

business $60,000,000; and that $135,000,000 worth of roasted coffee was

sold by them every year.

Considering the methods of merchandising, the seven retail distributing

agencies may be grouped into three distinct classes. The first class

would comprise the independent grocer, the chain store, the department

store, the drug store, and the specialty store, all of which maintain

stores where the consumer comes to buy. The second class takes in the

mail-order house, which solicits orders and delivers its coffee by mail,

and sometimes by freight or express. The third class covers the

wagon-route dealer, who goes from house to house seeking trade, and

delivers his coffee on order at regular periods direct to the consumer

in the home. As an inducement to contracting for large quantities to be

delivered in weekly or bi-weekly periods, the house-to-house dealer

generally gives some household article, or the like, as a premium to

establish good-will and to retain the trade of his customers.

New impetus was given to the method of selling coffee by mail when the

parcel post system was adopted by the federal government in 1912; and

since then this plan has become an important factor in retail

coffee-merchandising. Generally, the mail-order houses confine their

sales efforts to agricultural districts and small towns, soliciting

trade by catalogs, by circular letters, and by advertisements in local

newspapers, and in magazines which circulate chiefly among dwellers in

rural districts.

The majority of wagon-route distributers depend upon the lure of their

premiums, and on personal calls, to develop and to hold their coffee

trade. The leading wagon-route companies, sometimes called "premium

houses", maintain offices and plants in large cities adjacent to the

territories to which they confine their sales efforts. At strategic

points, they have district agents who engage the wagon men that do the

actual soliciting of orders and that deliver the coffee. All wagon-route

companies handle other products besides coffee, specializing in tea,

spices, extracts, and such household goods as soap, perfumes, and other

toilet requisites that promise a quick sale and frequent re-orders. Some

of their competitors complain that they handle only the more profitable

lines, leaving the independent local grocer to supply the housekeeper

with the items on which the margin of profit is comparatively small.

Wagon-route coffee-retailing began to make itself felt seriously about

the year 1900. At first, the premiums usually consisted of a cup and

saucer with the first order, the customer being led to continue buying

until at least a full set of dishes had been acquired. Later, the range

of premiums was expanded; until today the wagon man offers several

hundred different articles that can be used in the home or for personal

wear or adornment. Practically all the leading wagon-route concerns

favor the advance premium method; that is, a special canvasser induces a

consumer to contract for a large quantity of coffee and other products

in return for receiving the premium at once, though the coffee is

delivered only as the customer wants it, generally two pounds every two

weeks. The wagon man delivers the coffee, and is usually held

responsible for the customer fulfilling the agreement, and is expected

to secure repeat orders with other premiums.

[Illustration: A PREMIUM TEA AND COFFEE DEALER'S DISPLAY ROOM

This is the headquarters store of the Geo. F. Hellick Co., Easton, Pa.,

a successful wagon coffee distributer. The premium merchandise is shown

in the foreground: the sales counter, coffee mill, and display of teas,

coffees, extracts, spices, etc., being in the right background]

The importance of the wagon-route plan of coffee-retailing is shown by

the fact that in 1921 there were six hundred houses of this kind in the

United States; and it was estimated that they distributed eight percent

of the total amount of the coffee consumed in the country. The biggest

company was capitalized at $16,000,000, and operated eleven hundred

wagons. Most of the wagon-route concerns were operating in the central

states, practically one-third of them covering the states of Illinois,

Wisconsin, Indiana, and Iowa. Pennsylvania is also a wagon-route-dealer

center.

[Illustration: TYPICAL CHAIN-STORE INTERIOR EQUIPMENT

This is the Atlantic & Pacific Co.'s store in Rhinebeck, New York. There

are nearly 5,000 other stores like it in the United States]

The premium wagon-route distributers have an organization called the

National Retail Tea and Coffee Merchants' Association. It is composed of

126 members--all of whom use premiums--who operate over two thousand

wagons. The largest single wagon-route operator is the Jewel Tea Company

of Chicago. The members of this organization claimed to have served more

than 2,000,000 families in 1920.

In the chain-store system of merchandising we see the opposite extreme

of coffee retailing. The wagon-route man features his delivery service;

while in the chain-store plan, all customers must pay cash and carry

home their parcels. Though the earliest established chain stores gave

premiums, the practise has now been generally abandoned. Roasting,

blending, and packing coffee in a large central plant, the chain-store

operator advertises that he can sell coffee at a price lower than his

competitors. As a rule, only one grade of coffee is offered for sale.

While it is generally a good medium value, many consumers prefer better

quality and go to the independent grocer for it. Others patronize the

grocer because of his convenient delivery service, and because he gives

credit on purchases. Chain-store organizations seem to be growing

rapidly, however; the largest of the chains, the Great Atlantic &

Pacific Tea Co., reporting in 1921 that it had nearly five thousand

branches throughout the country, which sell 40,000,000 pounds of coffee

annually. This chain has a capitalization of $12,000,000, and in 1920

sold $225,000,000 worth of groceries, as compared with $154,718,124 in

the preceding year. This company opens about five hundred new stores

every year.

The chain-store men are organized in the National Chain Store Grocers

Association, having thirty members, representing 12,000 stores,

operating in eighteen states. It is estimated that there are fifty

responsible chain-store grocery organizations in the United States,

representing about 30,000 stores. The chain-store grocer turns his stock

over from twelve to twenty-five times a year, sells for cash, makes no

deliveries, and claims to save the consumer an average of fifteen

percent in buying. These stores do business on a net margin not

exceeding three percent on sales, as against the average retail grocer's

thirty percent, while their average gross cost of doing business has

been stated as between thirteen and one-half percent (lowest) and

eighteen and one-half percent (highest).

According to Alfred H. Beckmann, secretary-treasurer of the National

Chain Store Grocers' Association,[337] "Public appreciation of the chain

grocery store is rapidly growing. Ten years ago it was estimated that

chain stores in what is known as the Metropolitan district of New York

did about 12-1/2 percent of the volume of business in their line, while

today it is estimated at about fifty percent".

It is estimated that the fifty-odd chain store organizations in the

United States distribute through their 30,000 stores 270,000,000 pounds

of coffee a year, or about twenty percent of the total amount consumed

in the United States.

_Starting in the Retail Coffee Business_

When taking up the retail merchandising of coffee, the practical grocer

learns all he can about the popular grades to be had in the principal

markets, and how the coffees are grown, roasted, blended, and ground. He

also ascertains the best methods of brewing, testing out each grade and

kind on his own table, if he does not have testing facilities in his

store. He studies the relative trade values of different varieties of

coffee, and the requirements of his particular clientèle.

An interesting analysis of some 250 grocery stores in the United

States[338] made in 1919, showed that twenty-nine percent of the dealers

bought all their coffee from wholesale grocers, forty-eight percent

exclusively from roasters and specialty wholesalers, ten percent got

over one-half of their coffee from wholesale grocers, and thirteen

percent bought less than one-half from the wholesale grocery houses.

[Illustration: THE FAMILIAR A & P STORE FRONT]

[Illustration: LAYOUT FOR COFFEE AND TEA DEPARTMENT]

There are two fundamental plans on which a retailer builds a successful

coffee business--by buying coffee already roasted, and by buying it

green and roasting it in the store. Each plan has its advantages; but

its practicability depends upon conditions in different localities.

Beyond acquiring a general talking knowledge about coffees, the retailer

buying his stocks roasted in bulk or package form does not generally

need the intimate knowledge of his goods required by the grocer who

roasts his own coffee. If he grinds the coffee for his customers he must

know the type of grind best suited to the way the coffee is to be

brewed, and must be able to tell the best brewing method.

The practical grocer who makes up his own blend is acquainted with

blending principles and methods. "While he can not expect to be as

expert as the large wholesale blender, he should know that green coffees

are generally classified by blenders in five great divisions; (1)

Brazils, including Santos, Bourbon and flat bean, Rios, Victorias, and

Bahias; (2) Washed milds, embracing, as of the most commercial value,

Bogotas, Bucaramangas, Guatemalas, Mexicans, Costa Ricans, Maracaibos,

and Meridas; (3) Unwashed milds, such as Maracaibos, Bucaramangas, La

Guairas, and Mexicans; (4) Javas, Sumatras, and Padangs; (5) Mocha, and

Harari."

[Illustration: ONE OF THE RETAIL COFFEE-ROASTING STATIONS IN SOUTHERN

CALIFORNIA]

[Illustration: CLOSE-UP OF THE MINIATURE MANUFACTURING PLANT, SHOWING

THE ROASTING AND GRINDING EQUIPMENT]

[Illustration: APPLYING THE SPECIALIST IDEA TO COFFEE MERCHANDISING

The Pacific Stores Co., Los Angeles, cutting out deliveries, premiums,

and solicitors, has built up a business of more than 100 bags of coffee

daily, selling direct to the consumer in a chain of 100 booths patterned

after the country-roadside gasoline stations; each one having its own

roaster]

[Illustration: SELF-CONTAINED MONITOR GAS ROASTER, COOLER, AND STONER]

It has been found by experience that a good assortment for the average

retailer to carry consists of Santos, because of price; a natural

unwashed Maracaibo or Bucaramanga, because of full body and general

blending values; and a washed coffee, preferably a Bogota, which gives

quality and character to a blend. In stocking up with these coffees, the

practical merchant avoids Santos with a strong or Rioy flavor, bitter or

"hidey" Maracaibos, and acidy or thin Bogotas.[339]

A grocer equipped with these coffees has the Santos for his low-priced

seller. For his medium grade he blends Santos and Maracaibo,

half-and-half. The next higher grade is made up of one-third each of the

three coffees; while the best blend consists either of half-and-half

Bogota and Maracaibo, or three-quarters Bogota and one-quarter

Maracaibo.

The chief advantage of these three coffees is that they blend well in

any way they are mixed; and the dealer with a little experience, and

working with the two necessary ideas in mind--satisfactory coffee and

price--can make up various combinations.

In view of the fact that the United States imports coffee from more than

a hundred different sections of the world, and that there are wide

variations in flavor among the coffees produced in each of the hundred,

it is easy to understand that the blender has an almost unlimited supply

from which to make up a blend with a distinctive individuality.

Practically all coffee importers, and most wholesalers, are thoroughly

acquainted with the relative trade values of the different coffees, and

help their customers make up desirable blends.

_Small Roasters for Retail Dealers_

While the wholesale coffee roaster is obliged to instal a large and

somewhat complex equipment, the retailer must use a small, compact,

self-contained unit that does not take up much space in his store, and

that is easily operated. Retail roasting machines are constructed on the

same general principle as the wholesale roaster. The roasting cylinder

is generally revolved by electric power, and the heat is derived from

gas or gasoline fuel. Cooling is by air suction in a box attached to the

roaster. The capacities of the machines range from ten to three hundred

pounds, the operating cost running from approximately eight cents per

hundred pounds for gas fuel and ten cents for electric power. The

roasters cost from three hundred dollars for the smaller sizes, to

fifteen hundred for the one-bag type; and to two thousand or three

thousand dollars for the two-bag type.

One coffee-roaster-machinery manufacturer has recently brought out a

gas-fired, electrically operated fifty-pound miniature coffee-roasting

plant designed for retail stores, which comprises a roaster, a rotary

cooler, and a stoning device, that sells for six hundred and fifty

dollars.

[Illustration: ROYAL GAS COFFEE ROASTER FOR RETAIL STORES]

Retail coffee roasting is similar to the wholesale operation. When the

cylinder has become heated, the green coffee is run in and allowed to

roast in the revolving cylinder for about half an hour. If the coffee is

the average green kind, the full heat may be applied at once; but if old

and dry, a lesser degree is used. When the roast begins to snap, the

flame is turned lower to allow the beans to cook through evenly; and

when nearly done, it is almost extinguished. During the operation, the

roasterman, who may be the proprietor or a clerk delegated to the work,

frequently "samples" the coffee by taking out a small quantity with his

"trier" and comparing the color of the roast with a type sample. When

the colors match exactly, the coffee is dumped automatically into the

cooler box just below the cylinder opening; and when sufficiently cooled

off, is ready for grinding to order.

A large number of retailers roast coffee in their stores; and the most

successful find that besides being able to make a feature of freshly

roasted coffee, they can save money and increase their sales. One

progressive grocer found that he was able to get eighty-eight pounds of

roasted coffee out of one hundred pounds of green coffee, as compared

with the wholesaler's eighty-four pounds; that he could buy green coffee

at a closer price than roasted; and that it cost him less for labor,

fuel, overhead, and similar items, than it did the wholesale roaster to

turn out a roast.[340]

[Illustration: BURNS HALF-BAG GAS ROASTING, COOLING, AND STONING OUTFIT]

[Illustration: LAMBERT JUNIOR GAS ROASTING, COOLING, AND STONING OUTFIT

FOR RETAIL STORES (Capacity fifty pounds)]

A chain of coffee specialty stores in which the coffee is roasted fresh

every day was started in California about the year 1916; and according

to reports, it met with almost instant success. In this system, the

proprietor buys the green coffee in large quantities, and it is roasted

in each of his specialty stores, which are located in public markets,

store windows, and alongside heavily traveled highways. The roasting

machinery is invariably set up in front of the store where passers-by

can easily see it in operation--and also smell the coffee roasting. Four

years after starting the first store, there were fifty in operation

along the Pacific Coast, doing an annual business of about $600,000,

some units taking in more than $7,000 a month.

_Model Coffee Departments_

Authorities generally agree that a well laid out coffee department not

only increases a grocer's coffee business, but speeds up sales in other

departments as well. Coffee lovers, and they are legion in the United

States, are inclined to "shop around" for a coffee that suits their

taste; and when they have found the store that sells it, they buy their

other groceries there also. Another argument advanced in favor of a

coffee department is that coffee pays more money into the retailer's

cash drawer than any other grocery item.[341]

Most successful retail coffee merchandisers establish the coffee

department near the entrance to the store, where it can be seen through

a window by passers-by, especially if there is an ornamental roasting

and grinding equipment. It has been found that a department situated at

the left of the entrance is almost certain to draw attention because

people are inclined to glance in that direction first. Some merchants,

having the space, erect attractive booths, designed somewhat like the

familiar food-show booths, directly in front of the door, after the

fashion of department stores when holding a special sale on a certain

article. Such a booth is generally used for demonstration purposes, and

is decorated with signs and possibly with bunting. A permanent

department is usually less ornamental, but still attractive. In telling

how he made a success of his department, one American grocer said that

he was careful that his fixtures were not so ornamental as to draw

attention from the goods. While the decorations were always attractive,

they were subordinated sufficiently to form a background for his coffee

display.

[Illustration: FAULDER AND SIMPLEX GAS ROASTERS IN AN ENGLISH FACTORY

The Faulder (on the left) is a 28-lb. indirect machine and the Simplex

(also 28 lbs. capacity) is of the direct-flame, quick-roaster type]

The most popular layout is the conventional counter system behind which

the clerk stands to serve the customer on the other side. There are many

advocates of the counter that is built into the shelving, believing that

the closer the customers are brought to the coffee, the more they will

be inclined to buy. This system also makes for cleanliness, doing away

with the possibility of the runway behind the counter becoming a

catch-all for dirt, torn paper, bits of wood, and the like.

[Illustration: ILLUSTRATING THE COFFEE ROASTERS USED BY THE SHOP-KEEPERS

OF FRANCE

These machines are of the ball-cylinder type, and use gas as fuel; the

cylinder is revolved by electric power. Invariably they stand where they

can be seen from the street]

The modern coffee department has counters divided into compartments

having glass fronts. This type serves both as a storage place for coffee

and for display purposes. The top of the counter is used for wrapping up

parcels, etc., and also for displaying bulk and package coffees. In the

well regulated store, the counter top is never used for storage, all

stock being kept on shelves or in the counter's compartments. Good

merchants find that cleanliness pays; and that a "littered up" store

drives away desirable custom. The wise proprietor never allows a clerk

to weigh out coffee after handling cheese, onions, and other odorous

articles, without first thoroughly washing his hands. He knows that few

food products in his store will more quickly absorb undesirable odors

and flavors than coffee; and consequently he is careful to protect his

coffee from contamination. In the better stores, the proprietor will

either take charge of the coffee department himself, or will delegate a

competent man who will do nothing else.

The wide-awake retail coffee roaster always features his roasting

machine, which is generally highly ornamental and draws attention even

when not in use. Some progressive merchants plan to roast coffee at noon

time and at night, when homeward-bound passers-by are hungry and are

particularly susceptible to the pungent aroma of roasting coffee. It is

a quite common plan for the retail roaster to arrange the exhaust of the

machine so that the full strength of the odor is blown into the street.

_Creating a Coffee Trade_

Because of steady sales and quick profits, there is keener competition

in retail coffee-merchandising than in other food products. But, all

things being equal, any intelligent person can create and hold a

profitable trade if he follows approved business methods--and works. The

best practise among coffee merchants shows that the prime essential is

good coffee, freshly roasted and ground. After that comes intelligent

and unremitting sales-promotion work.

[Illustration: SMALL GERMAN ROASTERS

On the left is a hand roaster for wood or coal fuel; on the right is a

gas machine.]

The many ingenious trade-building plans worked out successfully by

grocers in all parts of the country are too numerous to describe in a

book of this character; but the methods cited in the following, all of

which have been tested in actual working conditions, will serve to

indicate the fundamentals of good retail coffee-sales promotion.

Among the chief sales-winning methods are demonstrations in the store,

at local food shows, and at church socials, picnics or functions,

judicious sampling either in person or by mail, personal canvassing from

house to house, circularizing by mail, linking up window displays with

current happenings, local newspaper and outdoor poster advertising, and

selling coffee by telephone. Most of the foregoing plans are worked

intermittently. The telephone, however, is a most important sales factor

and should be employed constantly and consistently.[342] Many successful

stores consider the telephone, properly used, the greatest single

sales-help in retail coffee-merchandising.

[Illustration: POPULAR FRENCH RETAIL ROASTER

Employing coal, charcoal, or wood fuel]

One grocer had such faith in this method that he paid half the annual

telephone rental for a large number of his best-paying customers.

Another large merchandiser put in an individual telephone for each of

his salesmen, who called up his regular customers each day to suggest

articles for that day's order, always of course mentioning their

"superior brand of coffee." Telephoning is the next step to personal

contact; and if tactfully done, is considered to be even more

advantageous, because of the time it saves both the customer and the

store keeper.

[Illustration: UNO CABINET GAS ROASTER WITH COOLING UNIT

A popular English type]

Coffee demonstrations in stores are easily arranged, in most cases. The

main consideration is fresh coffee of good quality served daintily and

hot. Lacking a coffee urn, some grocers make their brews in large-size

home-service coffee-making devices. Those most advanced in the correct

method of brewing use the drip process. It is generally agreed that

demonstrations should not be held too often. They not only cut into

profits, but lose much of their advertising value. Food-show

demonstrations require more elaborate equipment, consisting of a

decorated booth, educational booklets, posters, and exhibits of

different kinds of coffee, both green and roasted, whole bean and

ground. Generally, coffee packers co-operate with retail demonstrators

by supplying gratis the coffee to be brewed, if the names of their

brands are suitably displayed. They supply also posters, signs, samples,

and booklets for free distribution.

Window displays form one of the best means of advertising at the command

of the average grocer, and one of the least expensive. A popular coffee

display consists of a series of educational "windows," starting with

green beans in the bags in which they are shipped from the growing

country. Generally the bags, mats, or bundles are obtained from the

wholesale house, and are filled almost to the top with some inexpensive

stuffing, the green coffee being spread over the top to give the

appearance of a full bag. Pictures showing how the coffee is grown,

harvested, prepared, and shipped, are frequently used in such a display.

The next exhibit consists of whole roasted coffee spread thickly over

the window floor to create the impression of bulk, accompanied by a few

pans of green coffee by way of contrast, and with pictures showing

scenes in coffee roasting plants. A barrel, lined with blue paper, and

lying on its side with roasted coffee beans spilling out, serves as a

centerpiece for such a display. Following this, comes a coffee package

window, accompanied by pictures showing how coffee is roasted, ground,

and packed. This completes the series; but there are many variations

that have proved successful as trade builders.

[Illustration: EDUCATIONAL WINDOW EXHIBIT

This window won first prize for the western district in the $2,000

window-trimming contest of National Coffee Week in 1920. Action was

furnished by a small electric pump, which kept a steady stream of coffee

flowing from a coffee pot into the coffee cup]

_Meeting Competition_

Since the advent of the wagon-route distributer and the chain store, the

independent retail grocer has been faced with the problem of how to

regain at least a fair measure of the coffee trade he has lost. The

grocer is not only concerned about his profits on coffee sales, but on

other goods as well; for a trade investigation has shown that a large

percentage of the regular customers of the retailer are held to the

store by their purchases of coffee and tea. This means that if coffees

and teas are bought from the wagon-route distributer and the chain

store, the balance of a family's order is "shopped around."

To meet this competition, the best authorities agree that the

independent grocer should feature coffee in every practical way, such as

soliciting coffee trade from each customer that enters the store; give

up offering coffee on a price basis, and make up his own blends from

good quality growths; perhaps make up his own brand and push it at every

opportunity; display coffee artistically, with frequent changes of

layouts; and have occasional store demonstrations. He should see that

the coffee is roasted properly, and that it is always fresh; that the

selling effort is not expended on the lowest-priced blend, but on a

grade that can be recommended for cup merit. This should be a leader,

but a lower-price coffee could be carried to suit the trade that buys on

price. Persistent efforts should be made to educate the last-named class

of customers to use the better grades, which in the end are cheaper and

give better satisfaction. In short, the grocer should work consistently

to establish a vogue for his leader blend on the basis of merit.

[Illustration: A BETTER-CLASS AMERICAN GROCERY INTERIOR

Showing the coffee bins in orderly array, and the electric coffee

grinder]

_Profits and Costs_

Because of its influence on other grocery items, coffee can often be

sold at a close margin of profit, particularly if a competitor's store

or wagons are cutting into a grocer's neighborhood trade. Twenty-five

percent is recommended as a reasonable gross profit on coffee in most

cases, although some grocers make less, and not a few make more; the

range being usually from twenty to thirty-nine percent. The independent

dealer should meet chain-store competition in coffee on a price basis,

making a special on a superior grade and figuring to get not more than

three cents profit per pound, like his competitor. A bag of roasted

coffee will bring back three dollars gain, and the cash to pay for

another--and the grocer has kept his customers, ninety percent of whom,

theoretically, will have bought their other food supplies from him. As a

matter of fact, in the last year of the World War retailers showed a

tendency to demand cash on sales of all grocery items. This practise

reduces the cost of operation and allows the storekeeper to reduce his

prices. A large number of grocers charge a small percentage of the total

sale for credit privileges, and five or ten cents for each delivery

below a certain total value of the purchase price of the articles to be

delivered. As a result, they have been able to meet chain-store

competition. Collective buying has also been a factor in offsetting the

inroads of the "chains."

[Illustration: A PRIZE-WINNING WINDOW DISPLAY

This unusual display of coffee-flavored eatables won first prize for the

southern district in the National Coffee Week window-trimming contest.

The cakes, pies, tarts, and other pastries which constituted the main

feature rested in a bed of green coffee. The customer's interest was

cleverly attracted to the dealer's brand by a pyramid of large coffee

cans in the center background and by two miniature dining-room sets.]

_Splitting Nickels_

One of the reasons advanced for the loss of coffee trade by retail

grocers is that they price their blends in "round numbers", that is 20,

25, 30, or 40 cents; while their competitors "split nickels", selling

their product at 18, 23, 28, or 38 cents.

Most of the retail enterprises in other lines of trade have built up

their business on the penny-change plan; and many coffee men believe

this should become the universal merchandising method among retail

distributers of coffee.[343]

One of the leading advocates of "splitting nickels" has worked out a

chart to show how coffee should be priced to make predetermined profits.

(See next page.)

TABLE SHOWING PROFIT PERCENTAGE ON SALES

If Your

Coffee And You Sell At

Costs 25c. 26c. 27c. 28c. 29c. 30c. 31c. 32c. 33c.

20c. 20% 23% 26% 28% 31% 33% 35% 37% 39%

20-1/2c. 18% 21% 24% 26% 29% 31% 33% 35% 37%

21c. 16% 19% 22% 25% 27% 30% 32% 34% 36%

21-1/2c. 14% 17% 20% 23% 25% 28% 30% 32% 34%

22c. 12% 15% 18% 21% 24% 26% 29% 31% 33%

22-1/2c. 10% 13% 16% 19% 22% 25% 27% 29% 31%

23c. 8% 11% 14% 17% 20% 23% 25% 28% 30%

23-1/2c. 6% 9% 13% 16% 19% 21% 24% 26% 28%

24c. 4% 7% 11% 14% 17% 20% 22% 25% 27%

24-1/2c. 2% 5% 9% 12% 15% 18% 21% 23% 25%

25c. 0% 3% 7% 10% 13% 16% 19% 21% 24%

25-1/2c. 2% 5% 8% 12% 15% 17% 20% 22%

26c. 0% 3% 7% 10% 13% 16% 18% 21%

26-1/2c. 1% 5% 8% 11% 14% 17% 19%

27c. 0% 3% 6% 10% 12% 15% 18%

27-1/2c. 1% 5% 8% 11% 14% 16%

28c. 0% 3% 6% 9% 12% 15%

_Figuring Costs and Profits_

While the cost of conducting a retail grocery business naturally varies

according to local conditions and the size of the enterprise, an

investigation among some 250 stores in small and large cities made in

1919 by the Bureau of Business Research, Harvard University, showed that

the average cost was fourteen percent; that the net profit averaged two

and three-tenths percent; and that stock was turned about seven times a

year. Gross profits ran from ten and one-half percent to twenty-six and

four-one-hundredths percent of the net sales, the most typical figure

being sixteen and nine-tenths percent. Sales cost formed the largest

single item of expense, varying from three and forty-one hundredths to

nine and ninety-four hundredths percent, with the bulk of figures

showing around one and eight-tenths percent.

According to advanced business practise the cost of doing business

should be based on these fourteen points:

1. Charge interest on the net amount of the total investment at the

beginning of the business year, exclusive of real estate.

2. Charge rental on real estate or buildings at a rate equal to

that which would be received if renting or leasing to others.

3. Charge, in addition to what is paid for hired help, an amount

equal to what the proprietor's services would be worth to others;

also treat in like manner the services of any member of the family

employed in the business and not on the regular payroll.

4. Charge depreciation on all goods carried over on which a less

price may have to be made because of damage or any other cause.

5. Charge depreciation on buildings, tools, fixtures, or anything

else suffering from age or wear and tear.

6. Charge donations and subscriptions paid.

7. Charge all fixed expenses, such as taxes, insurance, water,

lights, fuel, etc.

8. Charge all incidental expenses, such as drayage, postage, office

supplies, livery expenses of horses and wagons, telegrams and

telephones, advertising, canvassing, etc.

9. Charge losses of every character, including goods stolen, or

sent out and not charged, allowances made customers, all debts,

etc.

10. Charge collection expense.

11. Charge any other expense not enumerated above.

12. When it is ascertained what the sum of all the foregoing items

amounts to, prove it by the books, which will give the total

expense for the year; divide this figure by the total of sales, and

it will show the percent which it has cost to do business.

13. Take this percent and deduct it from the price of any article

sold, then subtract from the remainder what it cost (invoice price

and freight), and the result will show the net profit or loss on

the article.

14. Go over the selling prices of the various articles and see what

are profits; then get busy in putting your selling figures on a

profitable basis and talk it over with your competitor as well.

_A Credit Policy for Retailers_

While the minor factors governing a credit policy for retailers vary

with local conditions, the fundamental principles are alike everywhere,

and should have the thoughtful consideration of all retail distributers

of coffee. After a retail grocery store experience of twenty-five years,

a past president of the National Association of Retail Grocers of the

United States[344] found that a grocer should insist upon references and

a thorough investigation of every new applicant for credit, refusing the

privilege when the prospective customer hesitates to give the needed

information; that he should arrange a date for periodical payments,

explaining that this is necessary so that the storekeeper can arrange to

meet his own bills, which will enable him to discount his invoices and

to sell his goods cheaper; that statements of accounts should be sent

out promptly and never a few days late; that he should insist on payment

in full when due, requesting the customer to call if an extension of

time is asked; that he should not let the customers decide when they

will pay bills, bearing in mind that the possible loss of a few

customers who do not pay promptly is offset by the advantages of cash

when promised; that he should never abandon the hope of collecting an

old account, but should try the method of sending statements only to the

surest customers, sending a clerk for the collection of all other

accounts; that he should personally examine all uncollected accounts

every month, insisting on a reason for failure to pay; that he should

study his customers and not trust those who give a bad impression; that

he should have the courage to say "No" when necessary; not to be

satisfied with merely a financial rating on a credit applicant, but to

ascertain his general reputation and character; and to help to eliminate

the "dead beats" by giving careful attention to all requests received

from other retailers for credit information.

_Premiums for Retailers_

House-to-house dealers are the largest users of premiums among coffee

distributers. Most of them operate under what is known as the

advance-premium method.

The plan followed by house-to-house dealers until about 1910 was to

issue checks redeemable in premiums after a certain amount of tea,

coffee, or other products had been purchased. This practise has not been

entirely abandoned; but in most instances, the premium is now handed to

the consumer in advance of the initial purchase, in consideration of the

buyer's promise to use a stipulated quantity of tea, coffee, or other

merchandise. The driver of the wagon generally carries a portfolio

illustrating numerous premium items redeemable through the purchase of

varying amounts of merchandise.

Many retail coffee stores also employ premiums, using both the old-style

and "advance" methods. This type of store, however, is being supplanted

by the chain grocery store.

Some independent retail grocers use premiums to a limited extent. These

usually carry a small line of premiums, featuring a piece of

kitchenware, or other inexpensive item, with bulk coffee.

It is significant that one of the largest chain-store organizations in

the United States--the Great Atlantic & Pacific Tea Company--uses few

premiums today, although its business was founded on the premium idea.

[Illustration: AN AMERICANIZED ENGLISH GROCER'S SHOP

Ernest Carter's store at St. Albans, England, operated under the name of

Thomas Oakley & Co., has a distinctly American atmosphere, accounted for

by the fact that the fittings were supplied by an American manufacturer,

the Walker Bin Co., of Penn Yan, N.Y. The tea and coffee department is

shown in the foreground. The coffee is roasted in the window]

Trading stamps, which are sold to grocers and other merchants by firms

making a specialty of this form of premium-giving are little used

nowadays. The average retail grocer is antagonistic to trading stamps,

as a result of the methods of certain unscrupulous stamp-dealers.

Legislation against trading stamps is in effect in many states.

[Illustration: SOME PACKAGE COFFEES THAT ADVERTISING HAS MADE FAMOUS]

CHAPTER XXVIII

A SHORT HISTORY OF COFFEE ADVERTISING

_Early coffee advertising--The first coffee advertisement in 1587

was frank propaganda for the legitimate use of coffee--The first

printed advertisement in English--The first newspaper

advertisement--Early advertisements in colonial America--Evolution

of advertising--Package coffee advertising--Advertising to the

trade--Advertising by means of newspapers, magazines, billboards,

electric signs, motion pictures, demonstrations, and by

samples--Advertising for retailers--Advertising by government

propaganda--The Joint Coffee Trade publicity campaign in the United

States--Coffee advertising efficiency_

In a work of this character the chapter on advertising must of necessity

be in story form. It may tell what has been accomplished in advertising

coffee, and perhaps point the way to greater achievement. In so far as

possible, the story is supplemented by illustrations, which here tell

the story even better than words.

Advertising to the trade or the consumer calls for expert advice. There

are successful trade journalists who are competent to supply such

advertising counsel; and new-comers in the field should consult them

first. These men are in the best position to suggest the means for

successful accomplishment. They know the men who are best qualified to

render assistance for all media, and are glad to recommend those who can

be most helpful.

Jarvis A. Wood has said that advertising is causing another to know, to

remember, and to do. If we agree with this excellent definition, then

the first coffee advertisers were the early physicians and writers who

told their fellows something about the berry and the beverage made from

it.

Rhazes and Avicenna told the story in Latin, and appear to have

recommended a coffee decoction as a stomachic, as far back as the tenth

century. Many other early physicians refer to it. Thus it was that

coffee was solemnly introduced to the consumer as a medicine. The first

step made by the berry from the cabinets of the curious, where it was

known as an exotic seed, was into the apothecaries' shops, where it was

sold and advertised as a drug. Next, the coffee drink was advertised and

sold by lemonade venders; then by the proprietors of the coffee houses

and cafés; and finally the coffee merchant sold and advertised the green

and roasted bean.

Rauwolf told the Germans about it in 1582; Abd-al-Kâdir wrote his famous

_Argument in favor of the legitimate use of coffee_ in Arabic about

1587; Alpini carried the news to Italy in 1592; English travelers wrote

about the beverage in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; French

Orientalists described it about the same time; and America learned about

it long before the green beans were offered for sale in Boston in 1670.

Because of its frank propaganda character, Abd-al-Kâdir's manuscript may

rightly be called the earliest advertisement for coffee. The author was

a lawyer-theologian, a follower of Mahomet, and as such was eager to

convince his contemporaries that coffee drinking was not incompatible

with the prophet's law.

Soon the news of the day became the advertising of the morrow. In 1652

appeared the first printed advertisement for coffee in English. It was

in the form of a shop-bill, or handbill, issued by Pasqua Rosée from the

first London coffee house in St. Michael's Alley, Cornhill; and the

original is preserved in the British Museum.

It is pictured on page 55, chapter X, and is worthy of close

examination. It reads:

The Vertue of the _COFFEE_ Drink

First publiquely made and sold in England, by _Pasqua Rosée_.

The Grain or Berry called _Coffee_, groweth upon little Trees, only

in the _Deserts of Arabia_.

It is brought from thence, and drunk generally throughout all the

Grand Seigniors Dominions.

It is a simple innocent thing, composed into a Drink, by being

dryed in an Oven, and ground to Powder, and boiled up with Spring

water, and about half a pint of it to be drunk, fasting an hour

before, and not Eating an hour after, and to be taken as hot as

possibly can be endured; the which will never fetch the skin off

the mouth, or raise any Blisters, by reason of that Heat.

The Turks drink at meals and other times, is usually _Water_, and

their Dyet consists much of _Fruit_, the _Crudities_ whereof are

very much corrected by this Drink.

The quality of this Drink is cold and Dry; and though it be a

Dryer, yet It neither _heats_, nor _inflames_ more then _hot

Posset_.

It so closeth the Orifice of the Stomack, and fortifies the heat

within, that it's very good to help digestion, and therefore of

great use to be taken about 3 or 4 a Clock afternoon, as well as in

the morning.

It much quickens the _Spirits_, and makes the Heart _Lightsome_. It

is good against sore Eys, and the better if you hold your Head over

it, and take in the Steem that way.

It suppresseth Fumes exceedingly, and therefore good against the

_Head-ach_, and will very much stop any _Defluxion of Rheums_, that

distil from the _Head_ upon the _Stomack_, and so prevent and help

_Consumptions_; and the _Cough of the Lungs_.

It is excellent to prevent and cure the _Dropsy_, _Gout_, and

_Scurvy_.

It is known by experience to be better than any other Drying Drink

for _People in years_, or _Children_ that have any _running humors_

upon them, as the _Kings Evil_,&c.

It is very good to prevent _Mis-carryings_ in _Child-bearing

Women_.

It is a most excellent Remedy against the _Spleen_, _Hypocondriack

Winds_, or the like.

It will prevent _Drowsiness_, and make one fit for business, if one

have occasion to _Watch_; and therefore you are not to Drink of it

_after Supper_, unless you intend to be watchful, for it will

hinder sleep for 3 or 4 hours.

_It is observed that in Turkey, where this is generally drunk, that

they are not trobled with the Stone, Gout, Dropsie, or Scurvey, and

that their Skins are exceedingly cleer and white._

It is neither _Laxative_ nor _Restringent_.

Made and sold in St. _Michaels Alley_ in _Cornhill_, by Pasqua

Rosée, at the Signe of his own Head.

The noteworthy thing about this advertisement is, that in comparison

with the best copy of today, it has high merit. For this early

advertisement seems to have embodied in it superbly well those

qualifications which modern advertising experts agree are essential

requirements for success--measured in terms of sales to the consumer. We

shall return to it later.

The first newspaper advertisement for coffee appeared in the form of a

"reader" in the issue of _The Publick Adviser_, London, for the week of

Tuesday, May 19, to Tuesday, May 26, 1657. _The Publick Adviser_ was a

weekly pamphlet partaking of the nature of a commercial news-letter. The

advertisement was sandwiched between a reader advertising a doctor of

physick and one for an "artificer," the latter being a ladies'

hair-dresser. It was as follows:

In _Bartholomew_ Lane on the back side of the Old Exchange, the

drink called _Coffee_, (which is a very wholesom and Physical drink,

having many excellent vertues, closes the Orifice of the Stomack,

fortifies the heat within, helpeth Digestion, quickneth the

Spirits, maketh the heart lightsom, is good against Eye-sores,

Coughs, or Colds, Rhumes, Consumptions, Head-ach, Dropsie, Gout,

Scurvy, Kings Evil, and many others is to be sold both in the

morning, and at three of the clock in the afternoon.)

About the time that Pascal opened the first coffee house in Paris in

1672, the Paris shop-keepers began to advertise coffee by broadsides. A

good example is the following,[345] the text of which closely resembles

the original by Pasqua Rosée:

_The most excellent Virtue of the Berry called_ Coffee.

_Coffee_ is a Berry which only grows in the desert of _Arabia_,

from whence it is transported into all the Dominions of the Grand

Seigniour, which being drunk dries up all the cold and moist

humours, disperses the wind, fortifies the Liver, eases the dropsie

by its purifying quality, 'tis a Sovereign medicine against the

itch, and corruptions of the blood, refreshes the heart, and the

vital beating thereof, it relieves those that have pains in their

Stomach, and cannot eat; It is good also against the indispositions

of the brain, cold, moist, and heavy, the steam which rises out of

it is good against the _Rheums_ of the eyes, and drumming in the

ears: 'Tis excellent also against the shortness of the breath,

against _Rheums_ which trouble the Liver, and the pains of the

Spleen; It is an extraordinary ease against the Worms: After having

eat or drunk too much: Nothing is better for those that eat much

Fruit.

The daily use hereof in a little while will manifest the aforesaid

effect to those, that being indisposed shall use it from time to

time.

The following are typical London trade advertisements of 1662 and 1663.

The first is from the _Kingdom's Intelligencer_ of June 5, 1662, and

reads as follows:

At the Exchange Ally from Cornhill into Lumber Street neer the

Conduit, at the Musick-Room belonging to the Palsgrave's Hall, is

sold by retayle the right coffee powder; likewise that termed the

Turkey Berry, well cleansed at 30d. per pound ... the East India

berry (so called) of the best sorts at 20d. per pound, of which at

present in divers places there is very bad, which the ignorant for

cheapness do buy, and is the chief cause of the now bad coffee

drunk in many plaies (sic).

The _Intelligencer_ for December 21, 1663, contained the following

advertisement:

There is a Parcel of Coffee-Berry to be put to publique sale upon

Wednesday, the 23, instant, at 6 a clock in the evening at the

Globe Coffee-house at the end of St. Bartholomew Lane, over against

the North Gate of the Royall Exchange.... And if any desire to be

further informed they may repair to Mr. Brigg, Publique Notary at

the said Globe Coffee-house.

Dufour's treatise on _The Manner of Making Coffee, Tea and Chocolate_,

published in Lyons, 1684, was generally regarded as propaganda for the

beverage; and, indeed, it proved an excellent advertisement, being

quickly translated into English and several other languages.

In 1691 we find advertised in the _Livre Commode_ of Paris a portable

coffee-making outfit to fit the pocket.

The first coffee periodical, _The New and Curious Coffee House_, was

issued at Leipzig by Theophilo Georgi in 1707, being a kind of house

organ for what was, perhaps, the first kaffee-klatsch; the

publisher-proprietor, however, admitted that the idea of making his

coffee salon a resort for the literati was obtained from Italy.

[Illustration: FIRST NEWSPAPER ADVERTISEMENT SOLELY FOR COFFEE IN THE

UNITED STATES

_New York Daily Advertiser_, February 9, 1790]

In chapter X we have described a number of broadsides, handbills, and

pamphlets having to do with the introduction of the coffee drink into

London between 1652 and 1675. The advertising student would do well to

refer to them because they serve to show how completely the true merits

of the beverage were lost sight of by those who urged its more fantastic

claims. It is interesting to note, however, that this early copy was of

a high order of typographical excellence; indeed, the display letter

used for the word coffee is often like that found in copy in the United

States two hundred and fifty years after. Also, it should be noted that

"apt 'illustration's' artful aid" was first employed in 1674. Again,

note this curious contrast. Two hundred and sixty-nine years ago all the

resources of advertising were being laid under contribution to make

propaganda for coffee as the great _cure_ for many ailments of which

nowadays the enemies of coffee would have us believe coffee is the

cause! Those who have possessed themselves of the facts about coffee

know that both arguments are equally fantastic.

Coffee was mentioned in shop-keepers' announcements appearing in the

_Boston News Letter_ as early as 1714, and in other newspapers of the

colonies during the eighteenth century, usually being offered for sale

at retail with strange companions. In 1748 "tea, coffee, indigo,

nutmegs, sugar, etc.," were advertised for sale at a shop in Dock

Square, Boston. The following advertisement from the _Columbian

Centinel_, Boston, April 26, 1794, is typical:

GROCERIES AT NO. 44 _CORNHILL_ Norton and Holyoke Respectfully

inform their friends and the publick, that they have for sale, at

their Shop, No. 44 _Cornhill_, formerly the Post-Office.

A GENERAL ASSORTMENT OF GROCERIES among which are the following

articles: Teas, Spices, Coffee, Cotton, Indigo, Starch, Chocolate,

Raisins, Figs, Almonds, and Olives; West India Rum, best French

Brandy, excellent Cherry Wine, pure as imported, etc., etc., all

which they will sell as low as any store in Boston.

_Any article not liked will be taken again, and the money

returned._

It appears that the first advertisement dealing with coffee alone was

published in the _New York Daily Advertiser_ for February 9, 1790; and

this was primarily an advertisement of a wholesale coffee roasting

factory rather than an advertisement of coffee per se.

This advertisement, and a later one published in Loudon's _New York

Packet_ for January 1, 1791, also of a coffee manufactory, are

reproduced herewith.

Not until package coffee began to come into vogue in the sixties was

there any change in the stereotyped business-card form followed by all

dealers in coffee. And even then the monotony was varied only by

inserting the brand name, such as "Osborn's Celebrated Prepared Java

Coffee. Put up only by Lewis A. Osborn"; "Government coffee in tin foil

pound papers put out by Taber & Place's Rubia Mills."

_Evolution of Coffee Advertising_

Real progress in coffee advertising, as in publicity for other lines of

trade and industry, began in the United States. Here too, it has been

brought to its lowest degradation and to its highest efficiency. The

entire process has taken something less than fifty years.

[Illustration: EARLY COFFEE ADVERTISING IN UNITED STATES

Printed in the _New York Packet_, January 1, 1791]

The first step forward was the picture handbill. The handbill, or

dodger, had been common enough in England and on the Continent, where,

for upward of two hundred years it had served as an advertising medium,

in company with the more robust broadside, and in competition with the

pamphlet and newspaper. It remained for America, however, to glorify the

handbill by means of colored pictures; and one of the earliest and best

specimens of the picture handbill is the Arbuckle circular here

illustrated.

[Illustration: FIRST HANDBILL IN COLORS FOR PACKAGE COFFEE ABOUT 1872]

Soon the handbill copy began to appear in the newspapers, but mostly

without the illustrations. Later newspaper developments were to

introduce more of the picture element, decorative border, and design.

The ideas of European artists were freely drawn upon, but put to so

utilitarian uses that their originators would scarce have recognized

them.

In the _Ladies Home Journal_ for December, 1888, the Great London Tea

Company, Boston, an early mail-order house, advertised, "We have made a

specialty since 1877 of giving premiums to those who buy tea and coffee

in large quantities." In the same issue, there was an advertisement of

Seal Brand and Crusade Brand coffee by Chase & Sanborn, Boston. Dilworth

Bros., Pittsburgh, were also among the early users of magazine space.

The menace of the cereal coffee-substitute evil had grown to such

proportions at the beginning of the twentieth century, that the coffee

men began to be concerned about it. Misleading and untruthful

"substitute" copy was freely accepted by nearly all media. The package

labels were as bad, if not worse. With the advent of the pure food law

of 1906, the cereal label abuse was reformed; but not until the "truth

in advertising" movement became a power to be reckoned with, nearly ten

years later, were the coffee men granted a substantial measure of

protection in the magazines and newspapers. Meanwhile, many coffee men,

lacking organization and a knowledge of the facts about coffee,

unwittingly played into the hands of the substitute-fakers by publishing

unfortunate defensive copy which made confusion worse confounded in the

consumer's mind.

[Illustration: REVERSE SIDE OF THE ARBUCKLE HANDBILL (IN COLORS) OF

1872]

[Illustration: A ST. LOUIS HANDBILL OF 1854]

At one time there were nearly one hundred coffee-substitute concerns

engaged in a bitter, untruthful campaign directed against coffee. The

most conspicuous offender employed the principle of auto-suggestion and

found a goodly number of pseudo-physicians and bright advertising minds

that were quite willing to prostitute their finest talents to aid him in

attacking an honorable business.

[Illustration: ADVERTISING-CARD COPY, 1873]

In one year $1,765,000 was spent in traducing the national beverage. The

burden of the cereal-faker's song was that coffee was the cause of all

the ills that flesh is heir to, and that by stopping its use for ten

days and substituting his panacea, these ills would vanish.

Of course, there were many people (but they were the minority) who knew

that the caffein content of coffee was a pure, safe stimulant that did

not destroy the nerve cells like such false stimulants as alcohol,

morphine, etc.; and that while too much could be ingested from abuse of

any beverage containing it, nature always effected a cure when the abuse

was stopped.

However, there was undoubtedly created in the public mind a suspicion,

that threatened to develop into a prejudice, and that affected otherwise

sane and normal people, that perhaps coffee was not good for them.

Then came the winter of the coffee men's discontent. Floundering about

in a veritable slough of cereal slush, without secure foothold or a true

sense of direction, coffee advertising went miserably astray when its

writers began to assure the public that _their_ brands were guiltless of

the crimes charged in the cereal men's indictment. In this, of course,

they unwittingly aided and abetted the cereal fakers. For example, one

roaster-packer advertised, "The harmful ingredient in coffee is the

tannin-bearing chaff, which our roasting and grinding process completely

removes." Scientific research has since proved the fallacy of this idea.

[Illustration: HANDBILL COPY OF THE SEVENTIES]

[Illustration: BOX-END STICKER, 1833]

Another roaster said, "if coffee works havoc with your nerves and

digestion, it is because you are not using a fresh roasted, thoroughly

cleaned, correctly cured coffee. Our method of preparing gives you the

strength and aroma without its nerve-destroying qualities." A well known

coffee packer advertised, "Our coffee is free from the dust and bitter

tannin--the only injurious property in coffee." Still another packer

informed the consumer that "by a very special steel cutting process" he

sliced the coffee beans "so that the little cells containing the

volatile oil (the food product) are not broken."

A prominent Chicago packer put out a new brand of coffee which he

claimed was "non-intoxicating," "poisonless," and the "only pure

coffee." A New Yorker, not to be out-done, brought out a coffee that he

said contained all the stimulative properties of the original coffee

berries, but with every trace of acid removed, every undesirable element

eliminated. "Also," he added for good measure, "this coffee may be used

freely without harming the digestive organs or impairing the nervous

system."

And one package-coffee man became so exercised over cereal competition

that he brought out a _grain_ "coffee" of his own, which he actually

advertised as "the nearest approach to coffee ever put on the market,

having all the merits without any objectionable features, strengthening

without stimulating, satisfying without shattering the nerves."

And so history again repeated itself in America. Five hundred years

after the first religious persecution of the drink in Arabia, we find it

being persecuted by commercial zealots in the United States. And even in

the house of its friends, coffee was being stabbed in the back. The

coffee merchants themselves presented the spectacle of "knocking" it by

inference and innuendo.

Something had to be done. As cereal drinks, standing on their own feet,

the coffee "substitutes" would have attracted little notice. It was only

by trading on the allegation that they were _substitutes for coffee_

that they made any headway. The original offender sold his product as

"coffee," which was an untruth, as he later admitted there was not a

bean of coffee in it. He boldly advertised: "Blank coffee for persons

who can't digest ordinary coffee."

When it became no longer possible to perpetrate an untruth on the

package label, there still remained the newspapers and billboards. For

years before fake-advertising laws and an outraged public opinion made

recourse to these no longer possible, it was a common practise to use

the newspapers and billboards to promote the idea that here was a

different coffee; and in this way to create a demand for a package,

which, when purchased, was found to tell a different story.

[Illustration: A CHASE & SANBORN ADVERTISEMENT, 1888

As printed in _Harper's_ and _Scribner's Magazines_]

As late as 1911, one of our most respected New York dailies was carrying

an advertisement calling the product "coffee," although fairness

demands it be recorded that the coffee part of the announcement was

stricken out when _The Tea and Coffee Trade Journal_ called the

attention of the publisher to its misleading character. This trade

paper, from its start, had been urging the coffee men to organize for

defense. The agitation bore fruit at last, first in the starting of the

National Coffee Roasters Association, and later in the inception of the

movement that resulted in the international advertising campaign for

coffee now in progress in the United States.

Meanwhile, the cereal coffee-substitute had been thoroughly discredited

by governmental analysis, although even today newspaper publishers are

to be found here and there who are willing to "take a chance" with

public opinion and who will admit to their advertising columns such

misleading statements for the substitute, as "it has a coffee-like

flavor."

[Illustration: A GOLDBERG CARTOON, 1910]

[Illustration: NEWSPAPER COPY USED BY CHASE AND SANBORN ABOUT 1900]

In the United States today, coffee advertising has reached a high plane

of copy excellence. Our coffee advertisers lead all nations. The

educational work started by _The Tea and Coffee Trade Journal_, fostered

by the National Coffee Roasters Association, and developed by the Joint

Coffee Trade Publicity Committee, has laid low many of the bugaboos

raised by the cereal sinners. The coffee men, however, have left

considerable room for improvement. There are still some who are given to

making exaggerated claims in their publicity, who make reflections upon

competitors in a way to destroy public confidence in coffee, and who

display an ignorance of, or a lack of confidence in, their product by

continuing to claim that their brands do not contain what they assert

are injurious or worthless constituents. It is to be hoped that in time

these abuses will yield to the further enlightening influence of the

trade press, and of the organizations that are continually working for

trade betterment.

Before the international coffee campaign started in 1919, the National

Coffee Roasters Association promoted two national coffee weeks, one in

1914 and another in 1915, wherein excellent groundwork was done for the

big joint coffee trade propaganda that followed. Some original research

also was done along lines of proper grinding and correct coffee brewing.

A better-coffee-making committee, under the direction of Edward Aborn of

New York, rendered yeoman's service to the cause. Much educational work

was done in schools and colleges, among newspaper editors, and in the

trade. This campaign was the first co-operative publicity for coffee.

Among other things, it put a nation-wide emphasis on iced coffee as a

delectable summer drink and, for the first time, stressed the correct

making of the beverage by drip and filtration methods instead of by

boiling, which had long been one of the most crying evils of the

business.

[Illustration: CHART SHOWING MONEY SPENT ON ADVERTISING COFFEE AND

SUBSTITUTES

Only advertisements printed in magazines and periodicals are considered

in making this calculation]

_Package Coffee Advertising_

Coffee advertising began to take on a distinctive character with the

introduction of Ariosa by John Arbuckle in 1873. Some of the early

publicity for this pioneer package coffee appears typographically crude,

judged by modern standards; but the copy itself has all the needful

punch, and many of the arguments are just as applicable today as they

were a half-century ago. Take the handbill copy illustrated. It was done

in three colors, and the argument was new and most convincing. The

reverse side copy is also extremely effective. Note the expert-roaster

argument and coffee-making directions; some of these may still be found

in current coffee advertising.

Most of the original Arbuckle advertising was by means of circulars or

broadsides, although some newspaper space was employed. Premiums were

first used by John Arbuckle as an advertising sales adjunct, and they

proved a big factor in putting Ariosa on the map. Mr. Arbuckle created

the kind of word-of-mouth publicity for his goods that is the most

difficult achievement in the business of advertising. It caused so deep

and lasting an impression, that in some sections it has persisted

through at least five decades. The advertising moral is: Get people to

_talk_ your brand.

Since the death of its founder, the Arbuckle copy has been changed to

fit modern conditions. That it has kept pace with all the forward

movements in business and advertising is evident from the specimens

which help to illustrate this chapter. A significant change is to be

noted in the fact that, for the first time in its history, "the greatest

coffee business in the world" has adopted a policy of advertising to the

trade as well as to the consumer, thus giving its publicity a well

rounded character which it formerly lacked.

The evolution of other notable package coffees is also shown by

illustration. Several concerns blazed new trails that have since been

picked up and followed by competing brands.

[Illustration: CHARTS SHOWING PER CAPITA CONSUMPTION AND COFFEE AND

SUBSTITUTE ADVERTISING]

Among the many long-established advertised package-coffee successes may

be mentioned:

Arbuckle's Yuban and Ariosa; McLaughlin's XXXX; Chase & Sanborn's Seal

Brand; Dwinell-Wright's White House; Weir's Red Ribbon; B. Fischer &

Company's Hotel Astor; Brownell & Field's Autocrat; Bour's Old Master;

Scull's Boscul; Seeman Brothers' White Rose; Blanke's Faust; Baker's

Barrington Hall; Woolson Spice Company's Golden Sun; International

Coffee Company's Old Homestead; Kroneberger's Old Reserve; Western

Grocer Company's Chocolate Cream; Leggett's Nabob; Clossett & Dever's

Golden West; R.C. Williams' Royal Scarlet; Merchants Coffee Company's

Alameda; Widlar Company's C.W. brand; Meyer Bros.' Old Judge; Nash-Smith

Tea and Coffee Company's Wedding Breakfast; J.A. Folger & Company's

Golden Gate; Ennis Hanley Blackburn Coffee Company's Golden Wedding;

M.J. Brandenstein & Company's M.J.B.; Hills Brothers' Red Can, the Young

& Griffin Coffee Company's Franco-American, and the Cheek-Neal Coffee

Company's Maxwell House.

It was estimated that the amount of money spent by the larger coffee

roasters upon all forms of publicity in the United States in 1920 was

about $3,000,000.

Charts prepared by Charles Coolidge Parlin of the division of commercial

research of the Curtis Publishing Company, and checked by the

Publishers' Information Bureau, show the advertising for coffee and for

coffee substitutes in thirty leading publications from 1911 to 1920; and

compare the advertising for coffee and coffee substitutes in 1920 with a

chart of per capita consumption. It should be noted that the figures

exclude all other forms of advertising, such as newspapers,

bill-posting, street-car signs, electric signs, and so forth.

Experience has proven that a package coffee, to be successful, must have

back of it expert knowledge on buying, blending, roasting, and packing,

as well as an efficient sales force. These things are essential: (1) a

quality product; (2) a good trade-mark name and label; (3) an efficient

package. With these, an intelligently planned and carefully executed

advertising and sales campaign will spell success. Such a campaign

comprehends advertising directed to the dealer and to the consumer. It

may include all the approved forms of publicity, such as newspapers,

magazines, billboards, electric signs, motion pictures, demonstrations,

and samples. One phase of trade advertising which should not be

overlooked is dealer helps. The extent to which the roaster-packer, or

the promoter of a new package coffee, should utilize the various

advertising media or go into dealer helps must, of course, depend upon

the size of the advertising appropriation.

[Illustration: AN EFFECTIVE CUT-OUT]

Many roaster-packers supply grocers handling their coffee with dealer

helps in the shape of weather-proof metal signs for outside display,

display racks, store and window display signs, cut-outs, blotters,

consumer booklets, newspaper electros, stereopticon slides, moving

pictures, demonstrations, samples, etc. Dealer selling schemes based on

points have also been found helpful in promoting sales.

_Advertising to the Trade_

Until a comparatively recent date, the green coffee importer, selling

the roasting trade, has not realized the need of advertising. He has

inclined to the belief that he did not need to advertise, because, in

most instances, green coffee is not sold by the mark; and, to a certain

extent, price has been the determining factor.

During late years, however, many green coffee firms have come to realize

that there is a good-will element that enters into the equation which

can be fostered by the intelligent use of advertising space in the

coffee roaster's trade journal. Also, a few importers are now featuring

trade marks in their advertising, thus building up a tangible trade-mark

asset in addition to good will.

For a number of years the green coffee trade used the business card type

of advertisement; but some are now utilizing a more up-to-date style of

copy, as typified by the advertisements of Leon Israel & Brothers and

W.R. Grace & Company. Specimens of other green coffee advertising of the

better kind are here reproduced.

Advertising campaigns in behalf of package coffees can not be fully

effective without the proper use of trade publications. Advertising in

the dealer's paper has many advantages. It is good missionary work for

the salesman. It creates confidence in the mind of the dealer. It is an

excellent means for demonstrating to the retailer that he is being

considered in the scheme of distribution--that no attempt is being made

to force the goods upon him through consumer advertising alone.

Trade-paper advertising also offers the packer the opportunity to

acquaint the dealer with the selling points in favor of the brand

advertised, thus saving the time of the salesman. An increasing number

of coffee packers are now using the advertising columns of trade papers,

and some typical advertisements are reproduced herewith.

_Advertising by Various Mediums_

Billboard and other outdoor advertising, also car cards, are being used

to a considerable extent for coffee publicity. Painted outdoor signs

have been the back-bone of one middle-west roaster's campaign for a

number of years. Both car cards and billboards are growing in popularity

because they enable the coffee packer to reproduce his package in its

natural colors and permit also of striking displays. Such firms as

Arbuckle Brothers, New York; Dayton Spice Mills, Dayton, Ohio; W.F.

MCLaughlin & Company, Chicago; the Puhl-Webb Company, Chicago; the Bour

Company, Toledo; B. Fischer & Company, New York; and the Cheek-Neal

Coffee Company, Nashville and New York, are consistent users of this

character of advertising. Electric signs also have proved effective for

coffee advertising. Reproductions of some characteristic outdoor and

car-card advertisements are to be found in these pages.

Motion pictures are a comparatively new development in coffee

advertising. One of the first coffee roasters to adopt this plan of

publicity was S.H. Holstad & Company, Minneapolis. The film used

depicted the cultivation and preparation of coffee for the market, also

the complete roasting and packaging operations. The A.J. Deer Company,

manufacturers of coffee mills and roasters, Hornell, N.Y., was another

pioneer in the use of coffee films. Jabez Burns & Sons, coffee-machinery

manufacturers, followed with an educational coffee picture. The National

Packaging Machinery Company, of Boston, is another concern that has

utilized films for advertising purposes, showing its machines in

operation in a coffee-packing plant. Many roasters made use of the

coffee film produced by the Joint Coffee Trade Publicity Committee.

In using advertising films, it is customary for the roaster to arrange

for a showing at one or more theaters. The advertising in the local

papers features the coffee brands, also the name of the local dealer,

the latter being furnished with tickets which he distributes among his

retail customers. There are several concerns making a business of

supplying commercial films and of getting distribution for them.

Another form of theater publicity is that of the advertising

slide--stereopticon views thrown upon the screen between feature

pictures. Many packers find these are effective for cultivating the

dealer, it being customary to show the brand name, together with that of

the local distributer.

_Advertising for Retailers_

When retailers analyze the people to whom they sell coffee, they usually

find three types. First, there is the woman who thinks she is an expert

judge of coffee, but who is unable to find anything to suit her

cultivated taste. Then there is the new housewife, possibly a bride of a

few months, who knows very little about coffee, but wants to find a good

blend that both she and her husband will like. The third is the most

acceptable class, the satisfied people who have found coffee that

delights them, day after day.

[Illustration: HOW COFFEE IS ADVERTISED TO THE TRADE

Left to right, good examples of green coffee publicity--center,

well-arranged package-coffee copy]

W. Harry Longe, a Texas retailer, has prepared the following "ready

made" copy appeals for the three classes. To "Mrs.

Know-it-all-about-Coffee," this style has been found effective:

IMPROVE THE COFFEE AND YOU IMPROVE THE MEAL

The corner of the table that holds the coffee urn is the balancing

point of your dinner. If the coffee is a "little off" for some

reason or other--probably it's the coffee's own fault--things don't

seem as good as they might; but when it is "up to taste" the meal

is a pleasure from start to finish. If the "balancing point" is

giving you trouble, let ANY BLEND Coffee properly regulate it for

you. 35 cents, three pounds for $1.

ANY TEA & COFFEE COMPANY

For the good lady who is anxious to find a suitable blend of coffee, and

who desires information, this is a good appeal:

A SUCCESSFUL SELECTION

Of the coffee that goes into the every-morning cup will arrive on

the day when ANY BLEND is first purchased. Many homes have been

without such a success now for a long time, but, of course, they

didn't know of ANY BLEND--and even now it is hard to really know

ANY BLEND till you try it. That is why we seem to insist that you

ask for an introduction by ordering a pound.

ANY BLEND TEA & COFFEE COMPANY

Taking both classes and dealing with them alike:

"BLENDED TO BALANCE"

Is a good descriptive phrase of ANY BLEND coffee, for care is taken

in the preparation that the strength does not overpower the flavor.

The aim of the blender is to get an acceptable and delightful

drinking quality. He has been more than successful, as you will see

when you try ANY BLEND, 35 cents, three pounds for $1.

ANY TEA & COFFEE COMPANY

The satisfied class, of course, is not averse to making a change, and it

is well, occasionally, for the dealer to let his own satisfied customers

know he still believes in his goods. The argument might take this form:

A SERVICE THAT SAVES

Is the serving of ANY BLEND, when coffee is desired. ANY BLEND

saves many things. It saves worry, for it is always uniform in

flavor and strength. It saves time, for when you order ANY BLEND we

grind it just as fine or just as coarse as your percolator or pot

demands. ANY BLEND also saves expense, because there is no waste,

as you know just how much to use, every time, to make a certain

number of cups. 35 cents, three pounds for $1.

ANY TEA & COFFEE COMPANY

Again, possible new customers may listen to this appeal:

TO PROVE YOUR APPROVAL

Of ANY BLEND coffee, you are asked to try just one pound. We know

you will like it, for it is blended and roasted and ground as an

exceptional coffee should be, with the care that a good coffee

demands. Prove to yourself that you approve of this method of

preparing coffee. 35 cents, three pounds for $1.

ANY TEA & COFFEE COMPANY

In some households the cook is permitted to do the ordering, and usually

the cook does not read the daily papers with an eye for coffee ads. To

reach this individual through her mistress:

CAN YOU NAME YOUR COFFEE?

Or is it one of those many unknown brands that comes from the store

at the order of your cook? Let the cook do the ordering, for you

are lucky if you have one you can rely upon, but tell her you

prefer ANY BLEND to the No-Name Blend you may now be using. ANY

BLEND has one distinct advantage over all others; It Is freshly

roasted. Tell the kitchen-lady, now, to order ANY BLEND.

ANY TEA & COFFEE COMPANY

_Advertising by Government Propaganda_

Advertising coffee by government propaganda has been indulged in with

more or less success by the British government in behalf of certain of

its colonial possessions; by the French and the Dutch; by Porto Rico,

Costa Rica, Guatemala, and Brazil. The markets most cultivated have been

Italy, France, England, Russia, Japan, and the United States.

Great Britain began the development of coffee cultivation in its

colonies in 1730. Parliament first reduced the inland duties. In many

ways it has since sought to encourage British-grown coffee, building up

a favoritism for it that is still reflected in Mincing Lane quotations.

The Netherlands government did the same thing for Java and Sumatra; and

France rendered a similar service to her own colonies.

Since Porto Rico became a part of the United States, several attempts

have been made by the island government and the planters to popularize

Porto Rico coffee in the United States. Scott Truxtun opened a

government agency in New York in 1905. Acting upon the counsel and

advice of the author, he prosecuted for several years a vigorous

campaign in behalf of the Porto Rico Planters' Protective Association.

The method followed for coffee was to appoint official brokers, and to

certify the genuineness of the product. Owing to insufficient funds and

the number of different products for which publicity was sought, the

coffee campaign was only moderately successful.

Mortimer Remington, formerly with the J. Walter Thompson Company, a New

York advertising agency, was appointed in 1912 commercial agent for the

Porto Rico Association, composed of island producers and merchants. Some

effective advertising in behalf of Porto Rico coffee was done in the

metropolitan district, where a number of high-class grocers were

prevailed upon to stock the product, which was packed under seal of the

association. As before, however, the other products handled--including

cigars, grape-fruit, pineapples, etc.--handicapped the work on coffee,

and the enterprise was abandoned. Subsequent efforts by the Washington

government to assist the Porto Ricans in evolving a practical plan to

extend their coffee market in the United States came to naught because

of too much "politics."

Beginning with the Panama-Pacific Exposition in San Francisco in 1915,

the government of Guatemala started a propaganda for its coffee in the

United States; as the European market, which had up till then absorbed

seventy-five percent of its product, was closed to it, owing to the

World War. E.H. O'Brien, a coffee broker of San Francisco, directed the

publicity. Some full pages were used in newspapers, but the main efforts

were directed at the coffee-roasting trade. The campaign, so far as it

went, was highly successful.

Costa Rica also gave special encouragement to coffee-trade interests

that offered to expand the United States market for Costa Rica coffee

during the World War.

For many years Colombia has been talking of making propaganda here for

its coffee, but thus far nothing of a constructive character has been

done.

São Paulo began in 1908 to make propaganda for its coffee by subsidizing

companies and individuals in consuming countries to promote consumption

of the Brazil product. A contract was entered into between the state of

São Paulo and the coffee firms of E. Johnston & Company and Joseph

Travers & Son, of London, to exploit Brazil coffee in the United

Kingdom. Similar contracts were made with coffee firms in other European

countries, notably in Italy and France. The subsidies were for five

years and took the form of cash and coffee. The English company was

known as the "State of São Paulo (Brazil) Pure Coffee Company, Ltd."

Fifty thousand pounds sterling was granted this enterprise, which

roasted and packed a brand known as "Fazenda;" promoted demonstrations

at grocers' expositions; and advertised in somewhat limited fashion. The

general effect upon the consumption of coffee in England was negligible,

however, although at one time some five thousand grocers were said to

have stocked the Fazenda brand. A feature of this propaganda was the use

of the Tricolator (an American device since better known in the United

States) to insure correct making of the beverage, Brazil also made

propaganda for its coffee in Japan, in 1915, as part of certain

undertakings involving the immigration of Japanese laborers to Brazil.

The Comité Français du Café was formed in Paris in July, 1921, to

co-operate with Brazil in an enterprise designed to increase the

consumption of coffee in France.

The chief fault in most of the coffee propagandas here and abroad has

been the doubtful practise of subsidizing particular coffee concerns

instead of spending the funds in a manner designed to distribute the

benefits among the trade as a whole. This mistake, and local politics in

the producing countries, have made for ultimate failure. A notable

exception is the latest propaganda for Brazil coffee in the United

States, where all the various interests, the the São Paulo government,

the growers, exporters, importers, roasters, jobbers, and dealers, have

co-operated in a plan of campaign to advertise coffee _per se_, and not

to secure special privilege to any individual, house, or group.

_Joint Coffee Trade Publicity Campaign_

Twenty years ago the author began an agitation for co-operative

advertising, by the coffee trade. He suggested as a slogan, "Tell the

truth about coffee;" and it is gratifying to find that many of his

original ideas have been embodied in the present joint coffee trade

publicity campaign, now in its fourth year.

[Illustration: THEODORE LANGGAARD DE MENEZES]

The coffee roasters at first were slow to respond to the co-operative

advertising suggestion, because in those days competition was more

unenlightened than now, and therefore more ruthless. It needed

organization to bring the trade to a better understanding of the

benefits certain to be shared by all when their individual interests

were pooled in a common cause. Leaders of the best thought in the trade,

however, were quick to realize that only by united effort was it

possible to achieve real progress; and when it was suggested that the

first step was to organize the roasting trade, the idea took so firm a

hold that it only needed some one to start it to bring together in one

combination the keenest minds in the business.

The coffee roasters organized their national association in 1911. The

author of this work urged that co-operative advertising based upon

scientific research should be done by the roasters themselves

independently of the growers; but it was found impracticable to unite

diverging interests on such an issue, and so the leaders of the movement

bent all their energies toward promoting a campaign that would be backed

jointly by growers and distributers, since both would receive equal

benefit from any resulting increase in consumption. Brazil, the source

of nearly three-quarters of the world's coffee, was the logical ally;

and an appeal was made to the planters of that country. A party of ten

leading United States roasters and importers visited Brazil in 1912 at

the invitation of the federal government.

In Brazil, as in the United States, progress resulted from organization.

The planters of the state of São Paulo, who produce more than one-half

of all coffee used in the United States, were the first to appreciate

the propaganda idea. After their attempts to interest the national

government failed, the São Paulo coffee men founded the _Sociedade

Promotora da Defesa do café_ (Society to Promote the Defense of Coffee),

and persuaded their state legislature to pass a law taxing every bag of

coffee shipped from the plantations of that state in a period of four

years. This tax, amounting to one hundred reis per bag of 132 pounds, or

about two and one-half cents United States money at even exchange rates,

is collected by the railroads from the shippers, and turned over to the

_Sociedade_.

The Brazilian Society sent to the United States a special envoy,

Theodore Langgaard de Menezes, to conclude arrangements; and on March 4,

1918, in New York, the pact was signed whereby São Paulo was to

contribute to the publicity campaign in the United States approximately

$960,000 at the rate of $240,000 a year for four years; and the members

of the trade in the United States were to contribute altogether

$150,000[346]. The success of the negotiations was due to the skilful

management of Ross W. Weir in the United States, and to the superior

salesmanship of Louis R. Gray, the Arbuckle representative in Brazil.

[Illustration: JOINT COFFEE TRADE PUBLICITY COMMITTEE IN UNITED STATES]

Supervision of the advertising in the United States was delegated to

five men, representing both the importing and roasting branches of the

trade, and designated as the Joint Coffee Trade Publicity Committee of

the United States. Three of these committeemen, Ross W. Weir, of New

York; F.J. Ach, of Dayton, Ohio; and George S. Wright, of Boston, are

roasters; and two, William Bayne, Jr., and C.H. Stoffregen, both of New

York, are importers and jobbers, or green-coffee men. The committee

organized with Mr. Weir as chairman, Mr. Wright as treasurer, and Mr.

Stoffregen as secretary. At the invitation of the committee, C.W. Brand

of Cleveland, then president of the National Coffee Roasters

Association, attended committee meetings, and assisted in determining

the policies of the campaign. Headquarters were established at 74 Wall

Street, in the heart of the New York coffee district, with Felix Coste

as secretary-manager, and Allan P. Ames as publicity director. N.W. Ayer

& Son, advertising agents of Philadelphia, who had engineered the plan

of campaign from the start of the movement in the National Coffee

Roasters Association, handle the advertising account.

[Illustration: CHART SHOWING PLAN OF ADVERTISING CAMPAIGN]

São Paulo's contribution to the advertising fund is sent in monthly

instalments to the Joint Coffee Trade Publicity Committee under an

agreement that it shall be expended only for magazine and newspaper

space.

[Illustration: JOINT-COMMITTEE MAGAZINE AND NEWSPAPER COPY, 1919]

[Illustration: COPY THAT STRESSED THE HEALTHFULNESS OF COFFEE,

1919-1920]

Supplementing this Brazilian contribution, is the fund raised by

voluntary subscriptions from the coffee trade of the United States on

the basis of one cent per bag handled annually. This American fund is

used for the expenses of administration, for educational advertising

outside of magazine and newspaper space, and for various kinds of trade

promotion and dealer stimulation.

[Illustration: THE JOINT COMMITTEE'S HOUSE ORGAN]

The first advertising appeared in April, 1919, in 306 leading newspapers

in 182 large cities, with a total circulation of more than 16,000,000.

The cities chosen represented all the centers of wholesale coffee

distribution.

Magazine advertising began in June of the same year, using twenty-one

periodicals, all of national circulation. This list has been changed

from time to time to meet the special needs of the campaign.

More than fifty grocery-trade magazines have carried the committee's

dealer advertising, although not all of these have been used

continuously. Every part of the country was represented on the

trade-paper list.

Full pages have been run each month in nine of the leading national

medical journals. These advertisements were written by a physician of

national reputation. Under the caption, "The Case for Coffee," these

advertisements have discussed the properties of coffee from the

physiological standpoint, and have asked the doctors to judge it fairly.

From the start the committee's advertising has been broadly educational.

The properties of coffee have been discussed; charges against coffee

have been answered. The housekeeper has been told how to get the best

results from the coffee she buys; hotel and restaurant proprietors have

been reminded that many of them owe their prosperity largely to a

reputation for serving good coffee; new uses have been exploited for

coffee, as a flavoring agent for desserts and other sweets; employers

have been taught the important service good coffee may render in

increasing the comfort and efficiency of their working forces.

[Illustration: INTRODUCTORY MEDICAL-JOURNAL COPY]

Magazine and newspaper advertising is only the nucleus of the campaign.

The effect of such "white space" publicity is increased by simultaneous

efforts to "merchandise" the campaign, to stimulate the interest of the

wholesale and retail trade, to encourage private-brand advertising, and

to reach the consumer by other kinds of publicity recognized as

essential factors in a well rounded national advertising effort. These

activities may be summarized as follows:

[Illustration: TELLING THE DOCTORS THE TRUTH ABOUT COFFEE, 1920]

INFORMATION SERVICE. This department answers inquiries and supplies

material for household editors, and for newspaper and magazine writers.

Through a national clipping service, it keeps in touch with all

published matter relating to coffee. Its special duty is to answer

attacks on coffee and the coffee trade. Merchants and dealers make it a

practise, when they find misleading articles or editorials in their

local newspapers, to send clippings to the committee's headquarters to

be handled there as the situation warrants.

SCIENTIFIC COFFEE RESEARCH. Twenty-two thousand, five hundred dollars of

the American fund have been appropriated thus far for scientific coffee

research at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. The reports of

this research will be distributed to the coffee trade throughout the

country, and should prove valuable in all branches of coffee

merchandising. The findings will be distributed by the committee to

schools and colleges, and to consumers through national advertising.

[Illustration: SOME OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE'S ATTRACTIVE BOOKLETS]

THE COFFEE CLUB. This organization was established for the purpose of

educating the consumer through constructive team work by the roasters'

and jobbers' salesman and the retail dealer. Under this plan, the

committee has distributed 50,000 transparent signs for dealers' windows,

and 5,000 bronze coffee-club buttons for coffee salesmen. By reference

to the Coffee Club in national magazine and newspaper advertising, the

retailer is given a chance to tie up with the campaign. Membership in

the club is limited to those who are contributing to the publicity fund,

and to their salesmen and customers. The club publishes a monthly

bulletin in newspaper form, giving the news of the campaign. This has a

circulation of 27,000 among wholesalers, salesman, and dealers.

[Illustration: MORE MEDICAL JOURNAL COPY, 1920]

BOOKLETS. The committee has published six booklets, which have reached

a total circulation of more than one and a half million copies. These

booklets are sold at cost to the coffee trade. The committee reports

that, on an average, one hundred requests for them are received daily at

its office from consumers in different parts of the country, and that

the booklets are the means of a constant campaign of education in

American homes and schools.

BRAND ADVERTISING. The committee is constantly making efforts to

increase the amount of private advertising by coffee roasters, and it

estimates that brand advertising has increased at least three hundred

percent since the national campaign began. Reproductions of the

committee's advertisements, proofs of advertising electrotypes, and copy

suggestions are circulated in advance to all roasters and to a large

number of retailers, by means of the monthly organ, _The Coffee Club_.

COFFEE WEEK. During the week of March 29 to April 4, 1920, the committee

organized and financed the third national coffee week, which was

observed by retailers throughout the country. The feature of this week

was a window-trimming contest for which prizes of $2,000 were

distributed among several hundred grocers. The contest resulted in

displays of coffee in nearly 10,000 grocery windows, and greatly

increased the sale and consumption of coffee during this period.

MOTION PICTURES. The United States fund financed the production and

distribution of a coffee motion picture, 128 prints of which were sold

to roasters, who exhibited them throughout the country. This picture was

shown during coffee week to more than six hundred theater audiences, and

it remains in the possession of the trade as an active advertising

medium.

[Illustration: SPECIMENS OF THE 1921 MAGAZINE AND NEWSPAPER COPY]

[Illustration: EDUCATING THE DOCTOR IN THE FACTS ABOUT COFFEE, 1922]

NEW USES FOR COFFEE. An important factor in increasing consumption has

been the promotion of new uses for coffee. In winter, this has taken the

form or recipes and suggestions for coffee as a flavoring agent; and in

warm weather, there has been a publicity drive for iced coffee.

_Propaganda Results_

The joint coffee trade publicity campaign is progressive. New features

are being developed, and plans are laid well in advance. It is expected

that the reports of the scientific research will furnish fresh material

for both direct and indirect advertising.

One of the interesting prospects is a school exhibit, demand for which

has been revealed by requests from a large number of teachers,

principals, and school superintendents. Efforts to increase the

popularity of a product as widely used as coffee suggest almost

unlimited opportunities.

The campaign has brought into co-operation producers in one country, and

manufacturers and distributers in another country, several thousand

miles apart. Its international character, and also the fact that it

deals with a product of almost universal use, may account for the

attention this campaign has received, not only in the United States, but

in every country where advertising is a business factor.

This kind of coffee publicity has given the consumer a better knowledge

of coffee, and broken down much of the prejudice against coffee that

rested upon popular misunderstanding of its physiological effects.

As best evidence of its sincere wish to give the public the whole truth

about coffee, the committee points to the fact that a portion of its

funds is being used to finance the scientific investigation at the

Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

Felix Coste, the secretary-manager of the campaign, spends much of his

time traveling about the country and addressing gatherings of coffee

wholesalers and dealers. By this means, and by continuous

circularization and correspondence, the trade is kept constantly in

touch with the developments of the campaign.

[Illustration: MAGAZINE AND NEWSPAPER ADVERTISING COPY, SPRING OF 1922]

[Illustration: PRIVATE BRAND COFFEE ADVERTISING IN 1921

Report from 77 Advertisers]

Although Brazil is the only coffee-producing country at present

co-operating, the advertising has treated all coffees alike. Efforts are

being made to have the coffee growers of other countries contribute on a

basis proportionate to the benefit they derive. Support from all the

coffee countries on the same scale as that on which the producers of São

Paulo are contributing would almost double the size of the fund.

[Illustration: SPECIMEN OF EARLY YUBAN COPY]

_Coffee Advertising Efficiency_

Reverting to the original advertisement for coffee in English, when we

compare it with the latest examples of advertising art, it is of the

same order of merit. But Pasqua Rosée had no advertising experts to

advise him and no precedents to follow. Pasqua Rosée was a native of

Smyrna, who was brought to London by a Mr. Edwards, a dealer in Turkish

merchandise, to whom he acted as a sort of personal servant. One of his

principal duties was the preparation of Mr. Edwards' morning drink of

Turkish coffee.

"But the novelty thereof," history tells us, "drawing too much company

to him, he [Mr. Edwards] allowed his said servant, with another of his

son-in-law, to sell it publicly." So it came about that Pasqua Rosée set

up a coffee house in St. Michael's Alley, Cornhill.

And since Pasqua Rosée's idea, naturally, was to acquaint the London

public with the virtues and delectable qualities of the product of which

his prospective customers were naturally uniformed, he put into his

advertisement those facts and arguments which he felt would be most

likely to attract attention, to excite interest, and to convince. If the

reader will glance at Rosée's advertisement, which is reproduced on page

55, he will be struck with the well-nigh irresistible charm of his

unaffected, straightforward bid for patronage. Having no advertising

fetishes to warp his judgment, he told an interesting story in a natural

manner, carrying conviction. It matters not that some of the virtues

attributed to the drink have since been disallowed. He believed them to

be true. Few there were in those days who knew the real "truth about

coffee."

Even his typography, unstudied from the standpoint of modern "display,"

is attractive, appropriate, and exceedingly pleasant to the eye. And

since at that time there was no cereal substitute or other bugaboos to

contend against, and to hinder him from doing the simple, obvious thing

in advertising, he did that very thing--and did it exceedingly well.

[Illustration: HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION IN ADVERTISING]

[Illustration: PACKAGE-COFFEE ADVERTISING IN 1922

Specimens of newspaper copy used by some of the most enterprising

package-coffee advertisers, East and West]

In fact, in the historic advertisement, Pasqua Rosée set an example and

established a copy standard which had a very beneficial effect on all

the coffee advertising of that early date. This will be evident from a

glance at the accompanying exhibits of other early advertisements. It

was not until the days of so-called "modern" advertising that coffee

publicity reached low-water mark in efficiency and value. In these dark

days most coffee advertisers ignored the principles discovered and

applied in other lines of grocery merchandising. Instead of telling

their public how good their product was, they actually followed the

opposite course, and warned the public against the dangers of coffee

drinking! Instead of saying to the public, "Coffee has many virtues, and

our brand is one of the best examples," their text said in effect,

"Coffee has many deleterious properties; some, or most, of which have

been eliminated in our particular brand."

They were, for the most part, apostles of negation.

[Illustration: EMPHASIZING THE SOCIAL-DISTINCTION ARGUMENT]

[Illustration: DRAWING UPON HISTORY FOR SOCIAL-INTERCOURSE ATMOSPHERE]

Hopeful signs, however, are multiplying that this condition of things in

the coffee industry has passed, and that the practise of telling the

coffee story with certitude will soon become general.

We may well applaud the publicity work of all coffee advertisers who

follow where Pasqua Rosée led--those who tell the public how good coffee

is to drink and how much good it does you if you drink it. Considering

the advertising and typographical resources available to the modern

advertiser, it certainly should be possible for this message to be

conveyed to the public with at least some of the charm of the first

coffee message.

One of the most notable examples of how to advertise coffee well is that

set by Yuban coffee. Unquestionably, Yuban is doing in a thoroughly

up-to-date and appropriate fashion what Pasqua Rosée started out to do

in 1652.

The effect on those who give only a superficial glance at a Yuban

advertisement is to arouse a keen desire to enjoy a cup of Yuban coffee.

To induce such a state of mind is, of course, the object of all good

advertising.

[Illustration: AN ELECTRIC SIGN THAT IMPRESSED CHICAGO

There were 4,000 bulbs in this advertisement, which measured 50 x 55

feet. The rental was $3,500 a month]

Yuban advertisements have utilized two vital principles in influencing

the minds of consumers. In the first place, they have made a cup of

coffee seem to be a very delectable drink. In the second place, they

have made the serving of a cup of coffee seem to be of the greatest

social value.

One does not see in a Yuban advertisement any reference to the "removal

of caffein", or to Yuban's "freedom from defects common to other

coffees." There is no reference to the ill effects of drinking ordinary

coffee. Yuban wastes no valuable space in unselling coffee. Instead, the

whole intent, effectively carried out, is to paint an enticing picture

by descriptive phraseology, typographic "manner", and illustrative

treatment.

Until Yuban came, those of us in the coffee trade who had given the

matter thought had often wondered why, with the wealth of material

available to writers of coffee advertisements, so little had been done

to make the product alluring--why so little had been done to give

atmosphere to the product. So many interesting things may be said about

the history of coffee; the spread of the industry through various

countries; how Brazil came to be the coffee-producing country of the

world; how coffee is cultivated, harvested, and shipped; how it is

stored, roasted, handled, delivered--in short, the entire process by

which coffee reaches the breakfast table from the plantations of the

tropics. Yuban made effective use of this material.

Simply to tell these things in an interesting, natural, convincing way

makes coffee appear as a healthful, delicious drink; whereas the

negative, defensive sort of advertising, that plays into the hands of

the substitutes, puts coffee in the wrong light.

[Illustration: HOW THREE WELL KNOWN BRANDS OF COFFEE HAVE BEEN

ADVERTISED OUTDOORS]

[Illustration: ATTENTION-ATTRACTING CAR CARDS, SPRING OF 1922]

[Illustration: EFFECTIVE ICED-COFFEE COPY--ADAPTABLE FOR ANY BRAND]

When one reads Yuban advertisements, they are seen to be an entirely

acceptable and appropriate presentation of coffee merit and thoroughly

in accord with the principles of good advertising, as exemplified in all

other lines of trade. The wonder grows why so many coffee advertisers

have been content to remain in the defensive, controversial position

into which the alarmist coffee-substitute advertising has jockeyed them.

The Yuban advertisements are not without their faults; errors of

historical facts can be found in them; definitions are sometimes mixed;

some of the drawings might be better; but, in the main, the copy is

convincing and praiseworthy.

In Yuban advertisements the things that have been so long left undone

have now been done in a masterful way. If we refer to the accompanying

illustrations, we can see how effectively the public is being led to

realize and believe in:

1. The intrinsic desirability of coffee--the actual pleasure to be

derived from the act of partaking of it.

2. That it is delightful medium for social intercourse--part of the

essential equipment for an intimate chat or more general assemblage of

friends.

3. That its proper service is a badge of social distinction--the mark of

a successful hostess.

These three thoughts, dominant in Yuban advertising, should be woven

into the fabric of all coffee advertising. For with these three

thoughts, Arbuckle Brothers have blazed the trail for the right thing in

coffee advertising.

The Yuban case has been so largely dwelt upon here because it sets so

bright and shining an example. Much that is praiseworthy in it and more

along the same lines is true of White House, Hotel Astor, and Seal

Brand; but the copy shown will illustrate this better than any comment.

[Illustration: EUROPEAN ADVERTISING NOVELTY IN NEW YORK

The absence of visible wheels aroused much curiosity in this slow-moving

vehicle]

[Illustration: COENTIES SLIP, NEW YORK, IN THE DAYS OF SAILING VESSELS

Many coffee ships from the West Indies, Arabia and the Dutch East Indies

unloaded their cargoes here--From a copper-plate etching by F. Lee

Hunter]

CHAPTER XXIX

THE COFFEE TRADE IN THE UNITED STATES

_The coffee business started by Dorothy Jones of Boston--Some early

sales--Taxes imposed by Congress in war and peace--The first coffee

plantation-machine, coffee-roaster, coffee-grinder, and coffee-pot

patents--Early trade marks for coffee--Beginnings of the coffee

urn, the coffee container, and the soluble-coffee

business--Statistics of distribution of coffee-roasting

establishments in the trade from the eighteenth century to the

twentieth_

It appears from the best evidence obtainable that the coffee trade of

the United States was started by a woman, one Dorothy Jones of Boston.

At least, Dorothy Jones was the first person in the colonies to whom a

license was issued, in 1670, to sell coffee. It is not clear whether she

sold the product in the green bean, roasted, "garbled" (ground), or

"ungarbled".

Soon after the introduction of the coffee drink into the New England,

New York, and Pennsylvania colonies, trading began in the raw product.

William Penn bought his green coffee supplies in the New York market in

1683, paying for them at the rate of $4.68 a pound. Benjamin Franklin

engaged in the retail coffee business in Philadelphia, in 1740, as a

kind of side line to his printing business.

"Tea, coffee, indigo, nutmegs, sugar etc." were being advertised for

sale in 1748 at a shop in Boston, "under the vendue-room in

Dock-Square." Coffee was also to be had in that year at the shop of

Ebenezer Lowell in King Street, and at the Sign of the Four Sugar Loaves

near the head of Long Wharf.

During the sway of the coffee houses, coffee fell from $4.68 a pound to

40 cents a pound in 1750, and to 22 cents a pound just before the

Revolution. As the war came on, however, dealers began to force up

prices on a dwindling market. The situation became so serious that in

January, 1776, the Philadelphia Commission of Inspection issued a

fair-price list, setting an arbitrary price of eleven pence per pound on

coffee in bag lots. Persons found violating this price were to be

"exposed to public view as sordid vultures preying on the vitals of the

country."

Despite this threat, J. Peters in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, wrote to a

Philadelphia friend, "I cannot purchase any coffee without taking, too,

one bill a tierce of Claret & Sour, and at £6.8 per gall.... I have been

trying day for day, & never could get a grain of Coffee so as to sell it

at the limited price these six weeks. It may be bought, but at 25/ per

lb."

The important part played by the coffee houses of colonial America,

beginning with the establishment of the London coffee house in Boston,

in 1689, the King's Arms in New York in 1696, and Ye coffee house in

Philadelphia in 1700, has been related.

"Females" of ye olde Boston, staging in 1777 a "coffee party" which

rivaled in a small way the famous Tea Party in 1773, personally

chastised a profiteer hoarder of foodstuffs, and confiscated some of his

stock, according to a letter from Abigail Adams to her distinguished

husband, later second president of the United States.

Writing at Boston, under date of July 31, 1777, Abigail wrote to John,

then attending the Continental Congress at Philadelphia:

There is a great scarcity of sugar and coffee, articles which the

female part of the state is very loath to give up, especially

whilst they consider the great scarcity occasioned by the merchants

having secreted a large quantity. It is rumored that an eminent

stingy merchant, who is a bachelor, had a hogshead of coffee in his

store, which he refused to sell under 6 shillings per pound.

A number of females--some say a hundred, some say more--assembled

with a cart and trunk, marched down to the warehouse, and demanded

the keys.

Upon his finding no quarter, he delivered the keys, and they then

opened the warehouse, hoisted out the coffee themselves, put it

into a trunk, and drove off. A large concourse of men stood amazed,

silent spectators of the whole transaction.

In 1783-84 the Congress of the United States considered the imposition

of a duty on "seven classes of goods consumed by the rich or in general

use; liquors, sugars, teas, coffees, cocoa, molasses and pepper; the tax

to be determined by the yearly imports."

At that time there was being imported twelve times as much Bohea tea as

of all others, but tea consumption was only one-twelfth pound per

capita. Total tea imports were 325,000 pounds. "Low as was the

importation of tea", says John Bach McMaster, "that of coffee was lower

still by a third. Indeed, it was scarcely used outside of the great

cities." The average annual coffee imports at that period were 200.000

pounds.

Governor Bowdoin of Massachusetts introduced chicory into the United

States in 1785.

The first import duty, of two and one-half cents a pound, was levied on

coffee by the United States in 1789. The principal sources of supply up

to that time were the Dutch East Indies, Arabia, Haiti, and Jamaica; and

most of the business was in the hands of Dutch and English traders.

What is thought to be the first wholesale coffee-roasting plant in

America began operations at 4 Great Dock (now Pearl) Street, New York,

early in 1790. In that same year the first American advertisement for

coffee appeared in the _New York Daily Advertiser_. A second "coffee

manufactory" started up at 232 Queen (also Pearl) Street, New York, late

in 1790.

In the same year, 1790, the government increased the import duty on

coffee to four cents a pound. In 1794 the tax was raised to five cents a

pound.

In George Washington's household account book for 1793 appears an entry

showing a purchase of coffee from Benjamin Dorsay, a Philadelphia

grocer, for eight dollars. The quantity is not given.

About 1804 Captain Joseph Ropes in the ship Recovery, of Salem, Mass.,

brought from Mocha the first cargo of coffee and other East Indian

produce in an American bottom.

The first cargo of Brazil coffee, consisting of 1,522 bags, was received

at Salem, Mass., per ship Marquis de Someruelas in 1809. Brazil's total

production that year was less than 30,000 bags; but by 1871 more than

2,000,000 bags were exported.

Java coffee could be bought on the Amsterdam market in 1810 for 42 to 46

cents. By 1812, there had been an advance to $1.08 per pound. Holland,

not Brazil, ruled the world's coffee markets in those days.

When the war of 1812 made necessary more revenue, imports of coffee were

taxed ten cents a pound. A war-time fever of speculation in tea and

coffee followed, and by 1814 prices to the consumer had advanced to such

an extent (coffee was 45 cents a pound) that the citizens of

Philadelphia formed a non-consumption association, each member pledging

himself "not to pay more than 25 cents a pound for coffee and not to

consume tea that wasn't already in the country."

The coffee duty was reduced in 1816 to five cents a pound; in 1830, to

two cents; in 1831, to one cent; and in 1832 coffee was placed on the

free list. It remained there until 1861, when a duty of four cents a

pound was again imposed as a war-revenue measure. This was increased to

five cents in 1862. It was reduced to three cents in 1871; and the duty

was repealed in 1872. Coffee has remained on the free list ever since.

The manufacture of machinery required in the coffee business began in

the eighteenth century. The first coffee-grinder patent in the United

States was issued to Thomas Bruff, Sr., in 1798. The first United States

patent on an improvement on a roaster was issued to Peregrine Williamson

of Baltimore in 1820. The first United States patent on a

coffee-plantation machine, a coffee huller, was granted to Nathan Reed

of Belfast, Me., in 1822. The first United States coffee-maker patent

was issued to Lewis Martelley of New York, in 1825.

[Illustration: FIRST UNITED STATES COFFEE-GRINDER PATENT]

Charles Parker, of Meriden, Conn., began work on the original Parker

coffee mill in 1828.

A complete English coffee roasting and grinding plant was installed in

New York City by James Wild in 1833-34.

About 1840, Central America began making shipments of coffee to the

United States.

James Carter, of Boston, was granted (1846) a United States patent on an

improved form of cylindrical coffee roaster, which subsequently was

largely adopted by the trade in the United States, being popularly known

as the Carter "pull-out".

[Illustration: CARTER'S PULL-OUT ROASTER PATENT]

The Geo. L. Squier Manufacturing Co. of Buffalo began in 1857 the

manufacture of coffee-plantation machinery. Marcus Mason invented his

first pulper in 1860; but the manufacture of coffee-plantation machinery

under the firm name of Marcus Mason & Co. did not begin in the United

States until 1873.

The first paper-bag factory in the United States to make bags for loose

coffee, began operations in Brooklyn in 1862.

The first ground-coffee package was put on the New York market about

1860-63 by Lewis A. Osborn. It was known as Osborn's Celebrated Prepared

Java Coffee and was later exploited by Thomas Reid as Osborn's Old

Government Java.

In 1864, Jabez Burns was granted a patent on the Burns roaster which was

to revolutionize the coffee-roasting business.

In 1865, John Arbuckle brought out in Pittsburgh the first roasted

coffee in individual packages "like peanuts", the forerunner of the

Ariosa package.

In 1869, B.G. Arnold started the first big speculation in coffee and for

ten years thereafter he was absolute dictator of the American coffee

trade.

In 1869, three United States patents on a copper coffee urn lined with

block tin were granted to Élie Moneuse and L. Duparquet of New York.

In 1870, John Gulick Baker, one of the founders of the Enterprise

Manufacturing Company of Pennsylvania, was granted a United States

patent on a coffee grinder which subsequently became one of the most

popular store mills.

The first trade mark registered for coffee or coffee essence bears the

number 425, with date August 22, 1871, first use 1870, and is in the

name of Butler, Earhart & Co., Columbus, Ohio. The words "essence of

coffee" appeared on the label. The next coffee mark was registered by

Butler, Earhart & Co., October 3, 1871, number 455, first use, 1870. It

consists of the word "Buckeye" with a branch of the buckeye

(horse-chestnut) tree.

[Illustration: FIRST REGISTERED TRADE MARK FOR COFFEE, 1871]

The next registration for coffee was in the name of John Ashcroft of

Brooklyn. It is numbered 533, and the date is November 28, 1871. It

consists of an anchor and chain enclosing a star. Ashcroft registered

also a design of a coffee pot with the words "Mocha Steam", January 2,

1872.

Today there are nearly three thousand registered trade-mark names used

for coffee on file in the United States Patent Office in Washington.

In 1873, Ariosa, the first successful national brand of package coffee,

was launched in Pittsburg by John Arbuckle.

In the same year, 1873, the first United States patent on a coffee

substitute was issued to E. Dugdale of Griffin, Ga.

In 1878, Chase & Sanborn, the Boston coffee roasters, were the first to

pack and to ship roasted coffee in sealed cans. A lead seal was used for

the large packages of bulk coffee; the smaller sizes being sealed by the

label, which was made to cover the body of the can and to reach up over

the slip cover, so as to make a sealed package, to open which the label

must be broken.

In 1878, Jabez Burns, the coffee-machinery man, founded the _Spice

Mill_, the first publication in America devoted to the coffee and spice

trades.

In 1879, Charles Halstead brought out the first metal coffee pot with a

china interior.

In 1880, Henry E. Smyser, of Philadelphia, invented a

package-making-and-filling machine for coffee, the forerunner of the

weighing-and-packing machine, the control of which later on by John

Arbuckle led to the coffee-sugar war with the Havemeyers. Smyser was

superintendent at the plant of the Weikel & Smith Spice Company,

Philadelphia. Other patents on weighing and package-making machines were

granted him in 1884, 1888, and 1891. In 1892, he began to assign his

patents to Arbuckle Brothers, some fifteen in all being granted him from

1892 to 1898. He died in 1899.

The year 1880 was notable for the many failures in the American coffee

trade, as a result of syndicate planting and speculative buying of

coffees in Brazil, Mexico, and Central America.

In 1881, Steele & Price, of Chicago, were the first to introduce to the

trade all-paper cans, made of strawboard, for coffee.

In 1881, the New York Coffee Exchange was incorporated, beginning

business the year following at Beaver and Pearl Streets. In 1885, the

property of the Exchange was transferred to the Coffee Exchange of the

City of New York, incorporated by special charter.

In 1884, the Chicago Liquid Sack Company brought out the first

combination paper and tin-end containers for coffee.

The year 1887-88 was marked by a big boom in coffee, the total sales on

the Coffee Exchange amounting to 47,868,750 bags. Between July 1886 and

June 1887 prices advanced 1,485 points.

In 1888, the Engelberg Huller Company of Syracuse, New York, began the

manufacture of coffee-plantation machinery.

[Illustration: THE ORIGINAL ARBUCKLE COFFEE PACKAGES]

In 1891, the New England Automatic Weighing Machine Company, Boston,

Mass. began the manufacture of machines to weigh coffee into cartons and

other packages; and in 1894, installed in the Chase & Sanborn plant at

Boston the first automatic weighing machine in the coffee trade. The New

England concern was subsequently (1901) succeeded by the Automatic

Weighing Machine Company of Newark, N.J.

In 1893, the first direct-flame gas coffee roaster in America

(Tupholme's English machine) was installed by F.T. Holmes at the plant

of the Potter-Parlin Company, New York.

In 1893, Cirilo Mingo, of New Orleans, was granted a United States

patent on a method of aging green coffee to give it the characteristics

of green coffee stored in a confined space for a long period. The

operation consisted in placing layers of green coffee between dry and

wet empty coffee bags, and permitting the beans to absorb eight to ten

percent of the moisture in a period extending from six to sixteen hours.

This was one of the earliest efforts to mature and age green coffee in

the United States.

In 1894, the business of the Pneumatic Scale Corporation, Norfolk Downs,

Mass., had its start in Quincy, Mass. where the first pneumatic weighing

machine was installed by the Purity Dried Fruits Cleansing Company. In

1895, the Electric Scale Company was organized to build the machines,

the subsequent development of this line of packaging machinery for

coffee being directed by the Pneumatic Scale Corporation, Ltd., which

succeeded it.

In 1895, Adolph Kraut introduced the German-made grease-proof lined

paper bags for coffee to the American coffee trade. That same year,

Thomas M. Royal, of Philadelphia, began the manufacture in the United

States of a fancy duplex-lined paper bag for coffee.

In 1896, natural gas was first used in the United States as a fuel for

roasting coffee.

In 1897, Joseph Lambert, Vermont, first introduced to the coffee trade a

self-contained coffee roasting outfit without the brick setting required

until then.

In 1897, the Enterprise Manufacturing Company of Pennsylvania was the

first regularly to employ an electric motor to drive a coffee mill.

The overproduction of coffee began to be so serious a question by 1898,

that J.D. Olavarria, a distinguished Venzuelan, proposed a plan for the

restriction of coffee cultivation and the regulation of coffee exports

from countries suffering from overproduction. In this same year, the

bears forced Rio 7's down to four and one-half cents on the New York

Coffee Exchange.

In 1898, Edward Norton, of New York, was granted a United States patent

on a vacuum process for canning foods, subsequently applied to coffee.

Others followed. Hills Brothers, of San Francisco, were the first to

pack coffee in a vacuum, under the Norton patents, in 1900. M.J.

Brandenstein & Company, of San Francisco, began to pack coffee in vacuum

cans in 1914. Vacuum sealing machines to pack coffee under the Norton

patents are now made by the Perfect Vacuum Canning Company of New York.

About 1899, Dr. Sartori Kato of Tokio, who had invented a soluble tea in

Japan, came to Chicago and produced a soluble coffee (introduced to the

consumer in 1901) on which he was granted a patent in 1903. In 1906, G.

Washington of New York, an American chemist living in Guatemala City,

produced a refined soluble coffee which was put on the United States

market three years later. The full story of soluble coffee in America is

told in chapter XXXI. (See page 538.)

The first gear-driven electric coffee mill was introduced to the trade

by the Enterprise Manufacturing Company of Pennsylvania in 1900.

In 1901, there appeared in New York the first issue of _The Tea and

Coffee Trade Journal_, devoted to the interests of the tea and coffee

trades.

In 1900-01, Santos permanently displaced Rio as the world's largest

source of supply.

In 1901, the American Can Company began the manufacture and sale of tin

coffee cans in the United States. In this year Landers, Frary & Clark's

Universal coffee percolator was granted a United States patent; and

Joseph Lambert, of Marshall, Mich., brought out one of the earliest

machines to employ gas as a fuel for the indirect roasting of coffee. It

was in 1901, also, that F.T. Holmes joined the Huntley Manufacturing

Company, of Silver Creek, N.Y., which began to build the Monitor

gas-fired direct-flame coffee roasters.

In 1902, the Coles Manufacturing Company (Braun Company, successor) and

Henry Troemner, of Philadelphia, began the manufacture and sale of

gear-driven electric coffee grinders.

As a result of the agitation for some way to deal with the

overproduction of coffee, the Pan-American Congress, meeting in Mexico

City in 1902, called an international coffee congress for New York in

the fall of that same year. It met from October 1 to October 30; but at

the close, the problem seemed no nearer solution than at the beginning.

In 1906, Brazil produced its record-breaking crop of 20,000,000 bags,

and the state of São Paulo inaugurated a plan to valorize coffee.

In 1902, the first fancy duplex paper bag made by machinery from a roll

of paper was produced by the Union Bag & Paper Corporation. It was of

sulphite fiber inside, and glassine outside; a style afterward reversed,

so as to have the glassine the inner tube.

In 1902, the Jagenberg Machine Company, Inc. (absorbed by the Pneumatic

Scale Corporation in 1921) began the introduction to the trade of the

United States of a line of German-made automatic packaging-and-labeling

machines for coffee. Subsequently, the Johnson Automatic Sealer Company,

Battle Creek, Mich., became well known as manufacturers of a line of

automatic adjustable carton-sealing, wax-wrapping machines, package

conveyors, and automatic scales. Among other automatic weighers that

have figured in the development of the coffee business, mention should

be made of The National Packaging Machinery Company's Scott machine, of

E.D. Anderson's Triumph, and of Hoepner's Unit System.

In 1903, as a result of overproduction in Brazil, Santos 4's dropped to

three and fifty-five hundredths cents on the New York Coffee Exchange,

the lowest price ever recorded for coffee.

In 1903, also, there was granted the first United States patent on an

electric coffee-roaster, the patentee being George C. Lester of New

York.

In 1904, green coffee prices on the New York Coffee Exchange were forced

up to eleven and eighty-five hundredths cents by a speculative clique

led by D.J. Sully.

In 1905, the A.J. Deer Co., Buffalo, N. Y. (now of Hornell, N.Y.) began

the sale of its Royal electric coffee mills direct to dealers on the

instalment plan, revolutionizing the former practise of selling coffee

mills through hardware jobbers.

In 1905, F.A. Cauchois introduced to the trade his Private Estate coffee

maker, a filtration device employing Japanese filter paper. Finley

Acker, of Philadelphia, obtained a patent the same year on a

side-perforation percolator employing "porous or bibulous paper" as a

filtering medium.

In 1906, H.D. Kelly, of Kansas City, was granted a United States patent

on an urn coffee machine employing a coffee extractor in which the

ground coffee was continually agitated before percolation by a vacuum

process.

In 1907, P.E. Edtbauer (Mrs. E. Edtbauer), of Chicago, was granted a

United States patent on a duplex automatic weighing machine, the first

simple, fast, accurate and moderate-priced machine for weighing coffee.

Eight others followed up to 1920.

In 1907, the new Pure Food and Drugs Act came into force in the United

States, making it obligatory to label all coffees correctly and causing

many trade practises to be altered or thrown into the discard. The most

important rulings that followed are referred to in more detail in

chapter XXIII, telling how green coffees are bought and sold.

In 1908, the Porto Rico coffee planters, presented a memorial to the

Congress asking for a protective tariff of six cents a pound on all

foreign coffees. Hawaii and the Philippines, also were to have

benefited by the protection asked for. The Congress failed to grant the

planters' prayer. This appeal for protection was repeated in 1921, when

the Congress was asked to place a duty of five cents a pound on all

foreign coffees.

In 1908, J.C. Prims, of Battle Creek, Mich. was granted a United States

patent on a corrugated cylinder improvement for a gas and coal coffee

roaster of fifty to one hundred and thirty pounds capacity designed for

retail stores. This machine was acquired the year following by the A.J.

Deer Company, and was re-introduced to the trade as the Royal roaster.

In 1908, Brazil's valorization-of-coffee enterprise was saved from

disaster by a combination of bankers and the Brazil Government. A loan

of $75,000,000 was placed, through Hermann Sielcken of New York, with

banking houses in England, Germany, France, Belgium, and America. The

complete story of this undertaking is told in chapter XXXI.

In 1909, Ludwig Roselius brought to America from Germany the

caffein-free coffee which for several years had been manufactured and

sold in Bremen under the Myer, Roselius, and Wimmer patent. In 1910, the

product was first sold here by Merck & Company under the name of Dekafa,

later Dekofa, and in 1914, by the Kaffee Hag Corporation as Kaffee Hag.

In 1911 all-fiber parchment-lined Damptite cans for coffee were

introduced to the trade by the American Can Company.

As a result of preliminary meetings of Mississippi Valley coffee

roasters held in St. Louis in May and June, 1911, when the Coffee

Roasters Traffic and Pure Food Association was organized, a national

association under the same name was started in Chicago, November 16-17,

1911. The complete story of the growth of this most important coffee

trade organization in the United States is told in the next chapter.

In 1912, the United States government, after having examined into the

valorization enterprise, brought suit against Hermann Sielcken, _et

al._, to force the sale of valorized coffee stocks held in this country

under the valorization agreement.

In October, 1914, the first national coffee week to advertise coffee was

promoted by the National Coffee Roasters Association.

_Merchants Coffee House Memorial_

On May 23, 1914, the Lower Wall Street Business Men's Association

unveiled a bronze memorial tablet set in the wall of the nine-story

office building occupied by the Federal Refining Company on the

southeast corner of Wall and Water Streets, the former site of the

Merchants' coffee house. This is the building where _The Tea and Coffee

Trade Journal_ had its offices for nine years before moving to 79 Wall

Street.

[Illustration: MERCHANTS COFFEE HOUSE TABLET

Bronze marker, placed May 23, 1914, on the building occupying the site

of the old coffee house]

Seth Low, introduced by William Bayne, Jr., president of the Lower Wall

Street Business Men's Association, gave an interesting sketch of the

history of the coffee house. Abram Wakeman, secretary of the

association, spoke, followed by Wilberforce Eames, of the American

history division of the New York Public Library.

After the flag that veiled the memorial tablet had been drawn aside,

attention was called to a bronze chest which was hermetically sealed,

and in which had been placed papers and other documents reflecting the

life of New York today. The chest was given over to the keeping of the

New York Historical Society, with the understanding that it was not to

be opened until 1974, which will be the two-hundredth anniversary of the

union of the Colonies.

It was from the Merchants' coffee house that the letter of May 23, 1774,

was written in reply to the Committee of Correspondence in Boston. The

letter suggested a "Congress of Deputies" from the Colonies, and called

for a "virtuous and spirited Union." The coffee house is consequently

regarded as the birthplace of the Union.

_Recent Activities_

A second national coffee week was held in October, 1915, under the

auspices of the National Coffee Roasters' Association.

In 1916, the Coffee Exchange of the City of New York changed its name to

the New York Coffee and Sugar Exchange, to admit of sugar trading.

In 1916, the National Paper Can Company of Milwaukee first introduced to

the trade its new hermetically sealed all-paper can for coffee.

In 1916, Jules Le Page, Darlington, Ind., was granted two United States

patents on cutting rolls to cut and not grind or crush corn, wheat, or

coffee. This idea was incorporated in the Ideal steel cut coffee mill

subsequently marketed by the B.F. Gump Company, Chicago.

In 1918, the World War caused the United States government to place

coffee importers, brokers, jobbers, roasters, and wholesalers under a

war-time licensing system to control imports and prices.

In 1918, John E. King, of Detroit, was granted a United States patent on

an irregular grind of coffee consisting of coarsely grinding ten percent

of the product and finely grinding ninety percent.

The most notable event of the year 1919 was the inauguration by the

Brazil planters, in co-operation with an American joint coffee trade

publicity committee, of the million-dollar campaign to advertise coffee

in the United States.

In 1919, as a result of frost damage, and of an orgy of speculation in

Brazil, prices for green coffee on the New York Exchange were forced to

the highest levels since 1870; and a new high record was established for

futures, twenty-four and sixty-five hundredths cents for July contracts.

In 1919, Floyd W. Robison, of Detroit, was granted a United States

patent on a process for aging green coffee by treating it with

micro-organisms, the product being known as Cultured coffee.

In the spring of 1920, there was held the third national coffee week,

this time under the auspices of the Joint Coffee Trade Publicity

Committee.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XXX

DEVELOPMENT OF THE GREEN AND ROASTED COFFEE BUSINESS IN THE UNITED

STATES

_A brief history of the growth of coffee trading--Notable firms and

personalities that have played important parts in green coffee in

the principal coffee centers--Green coffee trade

organizations--Growth of the wholesale coffee-roasting trade, and

names of those who have made history in it--The National Coffee

Roasters Association--Statistics of distribution of coffee-roasting

establishments in the United States_

Coffee trading in the American colonies probably had its beginnings

about the middle of the seventeenth century. Tea seems to have preceded

coffee as an article of merchandise. Several merchants in the New

England and New York settlements imported small quantities of coffee

with other foodstuffs toward the close of the seventeenth century.

The early supplies of the green bean were brought from the Dutch East

Indies, Arabia, Haiti, and Jamaica. About 1787, the French opened

Mauritius and Bourbon to American ships, which then began to bring back

coffee and tea to the Atlantic-coast cities. Mocha coffee was being

imported direct in American bottoms about 1804. Coffee from Brazil was

first imported by the United States in 1809. Central America began

shipping coffee to the United States in 1840. The total coffee imports

in 1876 were 339,789,246 pounds, valued at $56,788,997, and received

chiefly from Brazil, Haiti, British and Dutch East Indies, the West

Indies, and Mexico.

New York early became the leading green-coffee market of the country.

There was a number of large importing merchants in New York in 1760,

nearly all of whom brought in coffee. Among them were Isaac and Nicholas

Gouverneur, Robert Murray, Walter and Samuel Franklin, John and Henry

Cruger, the Livingstons, the Beekmans, Lott & Low, Philip Cuyler,

Anthony Van Dam, Hugh and Alexander Wallace, Leonard and Anthony

Lispenard, Theophylact Bache, and William Walton.

Some early green-coffee prices per pound were as follows:

1683--18s. 9d.; 1743--5s.; 1746--5s.; 1774--9s.; 1781[347]--96s. O.T.;

1782--2s. 1d. O.T.; 1783--1s.; 1789--10 cents.

Leading New York coffee importers in 1786 were Henry Sheaff, on the dock

between Burling Slip and the Fly Market; John Rooney, 26 Cherry Street;

William Eccles, 10 Hunters Key; Ludlow & Goold, 47 Wall Street; Scriba,

Schroppel & Starmen, 17 Queen Street; and William Taylor, Crane Wharf.

The wholesale coffee roaster appeared about 1790; and from that time the

separation between the green-coffee trader and the coffee roaster became

more marked. In 1794 the principal green-coffee importers in New York

were: Lawrence & Van Zandt; D. Smith & Co., 323 Pearl Street; Gilchrist

Dickinson, 17 Taylor's Wharf; Armstrong & Barnewall, 129 Water Street;

William Bowne, 265 Pearl Street; Stephen Cole & Son, 26 Ferry Street;

J.S. De Lessert & Co., 123 Front Street; Joseph Thebaud, 262 Pearl

Street; Nathaniel Cooper & Co., 38 Little Dock Street; Coll. M'Gregor,

28 Wall Street; David Wagstaff, 137 Front Street; Conkling & Lloyd, 15

Taylor's Wharf; and S.B. Garrick, Westphal & Co., 43 Cherry Street.

[Illustration: Hermann Sielcken

B.G. Arnold

F.B. Arnold

Joseph Purcell

SOME DEPARTED DOMINANT FIGURES IN THE NEW YORK GREEN COFFEE TRADE]

The leading New York coffee importers in 1848 were Henry and William

Delafield, 108 Front Street; and Des Arts & Henser, 78 Water Street.

There were seven leading New York coffee importers in 1854, as follows:

Aymar & Co., 34 South Street; Henry Coit & Son, 43 South Street; Henry

Delafield, 129 Pearl Street; Howland & Aspinwall, 54 South Street; Mason

& Thompson, 33 Pearl Street; J.L. Phipps & Co., 19 Cliff Street; and

Moses Taylor & Co., 44 South Street.

Following the so-called "consortium" of 1868, the ramifications of which

centered in Frankfort-on-the-Main--its speculations finally ending in

disaster to many--the green-coffee trade was in a precarious condition

until well into the eighties. "Previously," says a contemporary writer,

"it had been the safest and prettiest of all colonial produce."

About 1868, "iron steamers began to be freely availed of as carriers of

coffee; and later on, the telegraph became a factor, rendering the

business more exciting and expensive".

Coffee consumption in the United States had, moreover, increased from

one pound per capita in 1790 to nine pounds per capita in 1882.

1892-93 the biggest figure in the world's coffee trade was George

Kaltenbach, a German living in Paris, whose resources were estimated at

twelve million to fifteen million dollars, and whose holdings at one

time were said to be one million bags. He was reported to have made

$1,500,000 on his coffee corner. In September, 1892, he bested a bull

clique and forced prices down to twelve cents. Aided by three other

European operators, he then started a bull syndicate, and put the price

up to seventeen cents. The story of this corner, and of other notable

coffee booms and panics, is told in more detail in chapter XXXI.

_Early Days of the Green Coffee Business_.

For a long time New York was the only important entry port for green

coffee. Before the rise of New Orleans and San Francisco, many inland

coffee roasters and grocers had their own buyers in the New York market.

The coffee district that still clings about lower Wall Street is rich in

memories of by-gone merchants who once were big factors in the trade,

and whose names, in many instances, have been handed down from

generation to generation in the businesses that have survived them.

Any reference to the early days of the green-coffee importing, jobbing,

and brokerage business in New York would not be complete without mention

of a few of the pioneers:

P.C. Meehan is eighty-four years old at the time of writing (1922) and

is dean of the New York green-coffee trade. With James H. Briggs he

formed the firm of Briggs & Meehan. This later became Meehan & Schramm,

with Arnold Schramm. The latter withdrew, and the firm became Creighton,

Morrison & Meehan. Finally, Mr. Meehan established the present firm of

P.C. Meehan & Co.

[Illustration: James H. Taylor

H. Simmonds

Edwin H. Peck

P.C. Meehan

THEIR ASSOCIATION WITH THE NEW YORK GREEN COFFEE TRADE DATES BACK NEARLY

FIFTY YEARS]

When Mr. Schramm withdrew from the firm of Meehan & Schramm he founded

the house of Arnold Schramm, Inc. Upon his retirement, this was

succeeded by Sprague & Rhodes, the firm being composed of Benjamin

Rhodes and Irvin A. Sprague.

Next oldest to P.C. Meehan in the New York green-coffee trade is

Clarence Creighton, who started with Youngs & Amman, later C. Amman &

Co., then Waite, Creighton & Morrison, then Creighton, Morrison &

Meehan. Upon the breaking up of this firm, Mr. Creighton formed a

partnership with James Ashland, under the name of Creighton & Ashland.

He later operated alone, and died August 15, 1922.

James H. Taylor is another "old-timer" who is still active. He began

with T.T. Barr & Co. Later, with F.T. Sherman, he formed the firm of

Sherman & Taylor. When Mr. Sherman withdrew, the firm became James H.

Taylor & Co. Mr. Taylor is now with Minford, Lueder & Co. He has been

five years president, eleven years treasurer, and twenty-six years on

the board of governors of the New York Coffee Exchange.

One of the most honored names in the green coffee trade of New York is

that of Peck. Edwin H. Peck began, at the age of seventeen years, with

Hart & Howell, butter and cheese merchants. He then went in the same

business for himself. Four years later, he abandoned this to go into the

coffee brokerage business with his brother, Walter J. Peck. In about

five years, the brothers branched into the coffee importing and jobbing

business under the firm name of Edwin H. Peck & Co. Later it was changed

to the present style of E.H. & W. J. Peck. Since the death of Walter J.

Peck in 1909, Edwin H. has conducted the business. The latter was a

member of the board of governors of the New York Coffee Exchange for

twelve years, and has been an important factor in the upbuilding of that

institution.

William D. Mackey began with Small Bros. & Co. He then went into

partnership with C.K. Small as Mackey & Small. Later, he formed the firm

of Arnold, Mackey & Co. with Francis B. Arnold. The latter dropped out,

and the firm became Mackey & Co. He is now operating alone. Mr. Mackey

was another of the incorporators of the New York Coffee Exchange.

Alexander H. Purcell, a brother of Joseph Purcell, entered the employ of

Bowie Dash & Co. as a boy. From there he went to Williams, Russell &

Co., then to the Union Coffee Co., and later to Hard & Rand. He is now

head of the firm of Alex. H. Purcell & Co.

Robert C. Stewart first became known with Booth & Linsley. He later went

with Joseph J. O'Donohue & Sons, leaving there to establish the present

firm of R.C. Stewart & Co.

Another old-timer, Joseph D. Pickslay, may be seen at his desk in

Williams, Russell & Co.'s office every day, although Frank Williams, who

began with Winthrop G. Ray & Co., and Frank C. Russell, both of

Williams, Chapin & Russell, and then of Williams, Russell & Co., have

passed on. Fred P. Gordon, now head of Fred P. Gordon & Co., was

formerly with Williams, Russell & Co.

The Mitchell brothers, William L. and George, forming the firm of

Mitchell Bros., have been familiar Front Street figures for many years.

A. Wakeman, "the historian of the coffee trade," as he is often called,

began with Olendorf, Case & Gillespie. Later he went with Thompson &

Bowers, and then became a member of the firm of Baiz & Wakeman. He is

now in business alone. For thirty-eight years Mr. Wakeman has been

secretary of the Lower Wall Street Business Men's Association. He is the

author of _History and Reminiscences of Lower Wall Street and Vicinity_.

H. Simmonds, of Simmonds & Bayne; later, of Simmonds & Newton; then, of

the Brazil Coffee Co.; and finally, of H. Simmonds & Co., is at the time

of writing one of the oldest coffee merchants on Front Street, having

been in business in Baltimore and New York for more than fifty years. He

has a desk in the office of his son, W. Lee Simmonds, of W. Lee Simmonds

& Co.

Bayne is another well known Front Street name. The firm of William Bayne

& Co. was established by William Bayne, Sr., in Baltimore. The business

was moved to New York about 1885. The founder's three sons, William,

Jr., Daniel K., and L. P., entered the employ of the firm in Baltimore,

and moved with it to New York.

Daniel K. Bayne became associated with Henry Sheldon & Co., and later

was a member of Simmonds & Bayne. He then returned to William Bayne &

Co. and was senior partner at the time of his death in 1915. William

Bayne, Jr., for many years one of the governors and a past-president and

vice-president of the New York Coffee Exchange, and his brother, L.P.

Bayne, now conduct the business.

John T. Foley, now of the Commercial Coffee Co., began with Kirkland

Bros. From there he went to Ezra Wheeler & Co., then to H.W. Banks &

Co., Thompson, Shortridge & Co., and William Hosmer Bennett & Son.

Joshua Walker formed a partnership with James Stewart as Stewart &

Walker. Since the retirement of Mr. Stewart some years ago, Mr. Walker

has been in business alone.

Three other veterans of the trade are still in the harness: Louis

Seligsberg, formerly of Wolf & Seligsberg, is now alone; Henry Schaefer

has been at the head of S. Gruner & Co. since the death of Siegfried

Gruner; Col. William P. Roome, who operated for some time as Wm. P.

Roome & Co., is now head of the coffee department of Acker, Merrall &

Condit Co.

[Illustration: O.G. Kimball Boston

James C. Russell New York

James W. Phyfe New York

C.E. Bickford San Francisco

GREEN COFFEE TRADE BUILDERS WHO HAVE PASSED ON]

Gregory B. Livierato, who founded the business of Livierato Bros. at

Port Said, with branches at Aden and Marseilles, and later at Hodeida

and Harar, entered the green coffee trade of New York in 1855, although

his L F Mocha marks had been introduced here many years before. He

remained here for eighteen years, returned to his home in Cephalonia,

Greece, in 1904, and died there in 1905. His nephew, B.A. Livierato,

then assumed charge of the New York coffee business, which in 1913

became the Livierato-Kidde Co., with B.A. Livierato and Frank Kidde.

Benjamin Green Arnold, one-time "coffee king," first became well known

as a member of Arnold, Sturgess & Co., afterward B.G. Arnold & Co. Mr.

Arnold was one of the incorporators, and the first president, of the New

York Coffee Exchange. Francis B. Arnold, with Arnold, Sturgess & Co.,

later of Arnold, Mackey & Co., afterward Arnold, Dorr & Co., was a son

of Benjamin Greene Arnold; and to him and to Major John R. McNulty

belongs a great part of the credit for the organization of the New York

Coffee Exchange. Major McNulty was with Minford, Thompson & Co., and

then formed the firm of J.R. McNulty & Co.

Bowie Dash, a member of the famous Arnold-Kimball-Dash triumvirate,

began with Scott & Meiser, later Scott, Meiser & Co., then Scott & Dash,

afterward Scott, Dash & Co., and finally Bowie Dash & Co. Other well

known men with this last company were L.F. Mason, A.C. Foster, S.L.

Swazey, L.J. Purdy, and John B. Overton.

Then there were: Rufus G. Story; Thomas Minford, Francis Skiddy, and

George J. Nevers, of Skiddy, Minford & Co.; W.D. Thompson, of Minford,

Thompson & Co., later L.W. Minford & Co., afterward Minford, Lueder &

Co., Thompson, Shortridge & Co., later Thompson Bros., then Thompson &

Davis; John Randall, with L.W. Minford & Co., later, with J.C. Runkle &

Co.; Eugene and James O'Sullivan of Eugene O 'Sullivan & Co.

The following names figured prominently in the trade's early history:

Charles Maguire, of James H. Taylor & Co.; George F. Gilman, organizer

of the Great American Tea Co. and of the Great Atlantic & Pacific Tea

Co.; H.W. Banks, of Reeve, Case & Banks, afterward of Stanton, Sheldon &

Co., later Sheldon, Banks & Co., and then of H.W. Banks & Co.; Henry

Sheldon, of Stanton, Sheldon & Co., later Sheldon, Banks & Co.; and then

Henry Sheldon & Co.; William McCready, with Small Bros. & Co., later

with H.W. Banks & Co., and then with B.H. Howell, Son & Co., C.R.

Blakeman, with Gross, March & Co., afterward with Wm. Scott's Sons &

Co.; William Scott, of William Scott & Sons, later Wm. Scott's Sons &

Co., including George W. Vanderhoef, who later succeeded to the business

under the name of George W. Vanderhoef & Co.; Christopher and Leander S.

Risley, of C. Risley & Co.; and Charles Naphew, with C. Risley & Co.,

later with Edwin H. Peck & Co.

[Illustration: William Bayne New York

George W. Crossman New York

George Westfeldt New Orleans

Wm. H. Bennett New York

THEIR RACE IS RUN, THEIR COURSE IS DONE]

Another group of old-timers includes: William Newbold, with Ezra Wheeler

& Co., later alone; Augustus Ireland, with Ezra Wheeler & Co.; J.M.

Edwards, of Edwards & Maddux, later of J.M. Edwards & Co.; Frank M.

Anthony, of J.M. Edwards & Co.; H. Clay Maddux, one of the incorporators

of the New York Coffee Exchange, of Edwards & Maddux; Baron Thomsen, of

Thomsen & Co.; Gustave Amsinck, of G. Amsinck & Co.; James N. Jarvie,

with Small Bros. & Co., later of Arbuckle Bros.; John C. Lloyd, of John

C. Lloyd & Co., afterward with Arbuckle Bros.; John Small, of Smalls &

Bacon, later Small Bros. & Co.; Williamson Bacon, of Smalls & Bacon,

afterward of Williamson Bacon & Co.; C.K. Small, of Mackey & Small,

Anson Wales Hard and George Rand, of Hard & Rand; Joseph Purcell, first

of W.J. Porter & Co., and then of Hard & Rand; Henry F. McCreery, with

O'Shaughnessy & Sorley, later of Hard & Rand; William Sorley and John W.

O'Shaughnessy, of O'Shaughnessy & Sorley, Mr. O'Shaughnessy later

forming John W. O'Shaughnessy & Co., and Mr. Sorley going to Hard &

Rand. Mr. Sorley was one of the incorporators of the New York Coffee

Exchange.

[Illustration: 112 FRONT STREET, NEW YORK, IN 1879

A group of old-time green coffee men, including R. C. Stewart, J.D.

Pickslay, Frank Williams, Charles P. Chapin, and Fred P. Gordon]

Special mention should be made of: Kirkland & von Sacks; A. Kirkland,

one of the incorporators of the New York Coffee Exchange, with Small

Bros. & Co., then with W.J. Kirkland as Kirkland Bros., and, upon the

dissolution of that firm, with F.H. Leggett & Co.; Thomas Rutter & Co.;

Teacle Wallace Lewis, with Rowland, Humphreys & Co., later head of the

coffee department of Carter, Macy & Co., and still later, head of T.W.

Lewis & Co.; Abraham Sanger, of Sanger, Beers & Fisher, later Sanger &

Wells; J.W. Wilson & Co.; Dykes & Wilson; Peter, John, and Joseph J.

O'Donohue, of John O'Donohue's Sons; Joseph J. O'Donohue & Sons; Otis W.

Booth, of Booth & Linsley; A.G. Hildreth; James H. Kirby, of B.G. Arnold

& Co., later of Kirby, Halstead & Chapin, afterward Kirby & Halstead;

Major Henry D. Tyler; Thomas H. Messenger & Co.; Harvey H. Palmer, of

H.H. Palmer & Co.; B. O. Bowers, of Wilson & Bowers, later Thompson &

Bowers; and August Haeussler, first with C. Risley & Co., then with J.

H. Labaree & Co., and finally with the green coffee department of Geo.

H. McFadden & Brother.

John Hanley, with Carey & Co., later of Hanley & Kinsella, St. Louis;

Robert C. Hewitt, Jr., who wrote one of the early books on coffee

(_Coffee, its History, Cultivation, and Uses_, 1872), of Hewitt & Phyfe,

later Jas. W. Phyfe & Co.; James W. Phyfe of Hewitt & Phyfe, later Jas.

W. Phyfe & Co.; Daniel A. Shaw, of Jas. W. Phyfe & Co.; B. Lahey, of

Jas. W. Phyfe & Co.; and Winthrop G. Ray & Co.

These names, too, will live long in green coffee history: Reid, Murdock

& Fischer, New York and Chicago; Charles A. and Watts Miller, and David

Palmer, of D.J. Ely & Co., formerly D.J. & Z.S. Ely Co., New York and

Baltimore; Harry Miller, with D.J. Ely & Co., later of Miller &

Walbridge; Augustus Walbridge, of Smith & Walbridge, afterward Augustus

M. Walbridge, Inc.; Clarence Smith, of M.V.R. Smith's Sons, later of

Smith & Walbridge; Stevens, Armstrong & Hartshorn, later Stevens &

Armstrong, then Stevens Bros. & Co., and finally Reamer, Turner & Co.,

including Abraham Reamer, Sr., and William F. Turner.

[Illustration: AT 87 WALL STREET, N.Y., YEARS AGO

Among the green coffee men in this picture are Clarence Creighton, John

Enright, Chris Arndt, W. Lee Simmonds, John Ashlin, F. Loderose, Julius

Steinwender, and Clinton Whiting]

[Illustration: WALL AND FRONT STREETS, NEW YORK, SPRING OF 1922

Looking up Wall Street from the East River. The first cross street is

Front; beyond are to be seen the Munson, Stock Exchange, and Bankers'

Trust Company's buildings, with Trinity Church marking the Broadway

gateway]

Other familiar old-time names were: George W. Pritchard, of George W.

Pritchard & Sons; Dayton & Co.; Dimond & Lally, later Dimond & Gardes;

Arthur W. Brown; Robert Russell, of Russell & Co.; J. F. Pupke and

Thomas Reid, of Pupke & Reid, later Eppens, Smith & Wiemann, afterward

Eppens, Smith & Co., with William H. and Frederick P. Eppens; Joseph A.

O'Brien, with Pupke & Reid, and later in business for himself; R.P.

McBride, of the Union Pacific Tea Co.; Ripley Ropes; Saportas Bros.;

Mayer Bros. & Co. of Hamburg, with Moses G. Hanauer, manager, and D.K.

Young and Herman Hanauer, salesmen; H.M. Humphreys, with J.W. Doane &

Co., later with Arbuckle Bros.; Henry Nordlinger, of Henry Nordlinger &

Co.; Charles Campbell, of W.R. Grace & Co.; D.A. DeLima, of D.A. & J.

DeLima, later D.A. DeLima & Co.; Henry Kunhardt and George F. Kuhlke, of

Kunhardt & Co.; Boulton, Bliss & Dallett, later Bliss, Dallett & Co.,

general managers of the Red D line of steamships; Prendergast Bros.;

W.H. and George W. Crossman, of W.H. Crossman & Bros., later Crossman &

Sielcken, with Hermann Sielcken, afterward Sorenson & Nielson; F. Probst

& Co.; H. H. Swift & Co.; J.L. Phipps & Co.; James Bennett and Joseph

Becker, of Bennett & Becker; and Arnold, Hines & Co. (Diamond A Mocha),

later Arnold, Cheney & Company.

Honorable mention should be accorded: Samuel Wilde (Old Dutch Mills);

John Phoenix, with Husted, Ferguson & Titus, later of J.W. Phoenix &

Co.; H.K. Thurber, of H.K. & F.B. Thurber & Co.; Michael Barnicle, with

Walter Storm, later Storm, Smith & Co., then Abbey, Freeman & Co., then

with Husted, Wetmore & Titus, and finally alone; August Stumpp, of

August Stumpp & Co.; J.K. and E.B. Place; Beards & Cummings, later

Beards & Cottrell, then S.S. Beard & Co.; Philip and Henry Dater, of

Philip Dater & Co.; Hugh Edwards, of Edwards & Raworth; William Bennett,

of Wm. Hosmer Bennett & Son; Kalman Haas, of Haas Bros.; J.C. Runkle &

Co.; Thomas T. Barr and Fred T. Sherman, of Barr, Lally & Co., later

T.T. Barr & Co.; Henry Hentz & Co.; Elmenhorst & Co.; A.S. Lascelles &

Co.; D. Henderson (Harry) and John Wells, of Wells Bros.; G. Weyl & Co.,

later Norton, Weyl & Beven, and then Weyl & Norton; Warren & Co.; J.H.

Labaree & Co.; Schultz & Ruckgaber; Henry Eyre; Rowland, Terry &

Humphreys, later Rowland & Humphreys; Bentley, Benton & Co.; Winter &

Smilie; Weston & Gray; John S. Wright, one of the incorporators of the

New York Coffee Exchange, of Wright, Hard & Co.; Watjen, Toel & Co.; A.

Behrens & Co.; "Steve" Matheson, of S. Matheson, Jr. & Co.; C. Wessels &

Bros., later Wessels, Kulenkampff & Co., and finally Fromm & Co.; Julius

Steinwender, of Steinwender, Stoffregen & Co.; Leon Israel, of Leon

Israel & Bros.; Herklotz, Corn & Co.; Ponfold, Schuyler & Co.; Maitland,

Phelps & Co., later Maitland, Coppell & Co.; F.H. Leggett, of F.H.

Leggett & Co.; Carhart & Brother; George W. Flanders, of George W.

Flanders & Co.; Jonas P. O'Brien; George S. Wallen, of George S. Wallen

& Co.; Charles F. Blake, of Blake & Bullard; and Martin J. Glynn, of

McDonald & Glynn, later Martin J. Glynn & Co., who had their office at

Front Street and Old Slip for twenty-five years.

Three other names closely associated with the early days of the New York

green-coffee trade were: Glover, Force & Co., later Waterbury & Force,

then W.H. Force & Co., and finally W.S. Force & Co., weighers and

forwarders; Daniel Reeve, of Reeve & Van Riper, mixers and hullers; and

John H. Draper & Co., auctioneers.

_Growth of the Leading Coffee Ports_

Twenty-two years ago, when the century opened, New York passed over her

docks a total of 676,000,000 pounds of coffee, which represented

eighty-six percent of the total for the country. In 1920, juggling the

figures a little, she imported 767,000,000 pounds, which was fifty-nine

percent of the total. While she was thus practically marking time, she

watched New Orleans run wild with an increase from 44,000,000 pounds to

380,000,000 pounds, or 763 percent gain; this meaning also the supplying

of twenty-nine percent of the country's demands instead of five percent,

while San Francisco in the same time jumped from 24,000,000 pounds to

137,000,000 pounds, or 470 percent gain, her share of the total trade

now being ten percent instead of three percent in 1900. These gains,

however, have not all been made at the expense of the city on the

Hudson. In 1900, Baltimore was a close rival of New Orleans and was far

ahead of all other ports except New York; but a decline in her imports

began about 1903, and was so swift, that five years later her imports

were almost negligible.

[Illustration: LOOKING SOUTH FROM WALL STREET INTO THE HEART OF THE

GREEN COFFEE DISTRICT

On the left-hand corner is Hard & Rand's, opposite Leon Israel & Bros.'

building, and beyond are many other leading green coffee firms.]

[Illustration: LOOKING NORTH FROM WALL STREET. HERE A FEW WELL KNOWN

COFFEE FIRMS ARE LOCATED

The trend of the trade is south from Wall St. rather than north]

[Illustration: FRONT STREET, NEW YORK'S GREEN COFFEE DISTRICT, IN 1922]

IMPORTS OF COFFEE AT LEADING PORTS OF ENTRY IN THE UNITED STATES

New York New Orleans San Francisco Total Imports

_Pounds_ _Pounds_ _Pounds_ _Pounds_

1900 676,227,269 44,335,717 24,562,578 787,991,911

1913 554,571,449 263,382,962 36,067,073 863,130,757

1914 633,400,209 308,008,145 46,721,824 1,001,528,317

1915 758,160,133 307,868,932 45,844,060 1,118,690,524

1916 814,394,074 308,513,290 71,346,788 1,201,104,485

1917 932,098,113 274,989,692 97,821,069 1,319,870,802

1918 779,025,781 219,330,461 134,729,019 1,143,890,889

1918[K] 757,710,001 146,621,857 130,178,288 1,052,201,501

1919[K] 804,177,446 356,608,477 160,426,467 1,333,564,067

1920[K] 767,242,636 380,293,701 137,043,281 1,297,439,310

1921[K] 790,559,919 331,036,770 139,069,286 1,340,979,776

[K] Calendar years. All others fiscal years.

New Orleans began her advance at about the same time that Baltimore

began to fall off, so that her rise to a place of importance as a coffee

port has been practically coincident with the twentieth century. Her

first big step upward was in 1901, from 44,000,000 to 72,000,000 pounds,

and was followed by another the next year to 115,000,000. Thereafter

there was a steady gain to 213,000,000 pounds in 1906 and to 301,000,000

pounds in 1910, and after that wide fluctuations, especially during the

war. In 1918, doubtless because of the draining of shipping to the North

Atlantic service, there was a heavy slump; but immediately after the

war, in the calendar year 1919, there was a big jump to a record mark,

up to that time, of 356,000,000 pounds. This was followed by the record

of 380,000,000 pounds in the calendar year 1920, although the 1921

figure of 331,036,770 shows a falling off of nearly 50,000,000 pounds.

San Francisco's growth, on the other hand, is of recent occurrence. The

story is told farther along in this chapter, how the city was definitely

placed on the coffee map by the provision of adequate shipping

facilities to Central America. The outbreak of the war in Europe,

however, which loosened the grip of European nations on the coffee crops

of Central America, was the prime cause of San Francisco's rise in the

coffee world, affording her an opportunity of which she had the

enterprise to take full advantage. In 1913, her imports were only about

36,000,000 pounds, at which mark they had stood for many years. There

was only a slight gain until 1916, when 71,000,000 pounds were recorded;

but this increased to 97,000,000 pounds in 1917, to 134,000,000 pounds

in 1918 (fiscal year), and to 160,000,000 pounds in the calendar year

1919. In 1920, there was a falling off to 137,000,000 pounds, and it may

be that the high figure reached the year before represents about the

maximum that her natural market, the Pacific-coast region, can well

absorb.

For the benefit of those who like to do their own interpreting of

figures, we present in the table at the top of this page the official

record for recent years.

The leading importers of Brazil coffee direct to New York and Baltimore

in 1894, as compiled by William H. Force & Co., were as follows.

Included in this list are a number of names well known in the green and

roasted coffee trades of other cities:

DIRECT IMPORTERS OF BRAZIL COFFEE

_New York, 1894_

_Bags_

Arbuckle Bros. 688,726

W.H. Crossman & Bro. 355,864

Hard & Rand. 345,541

W.F. McLaughlin & Co. 227,935

J.W. Doane & Co. 207,170

Steinwender, Stoffregen Co. 132,482

J.L. Phipps & Co. 54,617

Dannemillers & Co. 49,449

E. Levering & Co. 47,322

Aug. Stumpp. 44,959

Thomson & Taylor Spice Co. 44,017

G. Amsinck & Co. 38,350

E.H. & W.J. Peck. 33,278

J.H. Labaree & Co. 32,071

Fitch & Howland. 31,515

Shinkle, Wilson & Kreis Co. 25,951

C.D. Lathrop & Co. 23,263

Taylor & Levering. 21,501

Heinrich Haase. 18,976

William T. Levering. 18,796

T.G. Lurman & Co. 18,017

Elmenhorst & Co. 16,221

Sprague, Warner & Co. 14,856

Sorver, Damon & Co. 14,675

Sutton & Vansant 13,957

John O'Donohue's Sons 13,681

Hoffman, Lee & Co. 13,598

S.R. Alexander 12,805

Eppens, Smith & Wiemann Co. 12,719

Baker & Young 11,906

Hanley & Kinsella C. & S. Co. 11,318

Durand & Kasper Co. 11,124

Wm. Schotten & Co. 11,005

C.G. Bullard & Co. 10,653

H.W. Banks & Co. 10,351

Ellis Bros. 10,282

Jacob Baiz 9,146

A. Lueder & Co. 8,492

C.F. Pitt & Sons 8,262

G.F. Gillman 7,927

Bell, Conrad & Co. 6,528

N. Martin & Co. 6,507

J.B. O'Donohue & Co. 6,102

Steele, Wedeles Co. 5,700

G.O. Gordon 5,550

Sherman Bros. & Co. 4,998

F. MacVeagh & Co. 4,763

Benedict & Co. 4,717

Chase & Sanborn 4,505

West & Melchers 4,500

Mokaska Mfg. Co. 4,013

Haebler & Co. 4,000

Robt. Crooks & Co. 3,509

M.M. Levy & Co. 3,037

J.A. Tolman Co. 3,004

Tracy & Avery Co. 3,000

Wells Bros. 2,800

Kirby, Halsted & Chapin Co. 2,754

W.M. Hoyt Co. 2,252

Gt. A. & P. Tea Co. 2,250

Foote & Knevals 2,000

L.W. Minford & Co. 1,800

Wm. Bayne & Co. 1,755

Indiana Coffee Co. 1,650

W.K. Carson & Co. 1,501

Miller, Smith & Co. 1,500

Rufus Woods 1,498

J.G. Flint 1,345

Davenport & Morris 1,250

Canada 1,140

Westfeldt Bros. 1,000

Edw. Westen T. & S. Co. 800

Corbin, May & Co. 750

F. Cannon & Co. 618

Adam Roth Gro. Co. 500

Scudder, Gale Gro. Co. 500

J.H. Taylor & Co. 500

Wm. B. Willson 500

Dwinell, Wright & Co. 500

Swift, Billings & Co. 500

New Orleans Coffee Co. 500

B. Fischer & Co. 401

Smith & Schipper 300

Ulman, Lewis & Co. 281

Ridenour, Baker Gro. Co. 250

W.H. Minor 250

Nave & McCord Merc. Co. 202

Skiddy, Minford & Co. 196

Rossbach & Bro. 184

L. Wolff 149

Reimers & Meyer 50

W.F. Jackson 5

---------

Total 2,791,642

DIRECT IMPORTERS OF BRAZIL COFFEE

_Baltimore, 1894_

_Bags_

E. Levering & Co. 40,965

T.G. Lurman & Co. 29,325

C.M. Stewart & Co. 25,499

Thornton Rollins 21,436

William T. Levering 15,884

Steinwender, Stoffregen 12,852

W.B. Willson 11,540

Hoffman, Lee & Co. 8,953

Rufus Woods 8,020

P.T. George & Co. 7,463

Taylor & Levering 6,440

Benedict & Co. 5,434

Brazil Trading Co. 2,666

C.F. Pitt & Sons 2,505

J.W. Doane & Co. 2,500

Enterprise Coffee Co. 1,811

H.M. Wagner & Co. 504

C.D. Lathrop & Co. 503

Mokaska Manufacturing Co. 500

Hanley & Kinsella C. & S. Co. 500

Shinkle, Wilson & Kreis Co. 404

G. Amsinck & Co. 400

Indiana Coffee Co. 251

-------

Total 206,355

_Early Days of Green Coffee in New Orleans_

The history of New Orleans as a coffee port may be considered as

beginning with the transfer of Louisiana by Napoleon Bonaparte to the

United States in 1803. In this year, according to Martin's _History of

Louisiana_, New Orleans imported 1438 bags of coffee of 132 pounds each.

In the latter part of the eighteenth century, settlers in large numbers

had crossed the Allegheny Mountains from the Atlantic states into the

valley of the Ohio River; and their crops of grain and provisions were

exported by means of cheaply constructed rafts and boats, which were

floated down the river to New Orleans, where they were generally broken

up and sold for use as lumber and firewood--there being, at that time,

no power available for propelling them back against the current of the

river.

From 1803 until 1820, on account of the difficulty of navigating

upstream, New Orleans imports did not increase as rapidly as exports. In

1814, however, the first crude steamboat had begun to carry freight on

the river; and by 1820, the supremacy of New Orleans as the gateway of

the Mississippi Valley had been for the time established by this new

means of transportation. The coffee-importing business flourished; and,

from its modest beginning in 1803, grew to 531,236 bags in 1857.

By this time, however, New Orleans had begun to feel the competition of

the Erie Canal, and of the systems of east and west railroad lines which

had been in the course of active construction during the preceding

fifteen years. The railroad systems which had as their ports Boston, New

York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, entered upon a desperate war of

freight rates, each in the endeavor to establish the supremacy of its

own port. As the building of railroads had been entirely east and west,

and no large amount of capital had been invested in north and south

lines, much of the business of the valley was diverted to the Atlantic

ports, apparently never to return to New Orleans.

In 1862, on account of the blockade of the port, not a bag of coffee was

imported through New Orleans, and practically none came in until the

year 1866, when the small amount of 55,000 bags was the total for the

year. At about this time, Boston and Philadelphia became negligible

importing quantities; the business of Baltimore continued to be quite

prosperous; and New York rapidly increased her imports and took the

commanding position.

[Illustration: IN THE NEW ORLEANS COFFEE DISTRICT]

New Orleans had increased her coffee imports to 250,000 bags in 1871,

and the yearly imports continued at about this figure until the last

decade of the century, when the business began to expand. The imports

had reached a total of 337,000 bags in 1893-1894; and of 373,000 in

1896-97. This was the beginning of a new era, and the coffee business of

New Orleans entered upon the period of its greatest growth. Imports were

514,000 bags in 1900-01, and were slightly more than twice that by

1903-04. In 1909-10 the imports had again doubled, and had reached a

total for the twelve months ending July 1, 1909, of slightly more than

2,000,000 bags; while the figures for the calendar year 1909 totaled

2,500,000 bags.

Borino & Bro., 77 Gravier Street, were the largest importers of coffee

in New Orleans in 1869. The principal importers in 1880 were P. Poursine

& Co., Westfeldt Bros., Dymond & Gardes, Schmidt & Ziegler, J.L. Phipps

& Co., Geo. O. Gordon & Co., and Smith Bros.

Shipments were by sailing vessels, a full cargo being about 5000 bags.

Fancy grades, like Golden Rios, washed and peaberries, were shipped in

double bags. Musty coffees were common, and every bag in a cargo was

sampled for must. S. Jackson was first to issue regular manifests. With

the entry of steamers into the coffee transport business, New Orleans

was placed at a disadvantage as steamer rates were about twenty cents a

bag higher to New Orleans than to New York, and imports were limited.

The subsequent revival of the business was due largely to Hard & Rand.

Being unable to obtain steamer rates equal to those quoted in New York,

Hard & Rand chartered steamers for New Orleans; and soon the trade began

to offer cost and freight to New Orleans, and the business grew from

about 350,000 bags of green coffee per annum to 2,500,000 bags.

One of the best remembered names in the green coffee trade of New

Orleans is that of Charles Dittman (1848-1920), who for nearly fifty

years was one of the leading coffee commission merchants of the country.

Mr. Dittman entered the coffee business with Napier & Co., representing

E. Johnston & Co., of Rio de Janeiro. In 1875, upon the death of Mr.

Napier, the firm changed to Johnston, Gordon & Co., later to G.O.

Gordon, and in 1886 to the Charles Dittmann Co. Since his death in

1920, the business has been continued by F.V. Allain and Charles

Dittmann, Jr.

[Illustration: A SECTION OF THE GREEN COFFEE DISTRICT OF NEW ORLEANS

Most of the buildings shown here are occupied by green coffee importing

houses. The one on the right with the balconies is the old Board of

Trade Building]

_Green Coffee in San Francisco_

In the early days of the green coffee business in San Francisco these

names stood out as most important among the coffee importers: Hellmann

Bros. & Co., Montealegre & Co., E.L.G.S. Steele & Co., and Urruella &

Urioste.

From their many friends in Central America, they, and others in their

line, obtained small consignments that were bought by the roasters

according to their immediate needs. Often as many as five or six buyers

would share in a parcel of fifty bags, as they were not in the custom of

filling up the larder for days of want. There always seemed to be

sufficient for every one, and bull movements and corners had not then

become the vogue.

Just as today, the mainstays of the early San Francisco trade were

coffees produced in Costa Rica, Salvador, and Guatemala, although some

were brought from the Colima district of Mexico. The broker had a

comparatively easy job in selling his wares. Samples of the lots would

be given to him in carefully sealed glass bottles, and usually the buyer

would trust his discerning eye to judge correctly the quality of the

goods, not even taking the trouble to uncork the bottle. Size, color,

and imperfections would be his criterion.

The leading coffee importers at San Francisco in 1875 were B.E. Auger &

Co., 409 Battery; S.A. Carit & Co., 405 Front Street; Hellmann Bros. &

Co., 525 Front Street; Adolphe Low & Co., 208 California Street; S.C.

Merrill & Co., 204 California Street; Parrott & Co., 306 California

Street; and Urruella & Urioste, 405 Front Street.

The annual consumption of green coffee in San Francisco in the early

eighties was estimated at 100,000 bags.

A marked change in the coffee business of San Francisco was brought

about by the discovery that the differences in the taste of coffees

could not be accurately detected from their color or from the size of

bean. To Clarence E. Bickford belongs the credit of having discovered

the cup qualities of high-grown Central American coffees. He was

employed at the time by a broker named Hockhofler, and probably did not

realize what far-reaching effect his discovery would have on the future

of San Francisco's coffee trade; but no other factor has contributed so

much to its growth. When the roasters began to examine coffees for their

taste, values were of course revolutionized. Antiguas, and other

high-grown coffees, that had theretofore been penalized for the small

size of bean, soon brought a premium, and have ever since been in great

demand. It goes without saying that the new classification was of

material assistance to the roasters in bettering their output, as

blending was then put on a scientific basis.

About the middle of the nineties San Francisco began to function as a

distributing center, and shipments were made from there to St. Louis and

Cincinnati. The selection of coffees on their cup merit was undoubtedly

a factor of considerable importance in creating new outlets; although it

is generally conceded that the winning personality of C.E. Bickford

helped considerably. Mr. Bickford, by this time, had succeeded his

former employer. He served the trade by living up to the best standards

of business practise until his death in 1908; when the institution he

founded was continued by E.H. O'Brien under the name of C.E. Bickford &

Co.

[Illustration: CALIFORNIA STREET, THE COFFEE-TRADING CENTER OF SAN

FRANCISCO]

San Francisco imported 175,293 bags of coffee in 1900. Imports had grown

to 256,183 bags by 1906; and the following were the leading importers,

as taken from a compilation by C.E. Bickford & Co.:

IMPORTERS OF COFFEE BY SEA

_San Francisco, 1906_

_Bags_

Haas Bros. 38,947

Otis, McAllister & Co. 34,342

Jno. T. Wright 21,741

Geo. A. Moore & Co. 17,851

Castle Bros. 17,397

Lastreto & Co. 15,609

Bloom Bros. 14,372

W.R. Grace & Co. 14,143

Baruch & Co. 9,400

Schwartz Bros. 7,310

Dieckmann & Co. 6,981

H. Hackfeld & Co., Ltd. 4,466

M.J. Brandenstein & Co. 4,281

Urioste & Co. 4,081

Goldtree, Liebes & Co. 3,962

J.Z. Posadas. 3,950

Mohns-Frese Com. Co. 3,714

Welch & Co. 3,385

Thannhauser & Co. 3,328

E. Mejia 2,965

Hind, Rolph & Co. 2,814

Hellmann Bros. & Co. 2,170

Parrott & Co. 2,137

J.A. Folger & Co. 2,094

S.L. Jones & Co. 2,042

Ariza & Lombard 1,133

Hamberger-Polhemus Co. 1,096

Theo. H. Davies & Co., Ltd. 955

Livierato Frères 927

J.D. Spreckels & Bros. Co. 828

McCarthy Bros. 795

W. Loaiza & Co. 642

Wm. Halla 591

H.W. Burmester 582

Williams, Dimond & Co. 399

M. Phillips & Co. 381

Alexander & Baldwin 358

London, Paris & Am. Bank, Ltd. 333

P.J. Knudsen Co. 309

Ballou & Cosgrove 300

M. Schweitzer & Co. 300

Johnson-Locke Merc. Co. 270

The Lewin-Meyer Co. 250

Sperry Flour Co. 231

Canadian Bank of Commerce 200

Porto Rico Coffee Co. 148

McChesney & Sons 145

Bowring & Co. 145

China & Java Export Co. 140

John Weissman 126

Montealegre & Co. 120

W.H. Miller 109

Maldonado & Co. 105

De Fremery & Co. 100

Sundries 683

-------

Total 256,183

[Illustration: BIRD'S EYE VIEW OF SAN FRANCISCO'S COFFEE DISTRICT]

The imports of green coffee at San Francisco in 1914-15 amounted to

about 400,000 bags. The beginning of the World War was almost

coincidental with an energetic campaign waged by San Francisco coffee

interests to popularize Central American coffees, and particularly

Guatemalas, in this country. The time was well chosen, as the world's

exposition at San Francisco offered a good opportunity to acquaint the

public with the fine qualities of Guatemala growths. Furthermore, it was

necessary to create new markets for these coffees, which in former years

had been very extensively used in Europe. Figures show that San

Francisco's efforts were crowned with success. In 1916, the importation

increased by fifty percent; and in 1917, importations were double those

of 1915. In 1918, a total of nearly 1,000,000 bags was reached; and this

mark was passed by almost 200,000 in 1919. In 1920, 971,567 bags were

imported.

The origin of San Francisco's fight for control of Central American

coffee dates back to the years 1908 to 1910, when the German Kosmos Line

was fighting the Pacific Mail for the Central and South American

shipping business. W.R. Grace & Co., at that time, were already the

heaviest shippers of American merchandise to the Latin-American

countries; and while their own steamers were not touching at Central

American ports, they were handling merchandise from the United States

and nitrates from the South American countries in their own bottoms, and

were also engaged as general carriers for that trade. The fight directed

by the Kosmos Line against the Pacific Mail, which at that time was

under the control of the Southern Pacific Company, was accordingly

directed against the Grace interests also, so far as South American

countries were concerned. The fight was long and bitter, and costly to

both sides. At times, the contenders offered to take freight, not only

without charge, but to pay the shipper a premium for the privilege of

carrying his freight.

Differences were finally settled in conference; but the experience

taught the American interests that they could survive in any territory

only if at all times they were able to provide their own cargoes for

their own boats, as had been accomplished with nitrate in South America.

J.H. Rosseter, the Grace manager, who later became well known as

director of operations of the United States Shipping Board during the

war, undertook an extended trip to Central America in 1912 to study the

situation at close range. There was only one product of Central America

that was available in cargo quantities, namely coffee; and naturally his

attention was drawn to the possibility of carrying coffee to San

Francisco to provide return cargoes for ships of the Pacific Mail, or

associated lines, carrying merchandise for the Central American

countries.

While in Guatemala, Mr. Rosseter outlined a future policy in regard to

Central American coffees; the basis being his firm determination that

coffees grown in Central America, and logically and geographically

tributary to San Francisco distribution, should come to San Francisco in

largely increasing quantities.

Up to that time San Francisco had received, on an average, only 200,000

bags of Central American coffee annually for the ten preceding years;

while Europe had received about 1,500,000 bags a year. The quantity

necessary to make San Francisco a factor would call for an importation,

on an average, of 750,000 bags--a quantity almost four times as large as

then established.

This was an extremely ambitious undertaking, considering the conditions

then prevailing in Central America. European countries were firmly

entrenched in the coffee business in Central America, with Germany

leading in Guatemala, France in Salvador and Nicaragua, England and

France contending for superiority in Costa Rica, and the United States

getting only the leavings.

The European countries held their position in the Central American

Coffee trade by liberal financing, and a thorough knowledge of the

varying qualities of coffee produced on the different plantations. San

Francisco, the only important port in the United States dealing in

Central American coffees, had neither strong financial entrenchment in

Central America nor expert knowledge of coffee quality. Year after year,

San Francisco merchants had depended on consignments chosen by the

consignors. This rendered quality selection of coffees by the importers

impossible.

Rosseter, being primarily a steamship man, tackled the proposition from

the standpoint of transportation, figuring that if he could establish

and maintain preferential steamer service to San Francisco, and steady

freight rates, a great step would be accomplished toward the desired

end. This led to his interest in the Pacific Mail Company, of which the

final outcome was his present position as vice-president of the

reorganized Pacific Mail Company. In that capacity he maintained,

practically throughout the entire period of the World War, freight rates

on coffee from Central America to San Francisco that gave that Pacific

port an immediate and definite advantage.

This gave merchants in San Francisco the chance to build up a steady

trade, and prevented other ports in the United States from entering into

serious competition with San Francisco as a distributing point for

Central American coffees. The view taken by Rosseter was as far-sighted

as it was broad. He argued that with the end of the war there would be

no strength in a scattering distribution of Central American coffees by

New York, New Orleans, and San Francisco; and the only promise of

maintenance of the business for the United States would be in

maintaining unity of distribution in one port of the United States,

namely San Francisco.

The first year open to European competition after the war showed that

San Francisco was well able to maintain its lead in Central American

coffees. Today, the mortgages formerly held by European merchants on the

native coffee plantations, and the control thereby of the produce of

these plantations, are in the hands of American merchants; and what is

more, out of general merchandising and importing by merchants of San

Francisco there have developed expert coffee departments in all of the

larger houses. The years of the war brought the product of virtually all

plantations in Central America to the intimate knowledge of these expert

coffee departments; and today the advantage that Europe formerly had--of

knowing exactly what a specific plantation produced--is possessed by

San Francisco merchants.

This is no small advantage when we consider that in Guatemala and Costa

Rica, qualities vary from plantation to plantation, and that often on

adjoining plantations there is from three to five cents a pound

difference in quality, from the standpoint of cup merit.

One can not buy coffee in Central America as in Brazil, as these

countries are not highly organized commercially, and the importers here

are forced to assume the rôle of the Brazilian _commisario_ and banker.

The crop has to be financed from six to nine months before it is brought

to the port; and the securities covering such advances are at best of

questionable value, on account of political insecurity, and the

ever-threatening earthquakes, and the uncertainty of the elements.

Distribution of the coffee after it has been brought to San Francisco

also involves many difficulties, notwithstanding that the demand is

good. This will be better realized when we consider that the Pacific

coast, from Alaska to Mexico, and eastward as far as the Rocky

Mountains, embraces a population of about 8,000,000, whose annual

consumption is estimated at 400,000 bags; and that, as already stated,

treble that quantity was imported to San Francisco in 1919.

In 1900, ninety-nine firms were engaged in the green coffee importing

business (some were roasters also) in New York; six in Philadelphia;

twenty-eight in San Francisco; twelve in New Orleans. In 1920, there

were two hundred and sixteen in New York; thirty-one in San Francisco;

fifteen in New Orleans.

_Green Coffee Trade Organizations_

Previous to the organization of the roasters, the only kind of coffee

organization in this country of more than local importance was the New

York Coffee Exchange, which came into existence in 1881, the

organization meeting being held in the offices of B.G. Arnold & Co., at

166 Pearl Street, New York. The Exchange was incorporated December 7,

1881, the incorporators being Benjamin Green Arnold, Francis B. Arnold,

William D. Mackey, John S. Wright, William Sorley, Joseph A. O'Brien, H.

Clay Maddux, C. McCulloch Beecher, Geo. W. Flanders, and John R.

McNulty. B.G. Arnold was the first president. Soon afterward, rooms were

rented and fitted up for trading purposes at 135 Pearl Street, at the

junction of Beaver and Pearl Streets, and only two blocks away from the

more pretentious structure now housing the Coffee Exchange. Actual

trading operations did not begin until March 7, 1882.

The New York Coffee Exchange was the world's first coffee-trade

organization of national proportions. Havre's exchange was inaugurated

in 1882, under the name of the Coffee Terminal Market. Five years later,

coffee exchanges were opened in Amsterdam and Hamburg; while the

exchanges of London, Antwerp, and Rotterdam did not come into existence

until the year 1890. The exchange in Trieste, Italy, was organized in

1905; while the Coffee Trade Association of London was started in 1916.

The first exchange in Santos was started in 1914.

The success of the New York Coffee Exchange led to its imitation in

other coffee ports of the United States. Baltimore started a similar

organization, early in 1883, under the name of the Baltimore Coffee

Exchange; but after a short existence, it petered out. New Orleans

organized a green coffee trading association in 1889, as a coffee

committee of the Board of Trade. It is still active. The Green Coffee

Association of New Orleans, Inc., which is distinct from the Coffee

Committee, was established January 7, 1920. San Francisco did not have a

trading exchange until 1918, in which year the Green Coffee Association

of the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce began operations.

_Growth of the Coffee-Roasting Trade_

The wholesale coffee roasting business in the United States seems to

have started in the closing years of the eighteenth century. In

February, 1790, a "new coffee manufactory" began business at 4 Great

Dock Street, New York, and the proprietor announced that he had provided

himself at considerable expense with the proper utensils "to burn, grind

and classify coffee on the European plan." He sold the freshly roasted

product "in pots of various sizes from one to twenty weight, well packed

down, either for sea or family use so as to keep good for twelve

months."

A second roasting plant started up at 232 Queen Street, New York, nearly

opposite the governor's house, toward the close of 1790. This second

coffee roasting plant was known in 1794 as the City Coffee Works. James

Thompson operated a "coffee manufactory" at 25 Thames Street in 1795. In

this year there was also the "Old Ground Coffee Works" in Pearl Street,

formerly Hanover Square, "three doors below the bank at number 110,"

operating "two mills, one pair French burr stones" but no orders were

accepted here for less than six pounds, at "two pence advanced from the

roasting loss."

Other coffee manufactories followed in the large towns of the new

states; and, always, the coffee was treated "on the European plan." This

meant that it was "burnt over a slow coal fire, making every grain a

copper color and ridding it all of dust and chaff." There was usually a

difference in price of three to four pence a pound between the green and

roasted product. Packages of roasted coffee under the half-dozen weight

were sold in New York in 1791 for two shillings and three pence per

pound, allowance being made for grocers at a distance. In those days,

the favorite container was a narrow-mouthed pot or jar of any size. This

was the first crude coffee package. In retailing the product,

cornucopias made of newspapers, or any other convenient wrapping, were

first employed; but, with the introduction of paper bags in the early

sixties, the housekeeper soon became educated to this more sanitary form

of carry package, and its permanence was quickly assured.

The following were listed in Longworth's _Almanack_ as coffee roasters

in New York in 1805: John Applegate; Cornelius Cooper; Benjamin Cutler,

104 Division Street; George Defendorf, 83 Chapel Street; William Green;

Cornelius Hassey, 14 Augustus Street; Joseph M'Ginley, 28 Moore Street;

John W. Shaw, 43 Oliver Street; John Sweeney, Mulberry Street; Patience

Thompson, 23 Thames Street.

Elijah Withington came from Boston to New York in 1814. He set up a

coffee roaster in an alley behind the City Hall and engaged a big,

raw-boned Irishman to run it. This was the beginning of a coffee

roasting business that has continued until the present day. Withington

dealt in Padang interiors, Jamaica, and West Indian coffees, and

numbered many society folk among his customers. Withington's business

removed to 7 Dutch Street in 1829: and the firm became Withington & Pine

in 1830.

The roasted coffee business in New York had grown to such proportions in

1833 and gave such promise, that James Wild considered it a good

investment to bring over from England for his new coffee manufactory in

New York a complete power machinery equipment for roasting and grinding

coffee. There was also an engine to run it. It was set up in Wooster

Street opposite the present Washington Square.

Samuel Wilde, son of Joseph Wilde, of Dorchester, Mass., came to New

York about 1840 to make his fortune. He was a young man with vision; and

first applied himself with diligence to the hardware and looking-glass

business. When he found that most of his customers were theaters and

saloons, his religious scruples bade him abandon it, which he did.

Meanwhile, in 1844, Withington's pioneer roasting enterprise had

admitted Norman Francis and Amos S. Welch as general partners, and

Samuel and Charles C. Colgate as special partners, under the style of

Withington, Francis & Welch. It so continued until 1848, when Samuel

Wilde--who had selected the coffee business as more honorable than the

one in which he started--was admitted, and the firm became Withington &

Wilde.

Mr. Withington retired in 1851, and Samuel Wilde associated with him in

the business his sons Joseph and Samuel, Jr., the title becoming Samuel

Wilde & Sons. Samuel Wilde, Sr., died in 1862. The title then became

Samuel Wilde's Sons. Joseph Wilde died in 1878, and Samuel Wilde, Jr. in

1890, the business being left to and continuing with a younger brother,

John, from 1878 to 1894, when John's son, Herbert W. Wilde, became a

member of the firm, which continues the old title at 466 Greenwich

Street, as Samuel Wilde's Sons Company, having been incorporated in

1902. John Wilde died in 1914.

Another grandson of Samuel Wilde is William B. Harris, who engaged in

the coffee roasting business in Front Street from 1904 to 1917. From

1908 to 1918 he acted as coffee expert for the United States Department

of Agriculture. William B. Harris is a son of Samuel L. Harris, who

married a daughter of Samuel Wilde, and who for a number of years was

connected with Samuel Wilde's Sons.

[Illustration: PIONEERS IN THE ROASTED COFFEE BUSINESS OF NEW YORK CITY

With approximate dates of their entry into the trade]

Although a number of roasters and grinders for family use were patented

in the United States in the first half of the nineteenth century, the

coffee merchants depended almost entirely on English manufacturers for

their wholesale equipment until 1846, when James W. Carter of Boston

brought out his "pull-out" roaster. This machine, and others like it,

encouraged the development of the coffee-roasting business, so that when

the Civil War came, coffee manufactories were well scattered over the

country. The demand for something better in coffee-machinery equipment

was answered by Jabez Burns with his machine for filling and discharging

without moving the roasting cylinder from the fire.

Among the early grocery concerns in New York that were also coffee

roasters were: R.C. Williams & Co., starting as Mott & Williams in 1811,

changing to R.S. Williams & Co. in 1821, to Williams & Potter in 1851,

and to its present title in 1882; Acker, Merrall & Condit Co., founded

in 1820; Park & Tilford, founded in 1840; Austin, Nichols & Co., founded

in 1855; and Francis H. Leggett & Co., founded in 1870.

There were twenty-one "coffee roasters and spice factors" in New York in

1848. Among them were: Beard & Cummings. 281 Front Street; Henry B.

Blair, 129 Washington Street; Colgate Gilbert, 93 Fulton Street; Wright

Gillies, 236 Washington Street; and Withington, Wilde & Welch, 7 Dutch

Street. In this year, two coffee importers, fourteen tea importers, and

forty-one tea dealers were listed in the _City Directory_.

The _Directory_ for 1854 listed twenty-seven coffee roasters and spice

factors, among them, in addition to the above, being Peter Haulenbeek,

328 Washington Street; Levi Rowley, 102 West Street; William J. Stitt,

159 Washington Street; and George W. Wright, 79 Front Street. In those

days not all the wholesale coffee factors were roasters; there was much

trade roasting by a few large plants.

While the coffee-roasting business of Samuel Wilde's Sons appears to be

the oldest in New York, having descended in a practically unbroken line

from 1814, several others continued considerably past the half-century

mark, and among them special mention should be accorded to: Levi

Rowley's Star Mills, dating back to 1823; Beard & Cummings, 1834; Wright

Gillies & Bro., 1840; Loudon & Son, the Metropolitan Mills, 1853; and

the Eppens Smith Co., present day successors of Thomas Reid's Globe

Mills of 1855.

The Star Mills in Duane Street became a real factor in the wholesale

coffee-roasting business on Manhattan Island about 1823. At a later

date, Levi Rowley secured control, and under his able direction the

business flourished. Benedict & Gaffney bought the Star Mills from

Rowley in 1885. A few years later the firm became Benedict & Thomas,

then Thomas & Turner, and finally the R.G. Thomas Co. R.G. Thomas sold

the equipment in 1920, ending the manufacturing end of the business just

about a century from the time it started. Mr. Thomas is now with Russell

& Co. Before being identified with the Star Mills, he was for twenty

years with Packard & James, 123 Maiden Lane.

While still a lad of nineteen, Wright Gillies came from a Newburgh farm

in 1838, and obtained a clerkship in a tea store in Chatham Street, now

Chambers and Duane Street. He branched out for himself in the tea and

coffee business at 232 Washington Street in 1840, removing in 1843 to

236, which had a courtyard where he installed a horse-power coffee

roaster. In the same building, over the store, lived Thomas McNell and

his wife. Mr. McNell afterward became a member of the firm of Smith &

McNell, proprietors of the Washington Street hotel and restaurant, for

many years one of New York City's landmarks.

The coffee business, thus started by Wright Gillies, is still conducted,

as the Gillies Coffee Co., by the same family and at practically the

same location; and it is interesting to note that the roasting room

still has the original arrangement, partly below the street level but

with the machinery in view from the sidewalk. This arrangement was

characteristic of the old roasting establishments.

[Illustration: GROUP OF OLD-TIME NEW YORK COFFEE ROASTERS, 1892

Standing, left to right, W.H. Eppens, Fred Reid, unknown, Julius A.

Eppens, Fred Eppens. Seated, left to right, John F. Pupke, Thomas Reid,

Henry Mayo, Fred Akers, Alexander Kirkland]

James W. Gillies, a younger brother, came from Newburgh in 1848 to

assist in the enterprise. Young Gillies superintended the horse-power

roaster and drove the light spring delivery cart. Soon the firm became

Wright Gillies & Bro. Fires visited the business in 1849 and in 1858;

but each time it arose the stronger for the experience. Wright Gillies

retired in 1884, and James W. Gillies assumed entire charge under the

name of the Gillies Coffee Co. He continued active until his death in

1899. The business was incorporated by his children under the same name

in 1906.

Edwin J. Gillies, son of James W. Gillies, started a separate coffee

business at 245 Washington Street, in 1882. In 1883 he admitted as a

partner James H. Schmelzel, a fellow Columbia alumnus. The enterprise

was successful for many years, being incorporated under the title of

Edwin J. Gillies & Co., Inc. It was consolidated in 1915 with the

business of Ross W. Weir & Co., 60 Front Street, Edwin J. Gillies

becoming a vice-president (with L. S. Cooper also vice-president) of the

corporation of Ross W. Weir, Inc.

Burns & Brown started in the coffee roasting business in 1853 in an old

building at the corner of Washington and Chambers Streets for which they

paid an annual rental of one thousand dollars. This was the beginning of

the Metropolitan Mills, opposite to the present location of Loudon &

Son, 181 Chambers Street, the latest successors to the business. Burns &

Brown continued for two years, when they failed, and Wright Gillies &

Bro. succeeded, and put in Ebenezer Welsh as manager. Later, Wright

Gillies & Co. sold out the plant to Capt. Edward C. Russell, who

associated with him his son-in-law, Edward A. Phelps, Jr. At the

dissolution of this partnership in 1870, the firm became Trusdell &

Phelps. Mr. Phelps succeeded Trusdell, and sold out to Loudon & Stellwag

in 1877. They were succeeded by Loudon & Johnson in 1879, and this firm

continued until 1910, when James D. Johnson retired, and the firm of

Loudon & Son took charge. These were J. Carlyle Loudon and his son,

Howard C. Loudon, who died in 1911. The firm name of Loudon & Son

continues.

One of the most vigorous personalities of the sixties, and one whose

influence extended well into this generation, was Thomas Reid. Born in

Bridgeport, England, he came to the United States as a boy, and started

his business career as a grocer's clerk in Brooklyn. Within three months

after landing, he bought out his employer. He entered the wholesale

coffee-roasting business at 105 Murray Street, New York, in 1855, in

partnership with a Mr. Townsend under the style of the Globe Mills,

which were the predecessors of the Eppens Smith Co. now in Warren

Street. Jabez Burns, inventor of the Burns coffee roaster, before this a

teamster for Henry Blair, was at one time bookkeeper for the Globe

Mills. In 1864, Mr. Burns sold to the Globe Mills the first roasters of

his manufacture--two one-bag, four-foot machines that were given a place

alongside of four of the old-style Carter pull-outs.

Mr. Townsend died the first year of the Globe Mills' existence; and

Thomas Reid continued without a partner until 1863, when he became

associated with John F. Pupke, as Pupke & Reid. The business was then at

269 Washington Street. Thomas Reid was resourceful and enterprising;

also he had vision. He saw the day of package coffee coming, and nearly

"beat" John Arbuckle to it. As early as 1861 we find him advertising in

the _City Directory_, "spices put up in every variety of package."

Lewis A. Osborn, 69 Warren Street, New York, and 81-83 South Water

Street, Chicago, was advertising "Osborn's Celebrated Prepared Java

Coffee--put up only by Lewis A. Osborn" in 1863-64. Thomas Reid appears

to have acquired this brand and to have begun its exploitation as

"Osborn's Old Government Java," a ground package coffee, and certainly

one of the earliest package coffees. However, this brand never attained

the national vogue achieved by John Arbuckle's package coffee, which

first appeared in 1865, although the name Ariosa was not given it until

1873.

Between 1855 and 1865 there were only half-a-dozen wholesale coffee

roasters on Manhattan Island, and Thomas Reid was their leader. Much of

his work was roasting for the trade, and this undoubtedly interfered

with the logical development of his package-coffee ideas.

The firm became Pupke, Reid & Phelps in 1882. In 1885, it became the

original Eppens-Smith Co.; later, the Eppens, Smith & Wiemann Co., and

lastly, the Eppens Smith Co. Thomas Reid was vice-president of the

Eppens, Smith & Wiemann Co., and continued in that position until his

death in 1902. Julius Eppens is the present head of the business.

Other package coffees of the sixties were Government coffee put out by

Taber & Place's Rubia Mills, 353-355 Washington Street, in "tin foil

pound papers," and L. Bruckmann & Co.'s London Club, packed at 107

Warren Street.

Another old-time New York coffee-roasting business is that of Samuel S.

Beard & Co. This business was founded in 1834 on Front Street by Eli

Beard (father of Samuel S. Beard,) and W.A. Cummings as Beard &

Cummings. In 1872, the firm moved to Duane Street, where it was joined

by Messrs. S.S. Beard and Cottrell, and the new firm became Beards &

Cottrell. Mr. Cottrell retired in 1883, and the firm became Samuel S.

Beard & Co. Upon the death of S.S. Beard in 1905, James H. Murray, who

had been with the concern for many years, became head of the house. Mr.

Murray died six months later. The business moved in 1913 to 92 Front

Street, where it continues as a stock company, with J.R. Westfal as

manager.

Austin C. Fitzpatrick, well known among New York coffee roasters, is a

graduate of the Thomas Reid school, having entered the business of this

pioneer roaster in 1865. He was western salesman for Pupke & Reid until

1871, when he became associated with Rufus G. Story under the firm name

of R. G. Story & Co. Later, he formed a partnership with Howard E. Case,

buying out the old house of Beard & Howell. When Mr. Case retired in

1887, the firm became A.C. Fitzpatrick & Co. This title continued for

twelve years, when the Knickerbocker Mills were taken over, and the

business was incorporated as the Knickerbocker Mills Co., with Mr.

Fitzpatrick as president. The Knickerbocker Mills, acquired by the

corporation, had been founded in 1842 and were for more than forty years

at 154-156 Chambers Street. The business is now at 196-198 Chambers

Street.

[Illustration: JULIUS A. EPPENS, NEW YORK]

Many of the pioneers in the coffee roasting business of this country

were men who came from the British Isles and Germany. A notable figure

from the latter country was Benedickt Fischer, who knew coffee in

Germany before coming to New York in his nineteenth year. He started at

323-329 Greenwich Street, near Duane Street, in 1859. His first roaster

was a primitive affair built under the E.J. Hyde patent by the Coffee

Roaster & Mill Manufacturing Co. of Philadelphia. It was turned by hand

by Fischer and his helper. This was about 1862. In 1864, the business

required larger quarters, and was removed to the corner of Duane and

Greenwich Streets. A new plant was erected at the corner of Beach and

Greenwich Streets in 1894, and the present plant was erected at the

corner of Franklin and Greenwich Streets in 1906. Upon the death of

Benedickt Fischer in 1903, the business passed under the control of

William H. Fischer, son of Benedickt, and Benedickt's son-in-law,

Charles E. Diefenthaler, for many years associated with the house. At

present, the company is a corporation, with C.E. Diefenthaler,

president; T.F. Diefenthaler, vice-president and treasurer; and T.O.

Budenbach, secretary.

Bowie Dash, a commanding figure in the New York green coffee trade,

founded the Holland Coffee Co., roasters, in 1885. He placed H. Bartow

in charge. Mr. Dash himself was never active in the affairs of the

company. J. Bowie Dash, son of Bowie Dash, entered the Holland Coffee

Co. as a boy. Bowie Dash died in 1894. Mr. Bartow left The Holland

Coffee Co. in 1897 and J. Bowie Dash became president. He sold the

company in 1917 to S.B. Morrison, who consolidated it with his Esperanza

Coffee Co. The business is still conducted as the Holland Coffee Co.,

with Mr. Morrison as president, at 162 Front Street.

George Fisher was a well known coffee roaster of the sixties. He began

in the old Hope Mills, 71 Fulton Street, and, at the age of thirty,

entered into partnership with D.C. Ripley, establishing the Hudson

Mills. The firm became Sanger, Beers & Fisher in 1868; Mr. Fisher

retired in 1882; and died in 1896.

Peter Haulenbeek began work as delivery boy in a grocery store. He

entered the coffee business in the sixties in the employ of Wright

Gillies, and went into the wholesale coffee-roasting trade under his own

name at 170 Duane Street in 1876. His son, John W. Haulenbeek, Sr., came

into his father's business in 1887. Peter Haulenbeek died January 15,

1894, and the firm name was changed to John W. Haulenbeek & Co. The

business remained in the same building up to 1916, when it was moved to

its present location at 393 Greenwich Street. John W. Haulenbeek, Jr.,

of the third generation, is now active in the business.

A leading figure in the sixties was James Brown, who started as an

engineer, rose to a partnership, and retired after the Civil War, a

wealthy man. He was a partner with Thomas Reid in the old Globe Mills.

He was also associated with B. Fischer in the firm of Fischer, Kirby &

Brown, and established the firm of Brown & Scott in Duane Street, where

Peter Haulenbeek succeeded to the business. Afterward, he continued in

the firms of Brown & Jones and Bisland & Brown, and died in 1898.

Van Loan, Maguire & Gaffney was a formidable combination in the

coffee-roasting business in its day. Thomas Van Loan was for thirty

years a partner in the firm of W.J. Stitt & Co. (William J. Stitt was in

business at 173 Washington Street in the fifties). Joseph Maguire was a

practical spice grinder. Hugh Gaffney was with Brown & Scott until the

firm retired in 1879, and for ten years thereafter he traveled for B.

Fischer & Co. Then he became a member of the firm of Benedict &

Gaffney. Ill health caused his temporary retirement; but he returned to

the business in 1897 when he organized the firm of Van Loan, Maguire &

Gaffney. Joseph Maguire died in 1904.

[Illustration: THOMAS VAN LOAN, NEW YORK]

Mr. Gaffney died on March 20, 1912, and the name of the business was

changed to Van Loan & Co., with Thomas Van Loan as the head of the

business, under which name and management it still continues at 64 North

Moore Street.

O'Donohue is a well known name in the development of both the green and

roasted coffee trade of New York City. John O'Donohue was a leader in

the green coffee business in 1830. It was John O'Donohue's Sons in 1873.

John B. O'Donohue, son of Peter O'Donohue and grandson of the original

John, after leaving John O'Donohue's Sons, formed a partnership with

Robert C. Stewart (the present head of R.C. Stewart & Co.) to engage in

the green coffee jobbing business as O'Donohue & Stewart. This

partnership was dissolved in 1893. For a few years, John O'Donohue was

associated with the coffee-roasting firm of Wing Bros. & Hart. About

1898, he formed the O'Donohue Coffee Co. at 284 Front Street. In 1910,

this was consolidated with the Potter Coffee Co. and Bennett, Sloan &

Co. to form the Potter, Sloan, O'Donohue Co. The firm dissolved in 1915.

Ellis M. Potter came to New York from the Potter-Parlin Spice Mills in

Cincinnati. Mr. O'Donohue died in 1918.

In the seventies Frederick Akers was proprietor of the oldest and best

known trade roasting establishment in New York. The plant was known as

the Atlas Mills, and was at 17 Jay Street. Mr. Akers died in 1901. The

same year, William J. Morrison and Walter B. Boinest, former employees

of Akers, formed a partnership to carry on the same kind of business at

413 Greenwich Street. It is still at that address under the name of

Morrison & Boinest Co.

Col. William P. Roome, a Chesterfieldian figure among New York coffee

roasters, came into the trade in 1876, when he established the firm of

William P. Roome & Co., with T.L. Vickers as partner. In the Civil War

that had preceded, young Roome (he was then nineteen) had distinguished

himself as a conspicuous hero of the Sixth Army Corps, having entered

the service as a second lieutenant in the Sixty-fifth New York

Volunteers.

William P. Roome & Co. first engaged in the importation of tea, but they

added coffee to the business in 1889. Col. Roome disposed of it in 1903

to assume charge of the tea and coffee department of the Acker, Merrall

& Condit Company, a position which he still holds.

Frederick A. Cauchois, another picturesque figure among New York coffee

roasters, entered the trade as a clerk in the New York office of Chase &

Sanborn in 1875. After further tutelage under Frank Williams in the

coffee brokerage business, he bought the old Fulton Mills (Colgate

Gilbert & Co., 1848), in Fulton Street, where he did some of the most

original advertising for coffee that the trade has seen. His Private

Estate coffee in little burlap bags, his donkey train that carried the

bags of green coffee through the streets of the metropolis, his system

of delivering fresh coffee daily to the grocery trade, and his Japanese

paper filter device to insure the proper making of the coffee, made him

famous. He brought something of the spirit of the old English coffee

house to America, and incorporated it in Keen's Chop House in New York.

He died in 1918.

The business of Russell & Co. was founded by Robert S. Russell & Frank

Smith at 107 Water Street in 1875. In 1895, S.L. Davis, one of the

present owners, formerly with Merrit & Ronaldson, became a partner. In

1900, Frank C. Russell, son of the senior member, was admitted to a

partnership; and upon the death of his father in 1904, he and Mr. Davis

became owners of the business.

Ross W. Weir, who, in addition to being a successful New York coffee

roaster, has also attained prominence as president of the National

Coffee Roasters Association and chairman of the Joint Coffee Trade

Publicity Committee, handling the million dollar coffee advertising

campaign, was born in New York in 1859, the son of J.B. Weir, one of the

pioneer forty-niners, who at one time was engaged in the export

commission business in San Francisco.

Mr. Weir began his business career as a general utility boy in the

jobbing grocery house of S.H. Williamson, 36 Broadway, New York, in

1875. Then he was a clerk for Park & Tilford, office man with Arbuckle

Bros, and with Geo. C. Chase & Co., tea importers, for two years,

afterward being admitted to a junior partnership. In 1886, the firm of

Ross W. Weir & Co. was formed to engage in the roasting of coffee and

importing and jobbing of teas at 105 Front Street. In 1887, the business

was removed to 58-60 Front Street. When the corporation of Ross W. Weir,

Inc. was formed in 1915 to take over the business of E.J. Gillies & Co.

Inc., Mr. Weir became president and treasurer of the combined

organization.

[Illustration: COL. WILLIAM P. ROOME, NEW YORK]

_Pioneer Wholesale Coffee Roasters_

A reference to other pioneers in the wholesale coffee-roasting trade may

not be amiss here, even though it involves a repetition of some names

that have been given special mention in the case of New York. In the

list that follows are included the most prominent firms and the best

known names that helped make roasted coffee history in the United States

in the nineteenth century, particularly from 1845 to 1900:

NEW YORK. The most prominent firms in the business in New York in the

sixties were: Thomas Reid & Co., Globe Mills; Geo. A. Merwin & Co.; Levi

Rowley, Star Mills; A.B. Thorn; Fischer & Lehmann, later Fischer &

Thurber, and Fischer, Kirby & Brown; Knickerbocker & Cooke; A.D.

Thurber; Wm. J. Stitt & Co.; Samuel Wilde's Sons.

In the seventies, in addition to most of the above list, there were:

Pupke & Reid; Arbuckle Bros.; Edward A. Phelps, Jr.; Bonnett, Schenck &

Earle; Fischer & Lansing; J.G. Worth; Jackson & Co.; Charles Conway;

Neidlinger & Schmidt; James L. Arcularius; S.M. Beard, Sons & Co.; H.K.

Thurber & Co.; Wright Gillies & Bro.; Bennett & Becker; Great American

Tea Co.; Brown & Scott.

Between 1876 and 1900 the following well known names appeared in the

trade: Frederick Akers; Eppens-Smith Co., afterward Eppens, Smith &

Wiemann Co., and later Eppens Smith Co.; B. Fischer & Co.; R.P. McBride;

Fitzpatrick & Case, afterward A.C. Fitzpatrick & Co.; Great Atlantic &

Pacific Tea Co.; Loudon & Johnson; Edwin Scott; Peter Haulenbeek,

afterward Haulenbeek & Mitchell, and Haulenbeek Roasting & Milling Co.;

Joseph Stiner & Co.; Austin, Nichols & Co.; Bennett, Sloan & Co.;

Gillies Coffee Co.; Benedict & Gaffney, afterward Van Loan, Maguire &

Gaffney; Ross W. Weir & Co.; Union Pacific Tea Co.; Hillis Plantation

Co.; Edwin J. Gillies & Co.; Jones Bros.; Holland Coffee Co.; Samuel

Crooks & Co.; Benedict & Thomas.

[Illustration: PIONEER COFFEE ROASTERS OF THE NORTHERN AND EASTERN

UNITED STATES

1--W.F. McLaughlin, Chicago; 2--J.G. Flint, Milwaukee; 3--Frank J.

Geiger, Indianapolis; 4--Samuel Mahood, Pittsburgh; 5--Henry A.

Stephens, Cleveland; 6--W.H. Harrison, Cincinnati; 7--Albert A. Sprague,

Chicago; 8--D.Y. Harrison, Cincinnati; 9--William Grossman, Milwaukee;

10--Edward Canby, Dayton; 11--Thomas J. Boardman, Hartford; 12--Francis

Widlar, Cleveland; 13--O.W. Pierce, Sr., Lafayette. Ind.; 14--A.M.

Thomson Chicago; 15--Samuel Young, Pittsburgh; 16--Alvin M. Woolson,

Toledo; 17--Martin Hayward, Boston; 18--George C. Wright, Boston;

19--William Boardman, Hartford; 20--James S. Sanborn, Boston; 21--James

Heekin, Cincinnati; 22--James F. Dwinell, Boston; 23--Caleb Chase,

Boston]

BOSTON. Among the pioneers in the coffee-roasting business in Boston

were: N. Berry & Sons; Blanchard & Bro.; Carter, Mann & Co.; Noah Davis

& Co.; Dyer & Co.; E. Emerson; Flint Bros. & Co.; J.T. & N. Glines;

Hayward & Co.; Geo. W. Higgins & Co.; Hill, Dwinell & Co.; H.B. Newhall;

Richardson & Lane; N. Robinson & Co.; Russell & Fessenden; Stickney &

Poor; E.H. Swett; the Tremont Coffee & Spice Mills; Swain, Earle & Co.;

and the Martin L. Hall Co.

Between 1876 and 1900 these names were among those added: Shapleigh

Coffee Co.; Gilman L. Parker; W.S. Quinby & Co.; Thomas Wood & Co.

Dwinell & Co. and Hayward & Co. both engaged in the coffee roasting

business about 1845. In 1876, they, James F. Dwinell, Martin Hayward,

and his brother-in-law George C. Wright, joined hands under the name of

Dwinell, Hayward & Co. In 1894, Mr. Hayward having previously retired,

the name of the firm was changed to Dwinell, Wright & Co. Mr. Dwinell

died in 1898; and in 1899, Mr. Wright formed a Massachusetts corporation

under the present name, Dwinell-Wright Co. George C. Wright died, 1910,

and his son, George S. Wright, who had been treasurer, became president.

A grandson, Warren M. Wright, and a nephew, G. E. Crampton, together

with R.O. Miller and Charles H. Holland, are active in the present

conduct of the business.

Caleb Chase with Messrs. Carr and Raymond founded the firm of Carr,

Chase & Raymond at 32 Broad Street in 1864. The name was changed to

Chase, Raymond & Ayer in 1871. James S. Sanborn, who had formerly been

in the coffee and spice trade at Lewiston, Me., with a branch office in

Boston, combined with Caleb Chase to form Chase & Sanborn in 1878.

Charles D. Sias was admitted to the firm in 1882. A Montreal office was

opened in 1884. Charles E. Sanborn, son of James S., was admitted in

1888. James S. Sanborn died in 1903, and Charles E. Sanborn died two

years later. Charles D. Sias died in 1913.

Swain, Earle & Co. were established about 1868. In the same year, Byron

T. Thayer entered the employ of the firm as a bookkeeper. He was taken

into partnership in 1884, and upon the death of Mr. Earle, became

managing partner. In 1915, he was the sole surviving partner of the

company. He died in the latter part of 1921; and the business was

absorbed by Alexander H. Bill & Co. in January, 1922.

PHILADELPHIA. The following were the most prominent Philadelphia coffee

roasters in 1861: Grever & Bro.; Henry Hinkle; William Johnston; George

Kelly; Thornley & Ryan; Thornley & Bro.; Vankorn, Guggenheimer & Co.;

D.J. Chapman; Bohler & Weikel; Charles Kroberger; and James R. Webb &

Son.

Later came: Robert J. Rule & Bro.; G. Boyd & Co.; Nutrio Mfg. Co.; C.J.

Fell & Bro.; R.R. & A. Deverall; C. Thomas; William H. Cheetham, Jr.;

Hill & Thornley; George Ogden & Co.; Weikel & Smith; and Alexander

Sheppard.

Between 1876 and 1900 these names appear; Henry A. Fry & Co.; Robert

Smith & Sons; B.S. Janney, Jr. & Co.; and Weikel & Smith Spice Co.

Robert Smith came as a country lad to Philadelphia, and drove a wagon

for Jesse Thornley, a coffee roaster. In a few years, he had secured an

interest in the firm; and in 1860, the name was changed to Thornley &

Smith. Mr. Thornley died in 1872, and Mr. Smith bought out the Thornley

interests and traded as Robert Smith until 1889. In that year, he

admitted his eldest son, Robert A. Smith, into the firm, which became

Robert Smith & Son. William T., another son, was admitted in 1889, the

firm name being changed again to Robert Smith & Sons. Robert Smith, Sr.,

retired in 1902. In the same year his youngest son, George H. Smith, was

admitted to the firm, and it became Robert Smith's Sons, the active

members being William T. and George H. Smith.

James R. Webb established the coffee roasting business of James R. Webb

& Son in 1833. It was taken over by Alexander Sheppard in 1870. Later it

became Alex. Sheppard & Sons, Inc. Mr. Sheppard died in 1916, and the

business has been conducted by a corporation in which his four children

are the principal stockholders.

CHICAGO. Some pioneers in the Chicago trade were: Alfred H. Blackall;

Excelsior Mills (Downer & Co.); Huntoon & Towner; W.F. McLaughlin;

Knowles, Cloyes & Co.; Thomson & Taylor; H.F. Griswold; G.M. Hall; John

L. Davies & Co.; Bell, Conrad & Webster; Sprague, Warner & Co.; Lee &

Murbach; A. Stephens & Co.; and Whiting, Goeble & Co.

In the period between 1876 and 1900 the following became well known:

Sprague, Warner & Griswold; Reid, Murdoch & Fischer; E.B. Millar Spice

Co.; Wm. M. Hoyt Co.; Franklin MacVeagh & Co.; Sherman Bros. & Co.; H.C.

& C. Durand; A.H. Pratt; McNeil & Higgins Co.; J.H. Bell & Co.; J.H.

Conrad & Co.; Steele-Wedeles Co.; Krag-Reynolds Co.; Arbuckle Bros., and

Puhl-Webb Co.

H.C. Durand organized the wholesale grocery house of Durand & Co. in

1851. Calvin Durand entered the firm in 1879, and the name was changed

to H.C. & C. Durand. Adam J. Kaspar began to work in a retail grocery.

In 1875, he went with the wholesale grocery firm of James Forsythe & Co.

and two years later with H.C. & C. Durand. In 1894, the name was changed

to Durand & Kasper. H.C. Durand died in 1901, and Calvin Durand died in

1911. Durand & Kasper merged, 1921, with Henry Horner & Co. and McNeil &

Higgins into the Wholesale Grocers Corporation.

Samuel A. Downer founded the Excelsior Mills (Downer & Co.) in 1853.

Sidney O. Blair entered the employ of the company in 1871. E.B. Millar &

Co. took over the business in 1878, incorporating under that name in

1882. Mr. Blair retired in 1913, and W.S. Rice was elected president. He

died in 1918, and Mr. Blair was re-elected president; with W.C. Shope,

vice-president; and C.S. Mauran, secretary and treasurer.

In the spring of 1862, Albert A. Sprague came to Chicago from Vermont.

With Z. B. Stetson he formed the firm of Sprague & Stetson, wholesale

grocers. Mr. Stetson retired the following year, and a new partnership

was formed with Ezra J. Warner, under the name of Sprague & Warner. In

1864, O.S.A. Sprague, a young brother of the senior partner, was

admitted to the firm, which was reorganized under the style of Sprague,

Warner & Co. Under this name it has since continued. About the year

1876, machinery was installed, and the roasting of coffee began. Oscar

Remmer entered the employ of the company in 1878 at the age of 16, and

became manager of the mill department in 1895. In 1912, he was made a

member of the board of directors, and was elected vice-president in

1919. O.S.A. Sprague died in 1909, Ezra J. Warner Sr. in 1910, and

Albert A. Sprague in 1915.

In 1865, A.M. Thomson, at that time a salesman for A.H. Blackall, owner

of the American Mills, arranged with a Mr. Berg and a Mr. Davis to go in

the coffee-roasting business with him as Berg, Thomson & Davis. After a

year, however, the name became A.M. Thomson. James Thomson, a brother,

came into the firm in 1868, and it was then called A.M. & James Thomson.

A year later, it became A.M. Thomson again. In 1872, immediately after

the fire, Mr. Taylor, a member of the firm of Whiting & Taylor, joined

Mr. Thomson under the firm name of Thomson & Taylor. They continued the

business under this name about ten years, until it was incorporated in

1883 under the name of Thomson & Taylor Spice Co. Among the wholesale

grocers who became stockholders at that time was W.S. Warfield, of

Quincy, Ill., who, in 1901, with his son, John D. Warfield, bought most

of Mr. Thomson's holdings and obtained a controlling interest. The name

was changed in 1920 to the Thomson & Taylor Co.

William F. McLaughlin founded the firm of W.F. McLaughlin & Co. in 1865.

He died in 1905; and the business was incorporated with his son, George

D., as president, and another son, Frederick, as secretary and

treasurer.

The Puhl-Webb Company, founded, 1882, as a partnership by Thomas J. Webb

and John Puhl, was incorporated in 1896.

ST. LOUIS. The following were among the pioneer coffee firms of St.

Louis, dating back to the 1860-70 decade: James H. Forbes; Flint, Evans

& Co.; Wm. Schotten & Co.; Fred W. Meyer; H. & J. Menown; Cavanaugh,

Rearick & Co.; and Frederick A. Churchill & Co.

From 1876 to 1900 there were added: Nash, Smith & Co.; Fink & Nasse Co.;

Hanley & Kinsella Coffee & Spice Co.; Flugel & Popp; C.F. Blanke Tea &

Coffee Co.; Steinwender, Stoffregen & Co.; David G. Evans & Co.; and the

Aroma Coffee & Spice Co.

David Nicholson established a tea and coffee business under the name of

the Franklin Tea Warehouse in 1853. A year later, James H. Forbes, born

in Kinross, Scotland, bought out Nicholson. In 1857, A.E. Forbes, his

son, came into the store after school hours, and was admitted to

partnership in 1870. The retail end of the business was dropped in 1880.

Robert M., the younger son of James H., was taken into the firm a few

years after A.E. Forbes. James H. Forbes died in 1890, and the business

has since been carried on by his sons as the James H. Forbes Tea &

Coffee Co. James H. Forbes installed the first Burns roaster in St.

Louis, and always claimed to have been the first man to roast coffee in

the middle west.

William Schotten began his roasting business in 1862, although he had

been in the grocery business since 1847. A short time later, a brother,

Christian Schotten, came to the United States from Germany and was

admitted to partnership, the firm becoming William Schotten & Bro.

Christian died in 1866, and a brother-in-law, Henry Verborg, was

admitted, the name being changed to William Schotten & Co. William died

in 1874, and the business devolved upon his eldest son, Hubertus. In

1878, another son, Julius J., was taken in at the age of 17. Hubertus

died in 1897, and Julius became manager and sole proprietor. He died in

1919. Since that time, his son, Jerome J., has carried on the business,

which continues under the name of the Wm. Schotten Coffee Co.

The firm of David G. Evans & Co. was founded in 1856 by David G. Evans

under the style of Flint, Evans & Co., changed in 1870 to David G. Evans

& Co. David G. Evans died in 1916, and the name of the company was

changed in 1917, to the David G. Evans Coffee Co., with Gwynne Evans, a

son of David G., as president of the corporation.

The George Nash Grocery Co. bought the Eagle Coffee and Spice Mills from

the estate of Mathew Hunt in 1870. About this time Michael E. Smith, who

had been with the concern for a number of years, was made a partner. The

firm was incorporated in 1887 as the Nash-Smith Tea & Coffee Co. George

Nash, Sr., died in 1910.

CINCINNATI. Among the pioneer coffee roasters in Cincinnati were: John

C. Appenzeller; Blook & Varwig; J. Brock; Cincinnati Spice Mills; Eagle

Spice Mills; Harrison & Wilson; Parker & Dixon; Kilgour & Taylor; J.M.

Krout; Succop & Lips; and H.R. Droste.

After the centennial year and previous to 1900, the following names were

added: Potter & Parlin; James Heekin & Co.; Flugel & Popp; Utter, Adams

& Ellen; J. Henry Koenig & Co.; F.W. Hinz; and the Woolson Spice Co.

D.Y. Harrison, then thirty-five years old, came from Newark, N.J., and

settled in Cincinnati in 1843, opening a coffee roasting business as

Harrison & Wilson. He used an old pull-out roaster with first a negro,

and then a horse-power tread-mill, for power. A few years later, W.H.

Harrison, a son of the founder, was admitted to the firm, the name at

that time being Parker & Harrison. D.Y. Harrison died in 1872. Fire

totally destroyed the plant in 1875. W.H. Harrison then formed a

partnership with J.W. Utter, and started in again. He sold out to his

partner in 1883 and went in business for himself as W.H. Harrison & Co.

D.Y. Harrison is said to have been the first man to roast coffee west of

Pittsburg.

The Heekin Company was established in 1870 by James Heekin and Barney

Corbett as a partnership under the name of Corbett & Heekin. In a short

time, Corbett died; and the name of the firm was then changed to James

Heekin & Co. Alexander Stuart was admitted to the partnership about

1883, and retired four years later. James J. Heekin, older son of James

Heekin, was admitted to partnership in 1892. Charles Lewis, after twenty

years' experience in the coffee trade in Louisville, Cincinnati, and New

York, was admitted to the firm in 1895. James Heekin died in 1904. Upon

his death, a corporation was formed under the name of the James Heekin

Company, with Charles Lewis as president, continuing until he retired in

1919. In this year a new corporation, called the Heekin Company, was

formed, taking over the business of the James Heekin Co. and the Heekin

Spice Co., the latter having been organized in 1899. James J. Heekin was

chosen president of the new company, with Albert E. Heekin,

vice-president; and Robert E. Heekin, secretary and general manager.

[Illustration: PIONEER COFFEE ROASTERS OF THE SOUTHERN AND WESTERN

UNITED STATES

1--J.B. Sinnot, New Orleans; 2--Julius J. Schotten, St. Louis;

3--Charles Stoffregen, St. Louis; 4--W.T. Jones, New Orleans; 5--J.A.

Folger. jr., San Francisco; 6--M.E. Smith, St. Louis; 7--A.E. Forbes,

St. Louis; 8--David G. Evans, St. Louis; 9--W.J. Kinsella, St. Louis;

10--James H. Forbes, St. Louis; 11--J.A. Folger, Sr., San Francisco;

12--Joseph Closset, Portland, Ore.; 13--J. Zinsmeister, Louisville;

14--Wm. Schotten, St. Louis; 15--A. Schilling, San Francisco; 16--M.J.

Brandenstein, San Francisco; 17--J.O. Cheek, Nashville; 18--A.H. Devers,

Portland, Ore.]

LOUISVILLE. Pioneers in this early center of coffee roasting in the

south were: Thornton & Hawkins; Charles J. Bouche; H.N. Gage; A.

Engelhard; and Jacob Zinsmeister.

R.J. Thornton & Co. were founded in 1837 by Richard J. Thornton and

Thomas Hawkins, as Thornton & Hawkins. Thornton died in 1860. His

interests remained, but the firm changed to Hawkins & Thornton. Hawkins

died in 1877, and Mrs. Thornton, having purchased the Hawkins interest,

ran the business as R.J. Thornton & Co. until her death in 1885. John

Hayes, her son-in-law, then bought the company; and when he died in

1904, his widow ran the business with Thomas A. Crawford as manager.

Mrs. Hayes, the last of the Thornton family, died in 1919, and her

interests were sold to Crawford and R.H. Dorn, an old employee. The firm

first roasted coffee about 1846. It is interesting to note that the

plant has occupied the present site since its founding, eighty-four

years ago.

Albert Engelhard, Sr., founded in 1855 a wholesale grocery house which

later became A. Engelhard & Sons, Inc. In 1879, George; in 1882, Victor

H.; and in 1883, Albert, Jr.; all sons of the founder, entered the

business. Upon moving into larger quarters in 1890, all of the sons were

taken in as partners. Albert Engelhard, Sr., retired in 1892, and the

management was assumed by Victor H. The business increased rapidly, and

in 1897 the firm moved to its present location. Incorporated in 1901,

the wholesale grocery end was abandoned in 1903, and the concern became

a strictly coffee, tea, and spice house. Victor H. Engelhard died in

1918; and his sons, Victor, Jr., and R.W. Engelhard, who had been in the

business for several years, assumed active management. Victor Engelhard,

Sr., was prominent in coffee affairs and in the early work of the

National Coffee Roasters Association.

Jacob Zinsmeister, of J. Zinsmeister & Sons, was another old-time

Louisville coffee man. Before he started roasting, he was a big factor

in the green coffee trade. The business was established in 1866 at New

Albany, Ind., by Frank Zinsmeister, Sr., but was later moved to

Louisville. Jacob Zinsmeister was taken into the business in 1872, and

the name was changed to Frank Zinsmeister & Son. He is still active in

business, although he has turned the management over to his three sons.

NEW ORLEANS. Men and firms active in early coffee roasting in New

Orleans were: Shaw's Louisiana Coffee and Spice Mills; Ruliff, Clark &

Co.; R. Poursini & Co.; and Smith & McKenna.

Between 1876 and 1900 were added: New Orleans Coffee Co.; Smith Bros. &

Co.; Southern Coffee Polishing Mills; and Cage & Drew.

Smith Bros. & Co. were organized in 1863 as Smith & McKenna. Mr. McKenna

died in 1872, and the firm name was changed to Smith Bros. & Co. The two

Smith brothers died in 1891, and 1892. About 1900, the name became Smith

Bros. & Co., Ltd., and J.B. Sinnot, who had been employed for a number

of years by the firm, gained control. The company failed in 1913. Mr.

Sinnot then entered the coffee brokerage business, in which he remained

until his death in 1917.

Born in New Orleans in 1865, Daniel H. Hoffman started work as a sample

clerk in the office of E.P. Cottraux, who was at that time the only

coffee broker in New Orleans. In 1887, Mr. Hoffman started in business

for himself. In 1894, he opened the Southern Coffee Polishing Mills,

which have since become the Southern Coffee Mills, Inc.

W.T. Jones, for many years in business as a coffee broker in Keokuk,

Iowa, founded the New Orleans Coffee Co. in 1890. He died in 1919.

R.H. Cage and J.C. Drew organized in 1898 the firm of Cage & Drew. In

1900, they established the Louisiana Coffee Mills, under the name and

style of Cage, Drew & Co., Ltd.

Ben C. Casanas joined the New Orleans Coffee Co. as a city salesman, and

later became a road salesman. He withdrew in 1901 to organize the

Merchants Coffee Co. of New Orleans, Ltd.

SAN FRANCISCO. Pioneer coffee roasters in San Francisco were: J.A.

Folger & Co.; Charles Berhard; H. Gates; D. Ghirardelli & Co.; E. Loeven

& Co.; Marden & Myrick; Maine & Eckerenkotter; G. Venard; and Charles

Zwick.

Between 1876 and 1900 the following were added: A. Schilling & Co.; W.H.

Miner; Siegfried & Brandenstein; George W. Caswell.

J.A. Folger & Co. were established in 1850 as Wm. H. Bovee & Co. A few

years later, the name became Marden & Folger, Mr. Folger having been

connected with the old firm. In the early sixties the name was changed

to J.A. Folger & Co. Two employees were taken into the firm in 1878.

These were A. Schilling and a Mr. Lamb. The company was now called

Folger, Schilling & Co. This partnership was dissolved in 1881, and the

business continued as J. A. Folger & Co. Mr. Folger died in 1890, and

the firm was then incorporated under the same name.

Shortly after Folger, Schilling & Co. was dissolved, A. Schilling and

George Volkman formed the firm of A. Schilling & Co. Mr. Schilling began

his career as an office boy with J.A. Folger in 1871.

M.J. Brandenstein and John C. Siegfried formed a co-partnership under

the name of Siegfried & Brandenstein in 1880. Mr. Brandenstein bought

out his partner in 1894, and took in his brothers, Manfred and Edward,

the firm name becoming M. J. Brandenstein & Co.

George W. Caswell started in the retail tea and coffee business in San

Francisco under his own name in 1885. In 1898, the business became

wholesale only. It was incorporated in 1901 as the George W. Caswell Co.

The company took over the brands and travelling organization of Lievre,

Frick & Co., which went into a dissolution of partnership in 1902.

MILWAUKEE. Prominent among early coffee roasters of Milwaukee were: W. &

J. G. Flint; James Ryan & Co.; J.B. Reynolds; Jewett & Sherman; and C.E.

Andrews & Co. Later we find added the Wm. Grossman Co.

J.G. Flint and Wyman Flint founded the business known as W. & J.G. Flint

in 1858. J.G. Flint bought out his brother in 1880 and continued as the

J.G. Flint Co., owner of the Star Coffee and Spice Mills. He died in

1896. The business was incorporated in 1901 as the J.G. Flint Co., with

W.K. Flint, a son of J.G., as president. The Jewett & Sherman Co. took

control in 1911.

Professor Milo P. Jewett, Professor S.S. Sherman, and his brother,

William Sherman, founded the firm of Jewett, Sherman & Co. in 1867, and

continued under that name until 1875, when it was incorporated as Jewett

& Sherman Co., with Milo P. Jewett as president, and Henry B. Sherman,

secretary and treasurer. Professor S.S. Sherman and his sons, Fred and

Henry B., sold out their interests in 1878 and formed a new business in

Chicago under the name of Sherman Bros. & Co. William M. Sherman then

became president of Jewett & Sherman Co., and Charles A. Murdock, a

nephew of S.S. and William Sherman, was made secretary and treasurer.

Mr. Murdock withdrew in 1881 and established the C.A. Murdock Mfg. Co.

in Kansas City. In that same year, William H. Sherman, another nephew,

became a stockholder and one of the directors of Jewett & Sherman Co.

Dr. Lewis Sherman succeeded his father as president of the company in

1891, and served in that capacity until his death in 1915, when he was

succeeded by his son, Lewis Sherman, who is president of the company at

the present time (1922). John Horter, who is now secretary, joined the

business in 1877.

William Grossman started in the wholesale grocery business in 1886. John

and Henry Dahlman were admitted to partnership in 1889. About three

years later, the latter closed out his interests to J.F.W. Imbusch. The

present corporation was established in 1892 as Wm. Grossman & Co. The

firm was incorporated August 1, 1916, as the Wm. Grossman Co., with Wm.

Grossman as president, George A. Grossman as vice-president, and Paul E.

Apel as secretary and treasurer.

Another old-time coffee man of Milwaukee was Charles A. Clark, who had

been in the coffee business for nearly twenty years before he organized

the present business of Clark & Host Co.

TOLEDO. The pioneer roasting firms here seem to have been: Warren &

Bedwell; and J.B. Baldy & Co. Later, after 1876, we find added the Bour

Company, and the Woolson Spice Co.

The latter company was founded in 1882 by A.M. Woolson, who up to that

time had conducted a successful retail grocery business for several

years. The Woolson Spice Co. was sold to H.O. Havemeyer of New York in

1896, the reputed sale price being $2,000,000. A.M. Woolson retired from

business at that time. Upon the death of Mr. Havemeyer, the company

passed into the hands of Hermann Sielcken; and when he died, an

American company secured control.

[Illustration: GROUND COFFEE PRICE LIST OF 1862]

The Bour Company was incorporated in 1892, following a partnership which

had succeeded to a small business concern under the name of the Eagle

Spice Company. The principal stockholders were: J.M. Bour, F.G.

Kendrick, and Albro Blodgett. Mr. Blodgett bought the Bour interests in

1909 and with S.W. Beckley, who had been sales manager for a number of

years, acquired practically all the other outside interests. The name

was changed in 1921 to the Blodgett-Beckley Co., the officers being

Albro Blodgett, president, S.W. Beckley, vice-president and manager, and

Henry P. Blodgett, secretary and treasurer.

CLEVELAND. Pioneers in Cleveland were: Smith & Curtis; A. Stephens &

Sons; John H. Ganse; and W.D. Drake & Co. In 1870, we find Edwards,

Townsend & Co.; Knight, Eberman & Co.; Talbot, Winslow & Co.; Williams &

Tait; and Lemmon & Son, added.

Beards & Cummings, coffee roasters of New York City, established a

branch in Cleveland under the management of Alvan Stephens in 1855.

Later, Stephens took over the business for himself and changed the name

to Frisbie & Stephens. In 1861 Alvan's sons, Henry A. and Samuel R.,

were admitted and the firm became A. Stephens & Sons. Alvan Stephens

died in 1873, and Samuel moved to Chicago to open a branch. He died in

1878. Henry A. continued the business until 1881, when Francis Widlar

was admitted to partnership, and the name was changed to Stephens &

Widlar. Henry A. Stephens died in 1897, and A.L. Somers, H.H. Hewitt,

and D.D. Hudson, all old employees, were admitted, and the firm name was

changed to F. Widlar & Co. Carl W. Brand, a nephew of Francis Widlar,

joined the company in 1898. Upon the death of his uncle, the business

was incorporated as the Widlar Co., and Mr. Brand became president in

1910.

PITTSBURGH. Next to New York, Pittsburg was one of the first cities to

forge to the front as a coffee-roasting center. These are the firms that

were among the leaders in the period between 1860 and 1870: Arbuckles &

Co.; W.T. Bown & Bro.; Dilworth Bros.; Rinehart & Stevens; T.C. Jenkins

& Bro.; Carter Bros. & Co.; J.S. Dilworth & Co.; Jesse H. Lippincott;

Shields & Boucher; and Haworth & Dewhurst.

Samuel Young, Samuel Mahood, and E. B. Mahood formed a partnership as

Young, Mahood & Co. in 1879. E.B. Mahood withdrew in 1890. Samuel Mahood

retired in 1906, and the company was incorporated as the Young-Mahood

Company, with Samuel Young as president, and W. James Mahood as

vice-president and general manager.

PORTLAND, OREGON. Early roasters in the trade of this city were: J.F.

Jones; H. C. Hudson & Co.; Marden & Folger; Verdier & Closset; and

Closset & Devers.

Joseph and Emile Closset formed a partnership as Closset Bros, in 1880.

A.H. Devers, who had been a salesman with Folger, Schilling & Co., San

Francisco, and later with A. Schilling & Co., bought out Emile Closset

in 1883, and the firm became Closset & Devers. Joseph Closset died in

1915.

BALTIMORE. Pioneer roasters in Baltimore were: Joseph Braas; Daniel

Many; George Pearson; Sylvester Ruth; and John G. Siegman. These were

quickly followed by Barclay & Hasson; Zoller & Little; Benjamin Berry;

Jesse Lazear; and others.

Later, after 1876, came: E. Levering & Co.; the Enterprise Coffee Co.;

C.D. Kenny; J.W. Laughlin & Co., now Le Morgan Coffee Co.; and the Saxon

Coffee Company.

DETROIT. In Detroit in 1860-70 were: Evans & Walker; Farrington,

Campbell & Co.; A.R. & W.F. Linn; J.H. Riggs; and Palmer, Warner & Co.

After 1876 were added Sinclair, Evans & Elliot; Huber & Stendel; and

J.A. Parent & Co.

OTHER CITIES. Names of pioneer roasters of other towns in 1860 and 1870

were: George Boardman, Albany, N.Y.; Chubuck & Saunders, Binghamton,

N.Y.; George W. Hayward, and P.J. Ferris, Buffalo, N.Y.; Lorimore Bros.,

and George R. Forrester, Elmira, N.Y.; Hatch & Jenks, Jamestown, N.Y.;

N.B. Beede, Newburgh, N.Y.; A.F. Booth, Poughkeepsie, N.Y.; Ethridge,

Tuller & Co., Rome, N.Y.; M.N. Van Zandt & Co., L.B. Eddy & Co., and

C.T. Moore, Rochester, N.Y.; Ostrander, Loomis & Co., and Jacob Crouse &

Co., Syracuse, N.Y.; C.H. Garrison, Troy, N.Y.; Hinchman & Howard, and

J. Griffiths & Co., Utica, N.Y.; B.F. Hoopes, Bloomington, Ill.; C.P.

Farrell, and Charles Richards, Peoria, Ill.; Slemmons & Conkling,

Springfield, Ill.; Henry Wales, Bridgeport, Conn.; A.B. Gillett, Wm.

Boardman & Sons, Hartford Steam Coffee & Spice Mills, and Park, Fellowes

& Co., Hartford, Conn.; Benj. Peck & Kellum, and Steele & Emery, New

Haven, Conn.; W.S. Scull & Co., Camden, N.J.; Theo. F. Johnson & Co.,

and the Pioneer Mills, Newark, N.J.; Charles A. Dunham, New Brunswick,

N.J.; James Ronan and Wm. Dolton & Co., Trenton, N.J.; Butler, Earhart &

Co., Columbus, Ohio; C.A. Trentman & Bro., and J.D. Beach & Co., Dayton,

Ohio; W. & S. Stevens, and F.C. Dietz, Zanesville, Ohio; J.E. Tone, Des

Moines, Iowa; H.P. Hess, Cornell & Smith, and E. Warne, Easton, Pa.;

E.S. Forster, Erie, Pa.; Haehnlen Bros., Harrisburg, Pa.; D.G.

Yuengling, Pottsville, Pa.; A. G. Zilmore & Co., Scranton, Pa.; Granger

& Co., Titusville, Pa.; Huestis & Hamilton, and B. Trentman & Son, Ft.

Wayne, Ind.; S. Hamill & Co., Keokuk, Ia.; H.H. Lee, and Maguire &

Gillespie, Indianapolis, Ind.; Joseph Strong, Terre Haute, Ind.; Curtis

& Burnham, Leavenworth, Kan.; Yates & Dudley, Lexington, Ky.; A. Turner,

Wheeling, W. Va.; Granger & Hodge, and Nathaniel Crocker, St. Paul,

Minn.; W.W. Totten & Bro., Nashville, Tenn.; Henry Burns, Savannah, Ga.;

A. McFarland, Springfield, Mass.; Alexander Wills & Co., Montreal,

Canada; and Peter Hendershot, St. Catherine, Canada.

Between 1876 and 1900, many other names came into prominence, and among

them mention should be made of: H. Hulman, Terre Haute, Ind.; A.B. Gates

& Co., and Schnull & Krag, Indianapolis, Ind.; O.W. Pierce Co., and

Geiger-Tinney Co., Lafayette, Ind.; Twitchell, Champlin & Co., Portland,

Me.; Nave-McCord Mfg. Co., Mokaska Mfg. Co., and the Midland Spice Co.,

St. Joseph, Mo.; Beaham-Moffatt Mfg. Co., and C.A. Murdock & Co., Kansas

City, Mo.; Clarke Bros. & Co., T. S. Grigor & Co., Consolidated Coffee

Co., and McCord, Brady Co., Omaha, Neb.; Dayton Spice Mills Co., and

Canby, Ach & Canby, Dayton, Ohio; Ohio Coffee & Spice Co., and Butler,

Crawford & Co., Columbus, Ohio; Bacon, Stickney & Co., Albany, N.Y.;

Charles R. Groff Co., St. Paul, Minn.; John G. Schuler, Covington, Ky.;

J.W. Thomas & Son, Nashville, Tenn.; Geo. F. Hanley & Co., Los Angeles,

Cal.; C.S. Morey Mercantile Co., Denver, Col.; and W.G. Lown Coffee Co.,

Washington, D.C.

William Boardman, founder of Wm. Boardman & Sons Co., Hartford, Conn.,

began roasting coffee at Wethersfield in 1841 with a hand-power roaster,

using wood for fuel. He moved his plant to Hartford in 1850. In the same

year, his son Thomas J., after serving a fifteen-year apprenticeship in

a country store, entered his father's employ. Three years later, he and

his brother, William F.J. Boardman, were admitted to the firm, the name

being changed to Wm. Boardman & Sons. Howard F. Boardman, a son of

Thomas J., began working in the business in 1880, and was admitted to

partnership in 1888. The same year, the founder died and William F.J.

retired. The business has since been conducted by Thomas J. and Howard

F. Boardman.

The company was incorporated in 1898, and John Pepion was admitted. The

president of the company, Thomas J. Boardman, is at the time of writing

ninety years old. He still takes a very active interest in the

business, and his "cup sense" is as acute as ever.

The O.W. Pierce Company, Lafayette, Ind. was founded in 1847 by Oliver

Webster Pierce, Sr. Except for three years in the fifties, when the firm

was known as Reynolds, Hatcher & Pierce, it has been known as the O.W.

Pierce Company since it was established. The company was incorporated in

1905 with O.W. Pierce, Jr. as its head. The senior Mr. Pierce died in

1921. The firm first roasted coffee in 1891. Prior to that time it had

been in the wholesale grocery business.

The William S. Scull Co., Camden, N.J., was established in 1858 by

William S. Scull, whose father had been in the retail tea and coffee

business. William Scull died in 1916. H. Newmark founded H. Newmark &

Co. in Los Angeles in 1865. He retired in 1886, and Maurice H. Newmark

was made a full partner. The present name is M.A. Newmark & Co.

In 1868, Major David B. Hamill entered, as junior partner, the firm of

S. Hamill & Co., Keokuk, Iowa, of which his father, Smith Hamill, was

the head. Smith Hamill died in 1890, and David B. became head of the

firm. He died in 1916.

William Tackaberry was a junior partner in the firm of S. Hamill & Co.,

Keokuk, Iowa. He began a business of his own in the same city in 1868.

Ten years later, he moved the company to Sioux City, and continued there

as the Wm. Tackaberry Co.

Joel O. Cheek began traveling for the wholesale grocery house of Webb,

Hughes & Co., Nashville, Tenn., in 1873. Later, he was admitted to

partnership, the firm becoming Webb, Cheek & Co., and then Cheek, Norton

& Neal. He formed the Nashville Coffee & Mfg. Co., in 1899. It was

merged in 1901 into the Cheek-Neal Coffee Co.

Jekiel and Isaac E. Tone began the business of Tone Bros. at Des Moines,

Iowa, in March, 1873, with one roaster and one spice mill. The business

was incorporated in 1897. Jekiel Tone died in 1900, and Isaac E. Tone in

1916. The business is now (1922) carried on by W.E. and Jay E. Tone.

Edward Canby began business in Dayton, Ohio, in 1875, succeeding the

firm of J.D. Beach & Co. He retired in 1886, and the business was left

in charge of Frank L. Canby and P.J. Ach. The latter had entered the

employ of Canby in 1877. He secured an interest in the business in 1882,

and became a partner in 1890. When the company was incorporated as

Canby, Ach & Canby in 1904, he was elected president. Mr. Ach has been

very prominent in the affairs of the National Coffee Roasters

Association since its organization.

Frank J. Geiger began in the tea, coffee, and spice business in

Lafayette, Ind., under the name of Culver & Geiger. Mr. Culver, who had

never been active, died in 1889, and in 1892 the Geiger-Tinney Company

was formed with F.J. Geiger as president. The plant was moved to

Indianapolis in 1901 with William L. Horn as vice-president, and Henry

C. Tinney as secretary and treasurer. The name was changed to the

Geiger-Fishback Co. in 1912, and Mr. Geiger retired. Frank S. Fishback

acquired all the stock of the company in 1918, and the name was changed

to the Fishback Co. with F.S. Fishback, president; John S. Fishback,

treasurer; and F. C. Fishback, secretary.

S. Holstad joined the Thomson & Taylor Spice Co of Chicago in 1892. He

left in 1901 and went to Minneapolis, where he became a member of the

firm of Atwood & Hoisted. He withdrew in 1908 to form the firm of S.

Holstad & Co., with Charles Ekelund and Alexander W. Kreiser as

partners. After the withdrawal of Mr. Holstad from Atwood & Holstad, Mr.

Atwood continued as Atwood & Co.

F.P. Atha began work as a coffee salesman with Holman & Co., Terre

Haute, Ind. He went to San Francisco in 1899 and entered the employ of

J.A. Folger & Co., and introduced Folger products east of the Rockies.

He opened the Kansas City branch in 1907; and a year later, he was

admitted to the firm and made vice-president and general manager.

_The National Coffee Roasters Association_

The first effort to organize the coffee roasters of the United States

dates back to 1885, when several St. Louis coffee roasters came together

in a kind of gentlemen's agreement not to cut the price of roasting

green coffee, which had declined, owing to ruthless competition, from

$1.00 to 10 cents a bag. The various parties to the agreement posted

$500 checks each as forfeits, not to violate the price as fixed. After

one year, a check was cashed; but the principal claimed his lapse was

clerical and not in violation of the agreement. However, as a result of

the argument that followed, the organization was disbanded.

[Illustration: MEMBERS OF THE ORGANIZATION CONVENTION OF THE NATIONAL

COFFEE ROASTERS ASSOCIATION, ST. LOUIS, MAY 26, 1911

Reading from left to right: W.B. Johnson, St. Louis; W.T. Jones, New

Orleans; George Schulte, St. Louis; C.F. Blanke, St. Louis; Ben Casanas,

New Orleans; Carl Stoffregen, St. Louis; Edward D. Hanly, Kansas City;

H.C. Grote, St. Louis; James Menown, St. Louis; Frank P. Atha, Kansas

City; Henry Petring, St. Louis; J.M. McFadden, Dubuque, Iowa; Joseph

Maury, Memphis; T.F. Halligan, Davenport; F.J. Ach, Dayton; Carl Brand,

Cleveland; Wm. Fisher, St. Louis; M.H. Gasser, Toledo; Julius J.

Schotten, St. Louis; E.W. Bockman, Paducah, Ky.; Louis Christopherson,

St. Louis; Felix Coste, St. Louis; W.E. Tone, Des Moines; Robert Meyer,

St. Louis; Fred Roth, St. Louis; M.E. Smith. St. Louis; J.B.

Dubrouilett, St. Louis; Floyd Norwine, St. Louis]

As early as 1900, leaders of the trade's best thought began to urge the

need of a national organization among coffee roasters.

As a result of informal meetings between men like Robert M. Forbes,

Julius J. Schotten, Robert Meyer, and Messrs. Roth and Homeyer, around

the luncheon table in St. Louis, to discuss trade abuses and bring about

better trade co-operation, the subject of a St. Louis organization of

coffee roasters began to be agitated about 1906. It was not until four

years later, however, that the idea took definite form.

On September 14, 1910, the Traffic Association of St. Louis Coffee

Importers was organized, starting out with a membership of ten firms,

its chief object being to obtain an adjustment of freight rates to and

from St. Louis as advantageous as those prevailing for Chicago and New

York.

This association--of which Robert Meyer was the first president, and

H.L. Homeyer, vice-president, J.S. Hartman, secretary, and G.H. Petring,

treasurer--was the forerunner of the National Coffee Roasters Traffic

and Pure Food Association organized in 1911 and now known as the

National Coffee Roasters Association.

At the organization meeting of the national association twenty-six

coffee-roasting establishments in the Mississippi Valley were

represented at the conference held May 26-27 in the Planters Hotel, St.

Louis. The objects of the new body were announced in the constitution,

as:

_First_: To foster and promote a feeling of fellowship and good

will among its members, and on broad and equitable lines to advance

the welfare of the coffee trade and the consumer.

_Second_: To eliminate or minimize abuses, methods and practises

inimical to the proper conduct of business.

_Third_: To assist in the enactment and enforcement of uniform pure

food laws which in their operations shall deal justly and equitably

with the rights of the consumer and the trade.

The association started with these officers: Julius J. Schotten, St.

Louis, President; M.H. Gasser, Toledo, vice-president; W.E. Tone, Des

Moines, treasurer, and W.J.H. Bown, St. Louis, secretary.

Meanwhile, as a result of an agitation started by _The Tea and Coffee

Trade Journal_, a meeting of New York and eastern coffee roasters was

called at the Fulton Club, New York, October 27, 1911, to discuss plans

for a national organization. M. H. Gasser attended this meeting, and

told of the plan of the western roasters to organize such an

organization at a meeting called for Chicago the following month. The

promoters of the eastern organization subsequently abandoned their

efforts in favor of the western group.

[Illustration: ROBERT MEYER, ST. LOUIS

First president of the Coffee Roasters' original organization]

At the first convention of the National Coffee Roasters Traffic and Pure

Food Association, held in Chicago, November 16-17, 1911, all the

foregoing officers were retained, the office of second vice-president

was created, and Frank R. Seelye was selected to fill it.

That the organization idea was popular among the roasters was evident

from the fact that at the close of the convention it was announced that

the membership was then seventy-one firms in cities as far east as

Virginia and as far west as Kansas City. The convention demonstrated

that the association was really a national organization, which quieted

suspicions prevalent in some quarters of the trade in the east that it

was chiefly a Mississippi Valley unit.

The first convention is remembered principally because of Hermann

Sielcken's defense of the Brazil coffee valorization plan, which was

then the big question of the coffee trade. The titles of some of the

other addresses will serve to indicate how the scope of the association

had enlarged since its organization a few months before: "An Attack on

Valorization" by Thomas J. Webb, of Chicago; "Uniform Food Laws", by

W.T. Jones, of New Orleans; "Penny-Change Systems," by R.W. McCreery, of

Marshalltown, Ia; "Traffic and Freight Abuses," by W.E. Tone, of Des

Moines; "Transportation Problems," by Carl H. Stoffregen, St. Louis;

"Coffee Publicity," by F.H. Henrici, of Chicago; "Coffee Roasters' Costs

and Accounting," by F.J. Ach, Chicago. The first convention proved a

success, and attracted attention.

The second annual convention, held in New York, November 13-15, 1912,

showed that the association had grown to a membership of 135 firms

located in all parts of the country, and that its influence had extended

throughout the whole trade. Valorization continued to be a much

discussed subject. Hermann Sielcken and others again defending it in

speeches; but the majority of the association seemed opposed to the

scheme. Probably the most important feature of the convention was the

report of the committee of nine men who had visited Brazil to

investigate conditions there and to interest the Brazilian coffee

growers in an advertising campaign. An address on this subject was made

by the editor of _The Tea and Coffee Trade Journal_, in which he

suggested a plan for propaganda and advocated scientific research to

find out the truth about coffee.

The election of officers resulted in the selection of F.J. Ach, Dayton,

as president; Frank R. Seelye, Chicago, first vice-president; Ross W.

Weir, New York, second vice-president; and Robert Meyer, St. Louis,

treasurer.

The 1912 convention changed the name of the association to the National

Coffee Roasters Association, dropping the words "Traffic and Pure Food"

from the original title.

[Illustration: JULIUS J. SCHOTTEN--1911-12]

[Illustration: F.J. ACH--1912-14]

[Illustration: ROSS W. WEIR--1914-16]

[Illustration]

[Illustration: FRANK R. SEELYE--1916-17]

[Illustration: BEN C. CASANAS--1917-18]

[Illustration: CARL W. BRAND--1918-21]

[Illustration: FORMER PRESIDENTS, NATIONAL COFFEE ROASTERS ASSOCIATION]

The third convention, which was held November 12-14, 1913, in

Cincinnati, demonstrated that the scope of usefulness of the association

was still growing, as shown by the resolutions which approved better

coffee-making publicity; favored a national coffee day; urged the

appointment of inspectors at ports of entry to prevent the importation

of green coffee under government standard No. 8; condemned the excessive

watering of coffee and all coffee coatings; and provided for the

appointment of an agent to visit Brazil to furnish members with

"reliable" reports on crop flowering.

F.J. Ach was re-elected president; Ross W. Weir succeeded F.R. Seelye as

first vice-president; W.T. Jones succeeded Mr. Weir as second

vice-president, and Robert Meyer was retained as treasurer.

Secretary G.W. Toms, who had been appointed in April, 1913, reported

that the association had made a net gain of thirteen members, bringing

the total up to 144.

The membership of the association had been increased by twenty names

when the fourth annual convention was opened in New Orleans, November

16-19, 1914, making the total 164.

Better coffee making, roasting economies, a national coffee week, and

improved methods of handling green coffee in ports and warehouses, were

the principal topics considered at the 1914 meeting. As a result of the

discussions, the association went on record in its resolutions as being

against the misbranding of both green and roasted coffee; favored the

creation of a United States board of coffee experts; and the

establishment of an association trade-mark bureau.

For the ensuing year Ross W. Weir, New York, was chosen president; J.O.

Cheek, Nashville, first vice-president; T.F. Halligan, Davenport, second

vice-president; and W.T. Morley, Worcester, treasurer.

The decision to get together on a comprehensive national publicity

campaign in the interest of coffee was the outstanding feature of the

fifth annual convention, which was held in St. Louis, November 8-11,

1915, in the same room in the Planters Hotel in which the association

was organized in 1911. From a body of twenty-six roasters, the

association had grown in five years to a membership of 201 firms and

individuals.

Among the more important things done at this convention was the decision

to undertake a practical publicity plan to advertise coffee; the

adoption of a uniform cost-and-freight contract; the proposal to prepare

educational matter on coffee for the schools; and the recommendation to

employ a chemist to carry on research work. There were spirited

discussions also on gas, coal, and coke as roasting fuels; on the best

way to get retailer co-operation, and whether it was advisable to

continue the national coffee week idea. President Weir, Vice-Presidents

Cheek and Halligan, and Treasurer Morley were re-elected.

The sixth annual convention, held in Atlantic City, November 14-17,

1916, placed emphasis on research into grinding and brewing; on plans

for doing something practical to help grocers regain their lost coffee

trade; and on an investigation into the scientific costs of roasting.

The admittance of green coffee and allied interests into the association

was also discussed, and it was resolved to make the subject an order of

business for special consideration at the next convention.

At this meeting Frank R. Seelye, Chicago, was elected president; Ben C.

Casanas, New Orleans, first vice-president; J.M. McFadden, Dubuque,

second vice-president; and M.H. Gasser, Toledo, treasurer. The

membership was reported as being 204, showing a net increase of three

during the year.

The seventh convention, held in Chicago, November 14-15, 1917, came when

the first movement of American soldiers to European battlefields was

begun, and patriotism was the keynote of the meeting. Because of the

stress of the times, the program was cut to two days, instead of the

three days of former meetings.

The outstanding features of the convention were: the decision not to

admit green coffee men to the association; the decision to establish a

permanent headquarters; the announcement that Brazil was then collecting

funds for its part in the national advertising campaign; and the

proposal by John E. King, Detroit, that the term "lead number" be used

instead of "caffetannic acid", which he asserted was a misnomer. The

executive committee was authorized to employ a secretary-manager. The

shorter terms and credits idea was endorsed by the association.

These officers were elected for the next year; Ben C. Casanas, New

Orleans, president; S.H. Holstad, Minneapolis, first vice-president;

Edward Aborn, New York, second vice-president; M.H. Gasser, Toledo,

treasurer.

The influenza epidemic, which swept the country the latter part of 1918,

caused the postponement of many business and public gatherings, and the

eighth annual roasters convention did not assemble until December 5-6,

in Cleveland--at only ten days' notice. Unlike previous occasions, this

was in reality a combined convention of all roasted and green coffee men

in the trade, both association members and non-members. No regular

program was followed, the meeting being somewhat in the character of a

trade conference.

The salient features of the convention were the decisions: to double the

annual dues, in order to provide for a paid secretary-manager and to

establish permanent headquarters; to organize a spice grinders' section;

and to ask the government to remove all restrictions on coffee trading.

The Food Administration's coffee regulations came in for severe

criticism.

The election of officers resulted in Carl W. Brand, Cleveland, becoming

president; Robert M. Forbes, St. Louis, first vice-president; J.A.

Folger, San Francisco, second vice-president; and Lewis Sherman,

Milwaukee, treasurer.

The ninth convention of the National Coffee Roasters Association was of

greater import to all branches of the coffee trade than any that had

preceded it. The results of the meeting showed the association had gone

far since the organization meeting in St. Louis in 1911. As in 1916, the

convention was held in Atlantic City, November 12-14, 1919, and drew

delegates from as far west as San Francisco and Seattle.

The most important subjects before the meeting were the reports of the

Joint Coffee Trade Publicity Committee, read by Ross W. Weir, chairman,

and Felix Coste, secretary-manager. The committee had been organized

during the year to carry on the national coffee-advertising campaign,

and announced at the convention its publicity plans for the next year,

which included a national coffee week, a national showing of the

committee's coffee film, and the issuance of several educational

booklets. Other outstanding features included the description of how the

association planned to conduct a research into the cost of doing a

wholesale coffee-roasting business, the investigation to be made by

Columbia University; addresses attacking the meat packers' invasion of

the coffee roasting and distributing field; a paper, and discussions, on

shorter terms and uniform discounts; the recommendation to employ a

traveling field secretary who would hold periodical meetings with local

branches; and the condemnation of guaranteeing prices against decline

and giving advance notices of changes of prices.

The convention unanimously agreed to the re-election of President Brand,

Vice-Presidents Forbes and Folger, and Treasurer Sherman.

The tenth annual meeting was held in St. Louis, November 10-12, 1920.

Scientific cost finding, short terms and discounts, the national

advertising campaign, the activities of the N.C.R.A. freight-forwarding

bureau, and laboratory-research were the main topics of this years'

gathering. The membership was reported to be 310. A feature of the

meeting was the first industrial exhibit by twenty-five supply houses.

Among the things accomplished were:

The recommendation that members co-operate in determining the invisible

supply of coffee in the United States at stated periods; increasing

annual dues from $50 to $60 for members having $50,000 or less

capitalization, and from $100 to $120 for firms having more than $50,000

capital; restricting membership to purely wholesale coffee roasters and

distributers; and offering co-operation to hotel-men and

restaurant-keepers in standardizing and improving their coffee

beverages.

The St. Louis meeting was notable in violating association precedent by

unanimously electing Carl W. Brand president for the third consecutive

term. Other officers were: J.A. Folger, San Francisco, first

vice-president, R.O. Miller, Chicago, second vice-president; Charles A.

Clark, Milwaukee, treasurer.

The eleventh annual meeting, held in New York, November 1-3, 1921, set

the high-water mark of the organization's record of achievement. This

convention took the first definite steps toward the amalgamation of the

green and roasted coffee interests in one association. Brazil sent a

delegation of coffee men to invite a similar delegation to pay a return

visit to Brazil. It was announced also that São Paulo was about to

double its tax contribution to the national advertising campaign. Among

other things done, were: the appropriation of $1500 to work out a

uniform cost-accounting system for roasters; the recommendation that

coffee importers insist upon the use of American ships by Brazilian

exporters; the formulation of a cost-and-freight arbitration contract

for use with São Paulo exporters; the formation of a new membership

class roasting up to 6000 bags a year; and the decision to make a

national campaign to put the selling of coffee on a uniform thirty-days

credit, two percent cash in ten days basis. Professor S.C. Prescott,

reporting on the research work being done at the Massachusetts Institute

of Technology, said a better brew of coffee could be obtained at a

temperature of 185 degrees than at the boiling point; that glass, china,

or enameled-ware pots were to be preferred, and that the filtration

method is superior to that employed in the pumping percolator.

[Illustration: JOEL O. CHEEK, NASHVILLE

President of the National Coffee Roasters Association, 1922]

The Industrial Exposition included displays by twenty-eight

manufacturers of machinery and supplies, and was voted a success. Many

of the exhibits were of a distinctly educational character.

The following officers were elected for 1921-22: President, Joel O.

Cheek, Nashville, Tenn.; first vice-president, Webster Jones, San

Francisco; second vice-president, Joseph E. Maury, Memphis, Tenn.;

treasurer, Frank Ennis, Kansas City.

_Coffee Roaster Statistics_

As might be expected, considering the leading place that New York holds

as a port of entry for coffee, the roasting and grinding of coffee is

more important in the eastern section of the country than in any other.

But there are many establishments for preparing coffee scattered

throughout the south and the middle west, and the business has grown to

considerable proportions on the Pacific coast. New York state leads in

number of establishments and is followed by Pennsylvania, California,

Missouri, Ohio, and Illinois. The chief southern state is Texas,

followed by Louisiana and Kentucky, although Maryland and Louisiana lead

in value of product. Missouri has more plants than any other state in

the middle west, and is followed by Illinois, though the capital

invested and the value of the output are much greater in the latter than

in the former.

COFFEE AND SPICE ROASTING AND GRINDING

ESTABLISHMENTS--CENSUS OF 1914

_Value of_

_States_ _Number_ _Capital_ _product_

Alabama 8 $155,000 $331,000

California 43 3,619,000 9,584,000

Colorado 9 445,000 1,168,000

Connecticut 7 136,000 435,000

Dist. of Col. 5 294,000 428,000

Florida 19 219,000 697,000

Georgia 6 80,000 169,000

Illinois 34 8,159,000 22,045,000

Indiana 12 941,000 1,790,000

Iowa 14 1,752,000 3,804,000

Kansas 6 144,000 396,000

Kentucky 17 541,000 1,561,000

Louisiana 17 1,657,000 4,241,000

Maryland 14 1,643,000 4,393,000

Massachusetts 21 3,678,000 8,675,000

Michigan 16 502,000 1,618,000

Minnesota 11 1,531,000 4,729,000

Mississippi 5 27,000 94,000

Missouri 37 6,152,000 14,299,000

Nebraska 6 405,000 1,262,000

New Jersey 17 828,000 3,451,000

New York 136 9,910,000 31,675,000

Ohio 35 6,578,000 13,312,000

Oklahoma 6 191,000 757,000

Oregon 9 757,000 2,050,000

Pennsylvania 77 2,454,000 6,967,000

Tennessee 7 465,000 1,648,000

Texas 36 970,000 3,326,000

Virginia 9 413,000 1,137,000

Washington 25 1,023,000 2,237,000

West Virginia 3 73,000 71,000

Wisconsin 8 362,000 809,000

Other states 21 492,000 1,590,000

____ ___________ ____________

Total 696 $56,596,000 $150,749,000

The distribution of the business of preparing coffee is shown by the

figures of the Census Bureau, which reports for 1914 a total of 696

establishments under the designation "Coffee and spice, roasting and

grinding." It was found to be necessary to adopt this classification

inasmuch as most establishments handle both coffee and spices. Of the

696, however, 658 had coffee as their principal product, and the figures

may thus be taken as indicating fairly well the general distribution of

the coffee-manufacturing industry. These figures, for the various

states, are shown on page 515.

Preliminary figures for the 1919 census show that the value of the

product almost doubled in the five years 1914-19, amounting to

$304,740,000 in 1919, while the number of establishments increased from

696 to 794, of which 769 specialize in coffee.

[Illustration]

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