After the end of World War 2 in 1944, the Empire of Japan was at its zenith. Unscathed by the war, its influence dominated Southeast Asia and even Europe. War-time supply lines had now turned into trade routes, and a modern industrialized economy had seen growth during the war. For many at the time, Japan was on its way to becoming a third wheel in the Cold War, and possibly even surpassing both the USA and the USSR with a rapidly growing economy.

But not all was good in Japan. Korea, which had become an integral part of the Japanese Empire since 1910, was also a thorn for Tokyo. Independence movements in the region never stopped. Even as the government attempted to integrate the peninsula since its annexation, the situation would only change in the 30s and 40s as the Japanese government began changing its policy towards Korea from total integration to autonomous integration.

Initially, the new freedoms given to Koreans bolstered the calls for independence. However, as the region was slowly transformed into a nation within the Empire, much like Northern Ireland in Great Britain, the radical sides of Korean politics became increasingly sidelined by the moderate forces who accepted the concept of Home Rule. This, alongside what was called the "Indochina project" after the French government agreed to transfer its Southeast Asian colony to Japan. The Japanese government at the time then handed control of the region to Viet Minh in exchange for economic treaties. This would reinforce the concept of autonomy for loyalty and the idea of a United Empire of Japan and Korea in the socio-democratic and liberal circles of the Japanese government.

But not all saw those ideas in the same light. The conservatives and nationalists in Tokyo deeply opposed any idea of Home Rule for Korea, as they saw it as nothing more than their own government caving in to "outrageous demands" from the Koreans. They would constantly call for the dissolution of the Chōsen Assembly and a return to direct rule from Tokyo, but they would always fail in doing so.

Then the 1948 general elections would decisively change the course of the reforms, as the Nationalist party known as the Imperial Restoration Association, led by a former general and war hero named Minoru Akai, would win the Japanese elections.

The man who would become the new prime minister of Japan was a nationalist and a former low-level member of the Toseiha faction in the old IJA. He was well known for his criticism of Japanese Democracy, especially the policies of autonomy for Korea. His electoral campaign would primarily focus on the Korean Autonomy question, inflaming the reactionary forces who opposed many of the Liberal-Social Democrat reforms. When he ascended to his position as Prime Minister in 1949, Minoru initially formed a coalition government with conservative parties, alongside other fringe nationalist and fascist parties, allowing him to garner enough support to form a majority government.

The Minoru administration would initially be marked by sweeping economic reforms that saw a reduction of government spending, mostly in social welfare, alongside the lowering of taxes for private companies and enterprises. This was further fueled by market deregulation and privatization of many state industries, garnering him, allies in the economic sector, especially from the Zaibatsus, who were the biggest beneficiaries of the reforms. This was due, in part, to the various backroom deals made with the Minoru administration, in exchange for their support in keeping his coalition together and lobbying.

Minoru would only start implementing his actual plans in 1951, after securing support from most of the economic and political elite to ensure that his legislation would pass with minimal opposition. He initially passed various legislations that allowed him to consolidate as much of the executive power in the hands of the prime minister, while still avoiding making it appear as a dictatorial takeover. Even though the conservative parties supported his economic and Korean policies, they were still against the end of democratic rule.

Regarding his plans in Korea, they could be simply summarized as the total integration of the Korean Peninsula under direct rule from Tokyo and the eradication of the Korean identity. With the support of nationalist and conservative parties, a series of bills that removed more and more of Korea's autonomy passed and were ratified by the National Diet. This, in turn, led to a rapid increase in unrest in Korea, as its native population refused to revert to the repression of old. In response, the government applied increasingly repressive measures against the Koreans.

As the situation in Korea worsened, the Tokyo government finally deployed the army to the region, justifying it as necessary to stabilize the area. Martial law was declared on the peninsula, all of which happened months before the 1952 elections.

Minoru Akai was reelected as prime minister due to a considerable support base in the home isles, thanks to the still-booming economy. This clear display of Yamato nationalism and the treatment of Koreans as nothing more than second-class citizens would be the final straw for most of the Peninsula. A nationwide protest was conducted on the 1st of March, both to defy the Japanese election results and to commemorate the Sam-Il movement of 1919.

In an ironic twist of fate, the two movements would be met in the same manner by the Government in Tokyo: a brutal suppression of the protests, this time under the direct orders of the prime minister. However, the March 1st Massacre became the point of no return for the Empire. As news of the massacre quickly spread throughout the region, the protests turned into an open revolt against Tokyo and Japanese rule over Korea.

With the situation on the Peninsula now clearly having spiraled out of control, Prime Minister Minoru Akai would make a broadcast regarding the revolts in Korea, from which the conflict would get its name:

"My fellow compatriots...

As many of you may be aware, a revolt is currently taking place in Chōsen. However, this is only a matter of time before the Imperial Japanese Army restores order to the region.

Those who defy our righteous rule will be dealt with. We will bring those who desire to bring chaos to our nation and the continent to justice. We will make them pay for the pain and suffering that they have caused to our righteous people. Stability will be restored in Chōsen, for it is the duty of the Empire, and thus our duty, to safeguard stability throughout all of Asia.

And no worry shall come to the pure Yamato people of Japan, for this is not a war. There will be no mobilization, because there is no war. There will be no rationing, for this is not a war...

We are not in a state of war because there is no enemy nation. However, our righteous forces will be engaged in a War in Chōsen (Korea)."

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Once their orders were given, the Imperial Japanese Army began its brutal suppression of the revolt. In various cities throughout the peninsula, the rebels were defeated in bloody skirmishes against IJA tanks and infantry. However, unrest still continued in the interior of Korea, as many of the protesters fled to the mountains. Among those who weren't caught by IJA patrols, some fled into China and the USSR.

As the revolt slowly lost its initial spark and the IJA regained control of the cities, an equally brutal purge took its place. Teachers, students, reporters, bureaucrats—anyone, no matter how related or unrelated to the revolts following the March 1st massacre, would be arrested or beaten down by the army, with many not surviving.

Attempts to suppress the news of the purge taking place in Korea would fail, as those who managed to escape from the clutches of the IJA revealed to Chinese and Soviet authorities the brutalities and torture they were forced to endure. Who in turn, began spreading the news to the world.

The situation in Korea was seen by both Chinese and Soviet leadership as a way to isolate Japan diplomatically and to establish a friendly regime, one that could threaten Japanese logistical lines. So, the two nations began providing covert assistance to the Korean insurgency while denouncing Japan for its actions in the region.

Furthermore, the Chinese and Soviet governments assisted in inserting countless Exiled Korean forces, with decades of training, into the region to help keep the insurgency alive. The exiled forces aided in organizing the until now scattered revolt and uniting the various ideological groups into a single anti-Japanese united front called The Patriotic Front for the Liberation of the Fatherland, or PFLF.

The PFLF started its operations with small raids on isolated IJA outposts, units, depots, and even villages with pro-Japanese populations. They would then retreat to the mountains in Korea before the IJA could pursue them. These raids became frequent and damaging enough to finally capture the attention of Japanese forces, who in turn began conducting their own raids against suspected insurgent cells. The IJA had initiated a terror campaign against the Korean populace in retaliation to the raids.

Each time a Korean raid took place, the Japanese forces would retaliate by conducting ever more brutal purges and raids against those suspected of harboring insurgent cells. This, in turn, caused more and more Koreans to join the ranks of the PFLF and participate in larger raids. It was a vicious cycle of cat and mouse, but one where the mouse kept growing larger and more powerful, while the cat became less and less capable of defeating it.

Attempts to break this stalemate all met with failure, such as the Strategic Hamlets Policy. IJA convoys were attacked by PFLF forces, the army was spread too thin across the region to protect every hamlet, and growing suspicion between the Japanese army and the Korean populace led to the downfall of the forces that were supposed to protect the hamlets. As the conflict dragged on, the IJA's responses grew more unrelenting. For every raid that occurred, the IJA would respond by subjecting entire areas to artillery fire and aerial bombardment.

Korea had become a raging inferno of a castle under siege, whose besieging forces were themselves encircled and trapped inside the cities. They were unable to leave yet unable to be defeated.

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Even though it became clear that the War in Korea would be a protracted affair, criticism against it was still minimal but slowly growing as time passed. Internationally, Japan was being frowned upon, especially by the USA and the USSR, both of which held clear anti-colonial positions. Yet, for a time, two solutions were handed to Minoru on a silver platter.

In 1954, the second year of the conflict, the Japanese population had their attention diverted from the War in Korea due to a series of radiation-related illnesses that began to be observed in Japanese hospitals. These illnesses were primarily caused by the American Castle Bravo nuclear test, conducted in their Pacific territories.

The American government initially denied that their nuclear tests in the region were related to the radiation contamination. However, Japanese scientists presented results from fallout samples gathered in their Pacific territories and from fishing vessels that suggested otherwise. The incident gained further momentum as the Japanese prime minister used it to stoke anti-American sentiment and fuel nationalist fervor in Japan.

The incident was eventually resolved with the USA agreeing to pay reparations to the affected populace. However, it also significantly strained Japanese-American relations, especially during Minoru's administration. This incident was one of the factors contributing to Minoru Akai's second reelection in 1956.

Then in that same year, the Suez Crisis drew the world's attention away from Korea, as the nations of Britain, France, and Israel invaded Egypt to "protect the Suez Canal."

As most of the world turned against these two old imperialist powers and the USA and USSR aligned against them, the Japanese government saw an opportunity to break its diplomatic isolation by siding with Britain and France—essentially siding with Europe, and its dying imperialism. This caused a rift between Europe and America, ultimately leading to the end of their special relationship. Japan swiftly filled the void left by this shift. For a time, Japan enjoyed diplomatic support from Europe on the international stage, but that wasn't the only advantage the Suez Crisis provided.

Due to the crisis, China began conducting a series of border raids against the Soviet Union, viewing this as an opportunity to strike the Soviet Union and attempt to revise the border delimitations established during the era of humiliation. On November 5, 1956, ROC forces attacked Soviet forces on Zhenbao/Damansky Island in an attempt to retake it.

The Sino-Soviet border conflict lasted from November 1956 to May 1957. These six months saw a temporary halt in the supply of weapons to the PFLF, diverting the attention of both nations away from Korea. This allowed the IJA to launch a series of strikes against various rebel-controlled regions in Eastern and Southern Korea, forcing the insurgency to retreat further into the Korean mountains, particularly the Hamgyong mountains to the north.

When supplies from China and the USSR resumed, the PFLF was hanging by a thread. Its destruction was only prevented by the now irreversibly intensified hatred between the Korean population and Japanese forces. This was exacerbated as the IJA implemented a scorched earth policy in the Korean countryside to disrupt Korean supplies, officially known as "The Burn to Ash Policy," but referred to by another name on the ground...

"I still remember those days, by that time it became almost routine for me and my colleagues to always follow that damned policy ordered by that bastard Minoru.

Whenever we passed by a village or even a small farm, our commander would walk to those people and order them to leave before we razed everything to the ground.

Always... always, there would be one of them who protested against our commander, and all he would do...Was pull his pistol!

And point at the person, that was if he was in a good mood, if he was in a bad mood. Yikes!... Everyone would just start running away from him. After doing so he would come back to us and say...

"Remember... Kill all (the livestock), Burn all (the supplies), and Loot all (the equipment)"

That's what we would do, or else we ourselves might have ended up like the person who protested against our commander. For as how we called it... We just called that as the...

Three Alls..."

-Ex-IJA soldier during the War in Korea

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After the near miss during the transition from 1956 to 1957, the Patriotic Front for the Liberation of the Fatherland re-consolidated their control over the Northern and Eastern Korean mountains. However, the various scattered IJA outposts alongside the Yalu and Tumen rivers still proved to be hindrances to the Korean supply lines. The occasional IJA pushes into their controlled regions would be met with ambushes and fighting retreats. After the IJA retreated back to their bases of operation, the PFLF would return to those same regions. At the same time, the Burn to Ash Policy ensured that the said regions were left devastated after an IJA retreat.

Any industrial machinery, equipment, infrastructure—anything that could be dismantled and shipped—was sent back to the home isles. If it wasn't possible to dismantle it, the IJA would just blow it to smithereens, turning it into nothing more than useless debris. Although the Three Alls didn't cause a total halt of the PFLF and actually even helped them gain favor with the Korean populace, it still caused delays in their operations, as they now needed to bring all of their necessary supplies with them during their operations.

The following years would be marked by the return of the muddled and organic areas of control for each side. Korean raids into IJA patrols and isolated outposts, and the consequent retribution by the IJA continued to shape the conflict. The IJA held western Korea and most of the coasts of the Peninsula, thanks to the support of the IJN. In 1960, the Japanese general elections were held, and once again Minoru Akai managed to win another term as prime minister. However, this time he faced a contested National Diet, due to his slowly declining popularity as the population grew increasingly weary of the ongoing war each year.

His ability to keep his government was due to a combination of an intricate web of connections and corruption within the financial and political elite of the nation, a still-growing economy that many thought would soon overtake the US and Soviet economies, and appeasing the population with unsustainable welfare spending, the non-enforcement of the draft, and not transitioning the nation to a war economy. All of these factors were hampering the war effort in Korea.

Even then, Prime Minister Minoru refused to give in to the Koreans and continued to wage the war until one side emerged victorious. To his luck or misfortune, the period of his 4th term would be marked by a reduction in PFLF operations in the region. This gave the IJA time to consolidate their frontlines and areas of control. However, as the dust of war temporarily settled, a new flame was rising in the home isles themselves.

On October 29, 1960, news of a bomb explosion in the Tokyo Metro spread throughout the nation, resulting in dozens of casualties. Japanese authorities initiated a manhunt for the perpetrators of the act, but not before eight more explosions were reported across the home isles over the course of 1960 and 1961. These included a car bomb attempt on Prime Minister Minoru himself, which failed to kill him.

Then, on the symbolic day of March 1st, 1961, a major Japanese news channel building became the site of the most infamous hostage crisis in Japan. The terrorist group launched their attack during the company's most important broadcast hour. The terrorists quickly took employees and reporters within the building hostage. Using the ongoing live broadcast, they revealed themselves to the public...

"WE! Are the Zainichi Army for the Liberation of Korea! And our demands are simple!

The Japanese scum are to leave the whole of Korea! And that the murderer Hideki Minoru be brought to justice for all the massacres he committed in Korea!

We are the ones responsible for the recent attacks throughout Honshu! And we will continue them until our demands are met! We!-"

*Explosion followed by gunshots*

"F*ck! Set the charges!"

*More explosions and gunshots*

-Surviving footage of the March 1st hostage crisis of 1961

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The terrorist attack would be both an embarrassment and a charm for Minoru's administration. On one hand, his cabinet was criticized for handling and even inflaming the terrorist attacks by their failure to resolve the War in Korea. On the other hand, it allowed his nationalist rhetoric to be rekindled as the population became outraged by the terrorist attacks conducted by the ZALK.

With the growing ethnic unrest in the Home Islands, many thought that a situation similar to Korea would start to unfold in Taiwan and the South Seas Mandates, as both areas had significant minorities. However, the uncharacteristic pragmatism of Minoru and his party managed to control the regions.

In Taiwan, the large Han Chinese groups, long integrated into Japanese society, were seen by Minoru's government as the ideal non-Japanese subjects of the Empire. With their population practically Japanese in everything but blood, the Han Chinese were often praised for adopting Japanese culture and customs. They were used as propaganda pieces for the prosperity brought by integration into Japanese society, in stark contrast to the anti-Korean propaganda enacted by the same government, which vilified the Korean attempts to achieve autonomy and preserve their culture.

Meanwhile, in the South Seas Mandate and later the Nankai Prefecture, the native population was overwhelmed in numbers by ethnic Japanese who were loyal to the Home Islands. The region was also made increasingly dependent on the Home Islands for communications, supplies, and security, making hopes for independence impossible.

Still, even with the Homefront under attack by terrorist groups, Minoru continued to refuse to leave Korea. The Zainichi terrorism helped him gain a temporary rise in popularity as he declared war against Zainichi terror in the home isles. For a time, the police and armed forces showed initial success in raids against suspected terrorist cells, which were in practice veiled terror raids against "non-loyalist" Zainichi communities. All of this allowed him to secure enough votes for his fifth and final term in office.

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The tense elections of 1964 saw two terrorist attacks aimed at Minoru, both times failing to kill him. Instead, these attacks helped him avoid public debates under the excuse of safety. Once all the votes had been counted, Minoru was announced as re-elected. However, the situation in the National Diet was different.

Although Minoru had managed to secure the office once again, he was now governing with a minority parliament. The population, while somewhat supportive of Minoru, had grown tired of the war. This was partly due to the mounting losses suffered by the IJA and the Zainichi terrorism caused by the war. Additionally, the slowly stagnating economy, as war exhaustion started to take its toll on the nation's industrial production, played a role.

The loss of the majority of seats in the parliament proved to be a major hurdle for Minoru's fifth term. The opposition constantly blocked most of his party's motions and legislation. This included the declaration of a state of emergency, which the previously contested parliament had also refused to accept due to the same opposition. The opposition even started to reverse many of his previous governmental changes, such as the concentration of power in the hands of the prime minister.

As Minoru Akai became increasingly preoccupied with his waning control of the government, he lost sight of reports indicating an increase in PFLF activities around the Yalu and Tumen rivers. These activities targeted the many IJA outposts around the border region. This mistake would lead to the opening of an unstoppable floodgate, irreversibly tipping the balance of power on the peninsula.

However, the worsening situation for Minoru wasn't over. On October 14 of that year, the Republic of China conducted its first nuclear test, altering the power dynamics in the region, which until then had only included Japan and the USSR as nuclear powers. The consequences of this event were almost immediate. The ROC, which had reluctantly tolerated Japanese concessions in China and Manchuria, began harassing and even engaging in border skirmishes with IJA garrisons in the Japanese concessions.

Minoru vehemently refused to accept China's demands to return the concessions and was even willing to start a war to retain them. Yet, under domestic and international pressure, including a refusal by the military (which was embroiled in the quagmire inside Korea), Minoru was forced to return the Japanese treaty port and the South Manchurian Railway to Chinese control in early 1965.

The return of the concessions dealt a blow to Minoru's diminishing support. However, it was overshadowed by the economic crash that Japan experienced as the growing economic bubble finally burst in late 1965. This was caused and worsened by the government's unsustainable spending and corruption. The economy ground to a halt, leading to thousands of workers being laid off. Simultaneously, the war effort began to falter as the production of war materials decreased with the recession.

The combination of war, terrorism, and an economic crisis pushed the Japanese population to their breaking point, prompting protests against Minoru. In response, he used force to suppress the protests, just as he had dealt with the situation in Korea. These brutal suppressions sparked more protests against the prime minister across the nation. Coupled with the Zainichi terrorism of the ZALK, the nation was edging ever closer to civil war.

The situation in Japan only began to improve as the opposition in the national diet took action. First, they implemented emergency measures to salvage the economy. Then, they initiated independent talks with the ZALK to end their terror campaign in Japan, something Minoru consistently refused to do. By the end of 1966, a ceasefire agreement with the ZALK was made and ratified by the national diet, much to the frustration of Minoru and his nationalist party. The Zainichi terrorism in the Home Isles came to an end, albeit temporarily. However, in Korea, the final blow to Minoru's downfall would begin.

In April of 1967, IJA troops in Northwestern Korea were met with the sight of hundreds of T-55 tanks and dozens of M48 Pattons painted with the colors and symbols of the flag of the People's Republic of Korea. These tanks charged down the Hamgyong mountains in what would become the first phase of the Korean Beojkkoch Offensive.

"Today, the cherry trees will blossom red."

-PFLF propaganda poster, unknown author

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The first phase of the Beojkkoch Offensive caught the Imperial Japanese Army by surprise as Korean forces thundered into IJA positions in armored columns, supported by MiG-21s and F-4 Phantoms painted in the colors of the Korean flag. Meanwhile, behind enemy lines, Korean partisans disrupted and harassed Japanese reinforcements. Across the fluid frontline, Korean infantry units launched a series of probing attacks on Japanese forces. These attacks aimed to gauge their strength and confuse their leadership regarding potential breakthroughs in other regions.

What happened next could only be described as chaos. In Northwestern Korea, IJA forces executed a desperate retreat, leaving scorched earth in their wake to deny resources to the PFLF. However, the scorched-earth tactic failed to halt the advance of the Korean Forces. These forces were welcomed as liberators by the Korean populace, a testament to the deep hatred for the Japanese occupiers. This sentiment was reinforced when Korean forces entered Pyongyang unopposed, celebrated by the local population.

As the Korean offensive gained momentum, attacks spread along the entire front. With the objective of isolating Japanese forces into smaller pockets. A large-scale offensive targeted the Imjin region, effectively dividing the IJA-controlled western Korea. Simultaneously, a smaller offensive in the Sobaek mountains region severed Busan from the western areas.

Even the seemingly untouchable Imperial Japanese Navy faced attacks. Using P-15 Termit Anti-ship Missiles provided by the USSR, the PFLF managed to sink a Japanese small warship for the first time. Similar actions occurred against the Japanese Air Service, which was now forced into low-speed dogfights against enemy fighters and under constant threat of Surface-to-Air Missiles.

The mounting news of land defeats and losses due to the Korean offensive dealt a final blow to the tolerance of the Japanese population toward Minoru's government. A nationwide protest, with the support of the opposition coalition, demanded the removal of Minoru Akai from his position as prime minister. With no other options, in a last-ditch attempt to cling to power, Minoru called for the dissolution of the parliament and early elections, a move accepted by the opposition, which saw it as a safer way to remove Minoru from power.

In Minoru's eyes, he believed he could maintain his power by rigging the election results. However, days before the voting day, news of Minoru's extensive network of corruption was uncovered and revealed to the populace. The result was a resounding victory for a liberal-social democrat coalition in the elections. Minoru refused to accept this outcome. The man who had clung to power for 19 years fell from grace, his legacy tarnished by his lust for power. With the loss of his immunity, he was later imprisoned under various charges of corruption and crimes against humanity.

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The new Liberal-Social Democrat government rose to power in a changed Japan, a country that had endured almost 20 years of constant guerrilla warfare in Korea, unsustainable government spending, and widespread corruption among its economic and political elite. It seemed as if the sun was finally starting to fade on the empire.

Nevertheless, the new government began the arduous task of repairing what could be fixed and abandoning what couldn't. The first item on the liberal agenda was to withdraw from the sinking ship that was Korea. Once a region that provided the home islands with natural resources and was rapidly industrializing, Korea had become nothing more than an empty and devastated shell.

Vast swaths of land were contaminated by heavy metals used throughout the conflict, essential infrastructure had been destroyed or was crumbling due to intentional sabotage by both sides or a lack of maintenance, and the non-existent industry that remained had either been moved back to the Home Islands or destroyed during Minoru's Nationalist administration. Even if the new government managed to somehow turn the situation around and secure victory in Korea, it would be in vain. The region would take years, decades, or perhaps even centuries to fully recover. The costs of recovery would be immense, not to mention the massive rift that had been created between Koreans and Japanese due to the war and Minoru's policies. For these reasons and more, the new government announced plans to withdraw all military and civilian personnel from the peninsula by 1969.

The subsequent evacuation of Japanese citizens, many of whom were fleeing from the PFLF in an attempt to escape retaliation for the countless Korean victims who had suffered torture, rape, and death under Minoru Akai's regime, was chaotic. Japanese and remaining Korean collaborators who were still loyal to the Empire of Japan overcrowded the IJA-held harbors and airfields in a desperate attempt to leave the region as quickly as possible. Simultaneously, PFLF forces continued to apply pressure on the slowly retreating Japanese forces, which had reorganized after the initial chaos caused by the Beojkkoch Offensive.

"Make the Chinilpas pay for their treason! Kill all of them just as they killed their brothers and sisters!

*Explosions and gunshots* *Civilians screaming*

! Take down that plane! Don't let any of those rats escape!

*Fwooooosshhh* *Explosion followed Crashing sounds*

Don't let any survivors escape! Make them pay!"

Movie scene depicting an IJA airfield being overrun by the PFLF

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As the War in Korea drew closer to its end, the Home Isles witnessed the initiation of a series of trials and reforms that would lead to the downfall of the remaining nationalist and fascist groups in Japan, particularly Minoru and his associates. They would bear the brunt of accusations involving corruption and war crimes, thereby transforming him and his party into symbols of disgrace for the nation and the Emperor. Eventually, they would become the central figures in propaganda campaigns against nationalist and fascist factions.

The Zaibatsus, which had supported Minoru and his associates due to their economic policies and corruption, were forcefully dismantled into various companies. Their banks, the core of their operations, were seized, divided, and some integrated into the Bank of Japan. A series of anti-monopoly laws were enacted along with reforms promoting labor rights and trade unions, all aimed at preventing the emergence of new Zaibatsus of comparable influence.

Simultaneously, alongside changes in Korea and the Home Isles, the new government launched an assertive international campaign to alter the perception that many nations had developed of Japan during Minoru's era. The goal was to rekindle relations with other Asian nations, particularly those in Southeast Asia, and improve ties with the Western Hemisphere, focusing largely on Europe.

By late 1968, with most civilians evacuated from the region, IJA forces began their withdrawal from Korea, facing resistance from PFLF forces. Many Japanese forces in Korea were redeployed to Tsushima and Jeju. On June 4, 1969, the last Japanese warship carrying the final IJA soldiers left Busan harbor under intense PFLF fire. This marked the last time Japanese forces would set foot on the peninsula and signified the end of the conflict on the Korean Peninsula. People on both sides of the strait commemorated this event, with Koreans marking it as the end of the Japanese occupation, while the Japanese people celebrated the return of their family members after nearly two decades of war. However, the War in Korea was not yet over.

Following the Japanese withdrawal from the peninsula, a brief period of peace commenced. The PFLF, lacking naval capabilities, couldn't threaten the Japanese control over the historically and culturally Korean Island of Jeju. The island was central to Korean demands for the initiation of peace talks, but the Liberal government was reluctant to relinquish it.

The Japanese continued to hold onto the island due to the "mandatory relocation" conducted by Minoru's administration. Throughout the conflict, the native Korean population on the island was systematically removed, often through forced relocation to the peninsula. Japanese settlers were brought from the Home Isles to inhabit the island. Minoru eradicated any remaining Korean identity, and those few Koreans who remained were more Japanese than Korean.

The next four years of undeclared war consisted of a series of sea and air raids on Jeju by the PFLF, all of which were repelled by the superior IJN and IJAS. Both sides were unwavering in their determination to retain control of the island. For Koreans, its cultural significance made it an integral part of Korea, while for the Japanese, its strategic position between Japan and Korea was crucial for its national defense.

This stalemate was finally broken in 1973 when the Korean Nationalists of the Korean Liberation Army broke away from the PFLF and attempted a coup against the Provisional Korean Government out of fear that the better-equipped Korean People's Liberation Army would seize power and purge non-communist forces. However, the coup failed and solidified the KPLA's authority, leading to a 32-year power struggle between communists and nationalists.

The war with Japan did not conclude with a treaty or ceasefire but rather transitioned into a new conflict. This marked the end of the War in Korea and the beginning of the Korean War.